今日《The New York Times - 07.10.2026》全报共收录 280 篇核心报道。在政经治理、法理制度与公共政策层面，版面重心聚焦于：**无人机袭击保加利亚黑海沿岸船只，总理表示**（作者：BORYANA DZHAMBAZOVA 和 AURELIEN BREEDEN）；**伊朗无人机威胁促使美国轰炸机撤离英国**（作者：ERIC SCHMITT 和 JULIAN E. BARNES）；**石油、黄金及人工智能芯片进口量无视特朗普政策**（去年同期的数额。）。 在本土文化与城市记忆方面，今日重点关注**「乐器成本飙升，学校音乐教育面临风险」**。
PARIS — Striking public workers. Barricaded high schools. Blocked ports. Budget paralysis. Surging bond rates. Fears of a far-right takeover.
France suddenly finds itself engulfed by crisis — not a single spasm of unrest, but a cascade of disruption that is roiling city streets, trading floors and public offices across the country. France's "rentree," or "return," as the French call the back-to-school and back-to-work season, has been anything but orderly.
The causes of the chaos may appear disparate, but they can be traced to a common root: France's two-decade-long struggle to fund its state, now exacerbated by high borrowing costs, surging fuel prices and political uncertainty, with jockeying underway to replace President Emmanuel Macron next spring.
French public finances, already fragile, continue to deteriorate, fanning fears in financial markets that France could be the next European country to tumble into a full-blown financial crisis. The fiscal jitters were amplified by recent polls that show the far-right candidate, Marine Le Pen, would beat all of her rivals in presidential elections that will be held next spring.
On Tuesday, teachers and other public workers rallied against proposed wage freezes as the government labors to pass a budget. They joined thousands of students who have blockaded schools to protest underfunding that has led to crumbling facili-
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People gathered on Tuesday in Paris as part of nationwide protests over crumbling school facilities and a shortage of teachers.
Houthis' Dash for the Red Sea Found Yemeni Forces in Disarray
This article is by Vivian Nereim, Saeed Al-Batati and Shuaib Almosawa.
RIYADH, Saudi Arabia — In the weeks before the Iran-backed Houthi militia fanned out along Yemen's Red Sea coast, sending their foes into a frenzied retreat, a Yemeni government commander called for help.
It was obvious to the commander, Lt. Gen. Tareq Saleh, that the Houthis wanted to seize his territory in order to reach the Bab al-
Mandab Strait, one of the most important waterways in the world.
According to three Yemeni officials, he tried to warn his powerful allies in Saudi Arabia and the United States. About 10 percent of global trade goes through the strait. Amid the U.S.-Israeli war with Iran, both countries had an interest in preventing an Iran-linked militia from winning a perch beside it.
Yet last month — when the Houthis did just that — no one was able, or willing, to stop them.
General Had Sounded Alarm, but U.S. and Saudis Stood By
over the Bab al-Mandab, which unfolded in a single night of chaos and panic, set off a cascade of events that has plunged Yemen back into a war with global reverberations.
This week, Saudi Arabia began a bombing campaign to help the
Yemeni government reclaim the territory it lost, with intelligence and targeting assistance from the U.S. military. On Tuesday, government-allied forces claimed to have made significant gains, besieging the Houthi fighters who held the strait.
It is unclear whether the Houthis' advance will hold, or where they will stop if it does. The Saudi government has pledged to help the Yemeni government "eliminate" the Houthis. The last time they took up that mantle, a
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AVISHAG SHAAR-YASHUV FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
Remembering Oct. 7 Twins Adjust to Freedom
Gali and Ziv Berman were taken hostage when their kibbutz was attacked three years ago. They were freed a year ago, but the horrors of that day still haunt them, and Israel. Page A6.
Jeff Lipscomb, a high school orchestra director in Kanawha County, W.Va., has been doing a lot of math.
For example, he has 12 cellists but only 10 cellos. If the school district gives him a total budget of \$500 to \$600 for the year, but one new cello costs more than \$1,000, what should Mr. Lipscomb do? What if he needs some new violins and violas, too?
"I've actually had to buy instruments out of my own pocket," Mr.
Lipscomb said from his classroom at South Charleston High School on the first Monday of the school year. "I just kind of have to."
Like many music teachers, Mr. Lipscomb has become attuned to tight budgets. Lately, though, the cost of instruments has ballooned beyond his ability to make do.
Pandemic-era supply chain snarls lifted prices for goods across the board. President Trump's global tariffs further swelled the cost of foreign-made instruments. Then in August, the Trump administration proposed additional 25 percent tariffs on trumpets, tubas and other brass instruments, citing "national security threats" under a provision it has used to impose duties on foreign metals.
The consequences have reverberated across the country. Higher instrument prices are a
Texas Pediatricians Pressured By Paxton in Anti-Vaccine Push
By CHRISTINA JEWETT
It was a bustling Monday morning at a little pediatrician's office in central Texas. Children with rashes, fevers and runny noses cycled through exam rooms decorated with butterflies, planets and colorful maps. The doctor, who had been treating kids in the community for 20 years, was delighted when a woman she had cared for as a child came in with her newborn.
Until recently, she had planned to continue her practice for years to come. But this year, she has begun to reconsider amid the stress and legal costs of defending herself in a statewide investigation by
Ken Paxton, the attorney general of Texas and Republican candidate for the U.S. Senate, who has accused doctors, drug companies and insurers of conspiring to push parents into vaccinating children.
She agreed to be interviewed and allowed a reporter to visit her practice but asked to be identified by her middle name, Rachel, to protect her from retaliation.
In December, Dr. Rachel received a letter from the attorney general's Consumer Protection Division demanding her vaccine purchase records over the past 10 years. "The division believes that
Continued on Page A17
在特朗普任期内，性侵案件优先级降低
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IN TRUMP'S TERM, SEX ASSAULT CASES GET LESS PRIORITY
Fewer Campus Inquiries Are Resolved With a Civil Rights Law
By MICHAEL C. BENDER
WASHINGTON — In President Trump's first term, news reports of sexual abuse allegations at San Jose State University prompted a Justice Department investigation that forced the school to make extensive policy changes and pay the victims and to remain under federal monitoring for four years.
But the intense focus on allegations that a Cornell University student was assaulted by multiple men at a fraternity party has barely drawn a response from the federal government. The hands-off stance reflects the more muted approach that Mr. Trump's administration has taken to sexual abuse cases on campuses in his second term.
"I don't know that much about it," Mr. Trump told reporters last week in response to a question about the case. "But Cornell is a fine school, and I'm sure they'll do what's right."
Government officials have not said whether they plan to investigate the allegations or the university's response under Title IX, the federal civil rights law that bans sex discrimination in education and allows federal officials to investigate university responses to such cases.
The administration has largely used Title IX to open dozens of investigations aimed at removing protections for transgender students, blocking transgender athletes from participating on female sports teams and eliminating gender-neutral bathrooms from schools.
During the initial 20 months of Mr. Trump's first term, the Education Department's Office for Civil Rights, which investigates discrimination complaints in schools, resolved more than 150 cases of sexual harassment and sexual violence, according to a public government database. The database does not show investigations that remain open.
The administration's lack of action so far on the Cornell case comes amid an apparent drop from Mr. Trump's first term in resolved investigations of sexual assault, according to a review of public records. Resolved investigations are cases that end with a signed agreement to remedy violations of civil rights law.
In the first 20 months of Mr. Trump's second term, the same database shows the office has resolved one case. Julie Hartman, an Education Department spokeswoman, said the depart-
Trying to Film Like Mamdani? Not All Mayors Can Pull It Off.
By JULIE BOSMAN
Continued on Page A18
CHICAGO — Susana Mendoza, the Illinois state comptroller and a candidate for mayor of Chicago, was not going to let the crummy weather get in her way. She had videos to shoot.
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Sheltered on a drizzly recent afternoon under the overhang of a building along the Chicago River, Ms. Mendoza, in a black suit, high heels and her signature updo, faced a cellphone held aloft by a staffer — then flubbed her line.
she walked. Tackle the crisis, an aide corrected. Ms. Mendoza clapped her hands, then jogged in reverse to try once more. "This is how it works," she said cheerfully.
"I'm the only candidate for mayor with the financial management experience and backbone to manage this crisis," she said confidently, pointing at the camera as
The videos' growing popularity can be traced to New York City and Mayor Zohran Mamdani, a digital native who is widely seen as a master of the art. His campaign relied on viral posts to get
And this is how mayors and mayoral hopefuls are talking to constituents these days: with snappy, walk-and-talk, make-policy-personal videos that reach voters on TikTok or Instagram.
Mayor Jacob Frey of Minneapolis filmed iffy court skills.
The Yankees' error-filled effort put the team in a 2-0 hole in the best-of-five series against the Rays. PAGE B7
INTERNATIONAL A4-10
Peeking at a Robotic Future
A park in Seoul filled with robots was a glimpse at cutting-edge technology, complete with some theatrics. PAGE A4
U.S. Weapons to Target Cartels
MQ-9 Reaper drones, known for deadly strikes, have been shifted to South America, officials said. PAGE A8
FOOD D1-8
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值得关注的数字
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An Appetite for Buddhism
A cookbook from the acclaimed chef Eric Ripert calls for mindfulness and gratitude in the kitchen — lessons he learned from a South Korean nun. PAGE D1
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1亿美元
杰夫·昆斯（Jeff Koons）拥有的一个艺术收藏品的估计价值，该收藏品将于下月拍卖。该收藏包括毕加索、马奈以及荷兰艺术家科内利斯·范·哈勒姆（Cornelis van Haarlem）的绘画作品。见 C1 页。
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Good Wine Under \$30
Inexpensive bottles are often disappointing. But California producers are now trying to change that. PAGE D4
ARTS C1-6
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更正
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Behind the Battlefield
The release of the video game Gears of War: E-Day has come amid Xbox leadership changes and studio layoffs. PAGE CI
Many think artificial intelligence companies should be held responsible for their runaway technology. But legal scholars say applying existing law could be messy. PAGE B1
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故事背后的故事
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Paramount Closes Warner Deal
Paramount Closes Warner Deal
After a legal battle, the two Hollywood giants have become one. But the new company is saddled with debt, and in a memo to employees, its leaders hinted at cost and job cuts.
在一次采访中，特雷贝先生讨论了他的 2024 年回忆录《做点什么：在 70 年代纽约的繁华与毁灭中成长》(Do Something: Coming of Age Amid the Glitter and Doom of '70s New York)；重新审视近期一篇人物特写中的重要主题；以及他寻找文章灵感的途径。此次对话经编辑以缩短篇幅并提高清晰度。
THE NEW YORK TIMES COMPANY 620 Eighth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10018-1405
The New York Times (ISSN 0362-4331) is published daily. Periodicals postage paid at New York, N.Y., and at additional mailing offices. Postmaster: Send address changes to The New York Times, 620 Eighth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10018-1405.
ZIV BERMAN, who was held hostage for two years along with his twin brother after their kibbutz in Israel was attacked on Oct. 7, 2023. Now they are rebuilding their lives. Page A6.
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Mini 纵横字谜
作者：克里斯蒂娜（乔尔·法利亚诺编辑版本）
横向
1 “\_ not, want not”
6 激怒；触及痛处
7 真正震惊的
8 被封爵的同僚
9 詹姆斯·迪恩穿着的“纯白色”衣物
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A Notable Number
纵向
1 与横向 1 谐音的身体部位
2 塞迪·辛克（Sadie Sink）起步的百老汇音乐剧（当时年仅 10 岁！）
3 鼓组的一部分
4 拖走，如汽车
5 蜻蜓五只（翅膀）之一
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\$100 million
The estimated value of an art collection owned by Jeff Koons that will be up for auction next month. The collection includes paintings by Picasso, Manet and the Dutch artist Cornelis van Haarlem. Page C1.
An article on Friday about the reaction to documents that detailed the handling of rape allegations by university and law enforcement authorities at Cornell misstated the class of a student at the school. The student, Atakan Deviren, is a junior, not a senior.
Errors are corrected during the press run whenever possible, so some errors noted here may not have appeared in all editions. For recently published corrections, visit nytimes.com/corrections.
Guy Trebay, a New York Times culture reporter, has always been fascinated by interesting people. So one might wonder why he decided to write about baobabs, banyans and other trees in transit across the world.
Wealthy homeowners "want a 50-foot oak, a quarter-million-dollar banyan, a baobab from Africa, a grove of magnolia trees for their penthouse terrace," he said. "They don't have time to plant a sapling from Lowe's in their backyards."
Mr. Trebay wrote about the business of mature trees — and the affluent people who request them — for the Styles desk, where he has been rooted since 2000. He covers the intersection of style, culture and art, a beat that has led him to write about homes with snow rooms, a high-end travel concierge and the color beige as a symbol for wealth.
"It's a compelling population," Mr. Trebay said of the wealthy in America. "While they exist kind of mythologically, most of us ordinary people have little inkling what their lives are like."
Before joining The Times, Mr. Trebay was a columnist for The Village Voice. As the Centerfold editor there, he also helped highlight the work of numerous artists who were then little-known, including the cartoonist Roz Chast and the writer Colson Whitehead. Mr. Trebay began his career in journalism as a freelance writer for Andy Warhol's Interview magazine in the 1970s.
In an interview, Mr. Trebay discussed his 2024 memoir, "Do Something: Coming of Age Amid the Glitter and Doom of '70s New York"; revisiting a noteworthy subject for a recent profile; and where he finds article ideas. This conversation has been edited for length and clarity.
Before becoming a reporter, you had various odd jobs, including accessory-making, working at a juice bar at a disco and modeling for fashion illustrations. How did those experiences inform your writing?
I probably always had a reportorial cast of mind, so I would have brought that to whatever job I had. I have always been super curious, and that has to be a key quality in journalism. It's a nosy person's profession.
You spotted and covered artists before they became household names for The Village Voice. Over the course of your career, have there been any general cultural shifts that you didn't see coming?
The degree to which our lives would become digital. Most of the early decades of my reporting, if you wanted to find stuff out, you had to go out on the street, read a sign, talk to somebody. Now, culturally and in all other ways, that isn't where the information's coming from.
When I first started writing about fashion, I didn't anticipate the degree to which it would move to the center of culture. When I was writing about the ballroom children and Pyramid Club performers — I wrote a profile for The New Yorker about RuPaul in the 1990s — I definitely did not anticipate
the coming Drag Industrial Complex. They were just interesting people doing interesting things. I never imagined drag would become a career path.
Where do you find your article ideas these days?
A lot of it is online. As much as I am addicted to social media, whenever I try to go cold turkey, something good comes up and I'm hooked again. The story about Johnny Hilbrant Partridge and his character as a "Private Equity Guy" happened that way.
Last year, you published an article about Olivia Ferney, a travel agent to the ultrarich. This August, you published a more in-depth profile of Ms. Ferney. How do you decide if or when to revisit a story?
That's something I've almost never done. But she's very emblematic of that world, and it was an opportunity that a reporter might not otherwise get to be proximate to that kind of excess. They were setting the world record in the most absurd thing possible: Champagne presentation. So that made it valuable to revisit something I had written about before.
Generally, we Americans are pretty dedicated to forgetting stuff, and there was a lot that I wanted to bring back into memory. I had a complex family life, and I wanted to write about that. But also, I was young at a time when the AIDS epidemic was at its peak in New York, and there's been a tendency to elide the losses inflicted by AIDS. So I was very interested in writing about the seminal cultural figures who created the world that we inherited.
As a journalist, what was it like to write about your life and environment versus someone else's?
Any time I finished working on the book, I went running back into the arms of journalism. It was so nice to not be writing about myself.
The nonnegotiable for me is the New York subway system. I can never not love the subway, even though I'm mad at it about three times a day. It seems miraculous that we are all riding together, more or less peaceably, whoever we are. Also, as I learned during Covid, walking in the city will never disappoint.
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2025 年诺贝尔物理学奖由谁获得？
约翰·克拉克（John Clarke）、米歇尔·H·德沃雷（Michel H. Devoret）和约翰·M·马蒂尼斯（John M. Martinis）共同分享了该奖项，以表彰他们使亚原子世界的行为在足够大、可用肉眼观察的系统中变得可见的研究工作。
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Do you plan to write another book?
I'm at the beginning stages of another project, and I can tell you this: It is fiction. I used to believe fiction writers had it rough, but now I think, What a delight to make things up.
In Russia, an uptick in Ukrainian drone attacks on oil refineries has left residents unnerved over fuel shortages. Ride along with the reporter Ivan Nechepurenko on his search for gasoline in Moscow. nytimes.com/video
Two species of Brazilian birds, the bare-throated bellbird and the red-legged seriema, are the loudest in nature, researchers found, with calls noisier than jackhammers. Listen to their songs, if you dare, at nytimes.com/science.
The first season of “Lanterns,” the intergalactic DC Universe superhero series starring Kyle Chandler and Aaron Pierre, ended where it began: rural Nebraska. Read Noel Murray’s recap of the Season 1 finale at nytimes.com/tv.
■ 下周一，诺贝尔经济学奖（Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences）将由位于斯德哥尔摩的瑞典皇家科学院颁发。去年，乔尔·莫基尔（Joel Mokyr）、菲利普·阿吉翁（Philippe Aghion）和彼得·豪威特（Peter Howitt）因研究阐明技术进步与经济持续增长之间的关系而获得表彰。
October 7, 1960. "Spartacus," a film about the Roman gladiator who sparked a famous slave rebellion, burst "with patriotic fervor, bloody tragedy, a lot of romantic fiddle-faddle and historical inaccuracy," the critic Bosley Crowther wrote in his review for The Times. Directed by Stanley Kubrick, the film starred Kirk Douglas in the title role, alongside Jean Simmons, Laurence Olivier and Peter Ustinov, "an elite cast," wrote Mr. Crowther. Regardless, he thought "Spartacus" was "heroic humbug — a vast, panoramic display of synthetic Rome and Romans." The movie was more favorably received by other critics and the public, including John F. Kennedy, who saw it after becoming president in 1961. His endorsement helped quell the controversy surrounding the fact that the screenplay was written by Dalton Trumbo, a member of the blacklisted "Hollywood Ten." "Spartacus" was the highest-grossing film in 1960 and won four Academy Awards. The American Film Institute ranks it among the 100 best films of all time.
In the Texas governor's race, the Democratic candidate, Gina Hinojosa, was four points ahead of the three-term G.O.P. incumbent, Greg Abbott, in a mid-September poll. Mr. Abbott has outspent Ms. Hinojosa 10 to 1.
Texas Democrats' Long-Delayed Dream May Be Within Reach A13
Whisky has long been the United Kingdom's top food and drink export, raking in 5.5 billion pounds (about \$7.26 billion) in 2025, with an overwhelming majority of it made in Scotland.
English Whisky Gets a Boost From the U.K. D6
In M.L.B. history, only 10 of 91 teams (11 percent) have come back after going down two games to none in a five-game series.
An Early Exit Looms for the Yankees After a Game of Gaffes B7
Anne Hathaway has starred in five major films since April. After the success of "Verity," she appears to be the first woman to have leading roles in three films that opened at No. 1 at the box office in a single year.
For Anne Hathaway,
A Renaissance Year C3
MQ-9 Reaper drones, often used for precision strikes, can cost up to \$50 million. The aircraft are in short supply after losses in the Iran war, where at least 45, or about a quarter of the overall U.S. fleet, have been destroyed.
U.S. Is Said to Shift Drones
To South America
To Hunt Cartels A8
Red-dyed diesel, mainly used in agriculture and construction, is no different from regular diesel. But it is exempt from the 24.4-cent-per-gallon federal highway tax and some state taxes.
The use of phones at concerts is reaching a tipping point, leading some artists to ban them.
BRENDAN HOFFMAN FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
Phoebe Bridgers has banned phones from her tour, joining musicians like Alicia Keys and Jack White in leaving fans no choice but to be present in the moment. The pop music critic Lindsay Zoladz wrote about how such bans change the concert experience and asked readers for their thoughts on the mandates. These comments have been edited.
I have enjoyed seeing vids of shows I didn't attend — Anika Nilles playing with Rush was a favorite. But I am very much in favor of the ban. I saw David Byrne at Forest Hills recently and the woman in front of me watched at least half the show through her phone. (The vivid visuals did pop on her screen.) That said, I am baffled by folks, of all ages, who can't be present for two hours.
— DAVE TURNLEY, MAPLEWOOD, N.J.
I saw Phoebe Bridgers in Columbus, and I found the experience both anxiety-inducing (disconnected from the babysitter) and unexpectedly charming. People brought lighters! I saw flickering flames instead of absurd bright cellphone lights during poignant songs. I was beaming. I hadn't seen that for 20 years, and it was pure delight. I'll remember the entire show through the setlist, which I made a playlist of immediately, and my memories.
— KRISTEN SCHMIDT, COLUMBUS, OHIO
Some years back, I saw the Pretenders. The rule was if you pull out a phone, you will be escorted out. Everyone complied as far as I could tell. Then, when the band returned for an encore, Chrissie Hynde said to go ahead and use your phone now if you want. That's a fair compromise, I think.
来源：胡塞武装与也门军队；战争研究所（Institute for the Study of War）及美国企业研究所（American Enterprise Institute）的关键威胁项目（胡塞武装控制区）。SAMUEL GRANADOS / THE NEW YORK TIMES
中东战争
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In Our Inbox
The Supreme Court began a new term this week and will hear arguments in roughly 60 cases through April. Ann E. Marimow and Abbie VanSickle, who cover the court for The Times, helped The Morning preview the most anticipated decisions. Here are three.
Arguments started Monday in this major environmental case about whether state law can be used to hold companies liable for the costs of climate change. It pits the city and county of Boulder, Colo., against Suncor Energy and Exxon Mobil, companies those government entities say concealed the risks of climate change. If the justices agree, the companies would have to reimburse Boulder for damages from wildfires, floods and other extreme weather.
In November, the court will hear a case brought by the Archdiocese of Denver that challenges Colorado rules requiring preschools that receive public funding to accept the children of gay and transgender parents. The archdiocese and two Catholic schools argue that doing so would be at odds with church teachings — but that excluding its schools from public funding would violate the First Amendment right to the free exercise of religion.
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新一起逮捕事件与空军基地事件相关
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VIRAMONTES V. COOK COUNTY
This one's a blockbuster dealing with the question of whether state and local laws banning semiautomatic rifles violate the Constitution, a subject that the court has avoided for years. The case, slated for oral argument on Dec. 2, concerns Illinois and Connecticut, but the decision could seal the fate of similar laws around the country aimed at restricting the ownership of military-style rifles, such as the AR-15.
To subscribe to The Morning, visit nytimes.com/newsletters.
Some Things Experts Wish Every Runner Did to Prevent Injury
Running can benefit your cardiovascular system and your mental health. But without a few precautions, it can hobble you with aches and pains. We asked experts to share habits they wish runners practiced to avoid injury. DANIELLE FRIEDMAN
Build mileage gradually. Many running injuries come from pushing yourself too hard, too soon. A slow, steady training program builds your resilience and increases what your body can safely tolerate, said Stuart Warden, a professor of physical therapy at Indiana University Indianapolis.
As a rule, avoid big jumps in training. Strive to increase your total weekly mileage by no more than 10 to 20 percent, and consider alternating hard training weeks with lighter, "down" weeks, he said.
Keep your easy runs easy. Training for a marathon may be intense, but not every workout should be, said Pamela Geisel, a running coach and an exercise physiologist at the Hospital for Special Surgery in New York. Most of your long runs should be at a truly easy pace, she said.
Long, easy runs are important for building aerobic endurance. They also train your body to rely on fat for energy versus carbohydrates, which can help to ensure you don't crash when tackling longer distances.
Strength train. Many running injuries stem from muscle weaknesses and strength imbalances, Dr. Warden said. Strength training can help the imbalances. It can also help you run more efficiently, Ms.
HAYLEY WATSON
Geisel said. Experts suggest focusing on muscle groups runners rely on most: the legs and glutes, as well as the core.
Prioritize rest. Runners should be disciplined about rest, said Becs Gentry, an elite marathoner and coach for Peloton. Rest is "underrated, under discussed, underappreciated in the fitness world," she said. Down time is important for building strength.
Don't ignore pain. If you start to feel a persistent ache or a sharp jab, don't simply hope it will go away. This is where serious injuries can occur, Ms. Geisel said. She emphasized that you want to address pain early on, before it changes your gait. The longer you wait, the more challenging the treatment and recovery can become.
Measuring the Gap Between a Robotic Future and Reality
PHOTOGRAPHS BY JIWOONG HONG/THE NEW YORK TIMES
At Galaxy Robot Park in South Korea, robots performed tightly choreographed dances to high-octane K-pop hits and played soccer (with a helping human hand), among other things. Want a cocktail? A robot bartender can mix a stiff one. Here, though, robots "thinking" for themselves seemed far off.
By YAN ZHUANG
SEOUL — The robot waves at me. I tentatively wave back. Staring into its glassy black face, I can't quite tell if it is actually responding to what I'm doing or just following commands from a handler standing a few feet away.
I offer my hand and it mirrors the gesture. When I try to shake its gloved hand, its arm does not budge.
I'm at Galaxy Robot Park in South Korea, experiencing the future — or, at least, a vision of one.
By now, millions have seen viral videos of humanoid robots. At their best, they beat athletics world records and perform complicated synchronized dances. At their worst, they run headfirst into walls and burst into flames. Some have accidentally kicked and slapped children.
The implicit promise of robots that look like us is that one day, they will be able to act like us, too. Many see them as the ultimate embodiment of the artificial intelligence revolution. But how close are we to that future? And what role do we want robots to play in it?
This park in Seoul — opened in the summer by Galaxy Corporation, an entertainment and technology company that represents major K-pop singers — offers one version, in which robots not only ease our burdens but also entertain us, dance alongside us and act as our companions. That future is nearly here, it suggests.
Central to this vision is Unitree Robotics, the Chinese company behind the humanoids in most viral robot videos, and the park's biggest draw. Unitree's flagship G1 model is one of the most widely available humanoid robots in the world. At about \$13,500, it is also one of the more affordable options, considering some companies' models have six-figure price tags.
A statue of the G1 dressed as an astronaut towers over the park grounds. It's a statement as grandiose as it is muddled: Why would a robot need a spacesuit? It feels like a reflection of a key aspect of the humanoid robotics industry — a mismatch between vision and reality, between a form that suggests intelligence and bodies that still functionally lack any.
Machines already assemble products in factories, serve us food and vacuum our floors. Automated cars drive us around. People go on reality television shows to see if they can fall in love with A.I. companions.
But the next frontier is robots that can do whatever we want, whenever we want it, autonomously.
To this end, many envision robots that look like us, with the assumption that they are best suited to navigate a world built for humans. The form also has a particular resonance, a connotation of sentience that was once the stuff of science fiction.
"There's a weight of possibilities mapped onto these humanoid robots that a lot of us carry around," said John McCormick, an artist and professor at Swinburne University of Technology in Australia who is programming his own Unitree robots.
That potential is reinforced when we see robots dance with humanlike fluidity, like Unitree's have done on "America's Got Talent" or at China's Lunar New Year gala. But such performances engender unrealistic expectations of what these robots are capable of, Mr. McCormick said, adding that their moves appear complex but they are still mostly following preprogrammed routines.
They can also be less impressive in commercial settings than tightly controlled and programmed showcases, as I realized while watching Galaxy Robot Park's main draw: a 50-minute dance and martial arts extravaganza starring 10 humanoid robots.
Parts of the performance are striking, especially when the robots dance to high-octane K-pop hits. They power through tightly choreographed movements, throwing their arms around fluidly and spinning in place with barely a wobble. If one drifts slightly too close to another robot, it can reposition itself.
Other parts of the show, with slower songs, seem less polished. Dance moves that are supposed to be smooth and expressive look jerky and awkward.
Their shortcomings are most obvious when five taekwondo fighters join them onstage. The humans punch with force; the robots lift and lower their arms. The fighters kick their legs up to the ceiling; the robots barely manage to reach the height of their hips. The robot acrobatics are few and far between — although they do look cool.
Overall, it wasn't quite as impressive as something like the Lunar New Year gala in China, where Unitree robots performed nonstop acrobatics.
That likely speaks to the difference between one-off events that the company dedicates all its resources to perfecting and what the robots can do in commercial settings involving multiple daily performances, said Alan Fern, a robotics professor at Oregon State University.
"If you're going to have them doing backflips and crazy stuff, you're going to break more robots, and that's going to be expensive," he said.
Right now, anything practical we might want a humanoid robot to do can be done better by a more specialized, less humanoid machine. An assembly robot in a factory, for example, does not need legs or a face.
That is apparent at Galaxy Robot Park, where the most useful machines are the least lifelike.
I order a cocktail from a bartender that is two arms mounted on a giant sphere. The arms pump shots of gin, orange juice and yuzu juice into a container and shake it up. The resulting drink is room temperature and very, very strong.
But at some point in the future, it will no longer be cost-effective to build a specialized robot for every possible scenario, Mr. Fern said, adding that the goal is to make autonomous, general purpose robots that are not perfect at one task but simply good enough for everything.
To get there, investors are betting that humanoids will have a technological breakthrough, like the A.I. industry did in 2022 with the release of ChatGPT. But it's unclear how long that might take, Mr. Fern said. A.I. models had the whole of the internet to train on, he added, but there is no massive quantity of training data for humanoids.
At the park, robots that could "think" for themselves still felt very far away. Take, for example, the robot that I shook hands with. It looks like it could be acting autonomously, but look closer: Its handler, with his hands casually behind his back, is holding a controller. Other humanoid robots at the park were also being controlled, more visibly: a boxing robot that jabs and kicks, and a soccer robot that visitors can command to kick a ball.
There is also the question of what kind of future we imagine with robots. Do we want them to be dancing with us as well as doing our chores? What happens when the novelty wears off?
Visitors to the park in Seoul had mixed feelings. Brenda Stone, 57, from Colorado, said she found the robot performers impressive but did not think she would be back. Ms. Stone said she attended performances and concerts to see people with all their imperfections. "A.I. would be perfect," and not in a good way, she said.
Before I leave the park, I want to have one more conversation. It's with Sketcher, a robot that talks to you while "drawing" your portrait — or more accurately, it takes a photo of you and turns it into a cartoon image.
I want to know how it “thinks” about the future and the place robots will have in it. It gives what sounds like a stock answer about robots being fun and helpful. I’m not convinced.
"It's OK to feel unsure. Take your time," it said. It immediately followed that by telling me our time is up.
As I'm leaving, I notice that Sketcher has replaced my neutral expression with a beaming smile.
Nobel Prize in Physics Is Awarded for the Advent of Neutrino Astronomy
ALTHLA DOTZOUR/UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN, VIA AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE — GETTY IMAGES
Francis Halzen was awarded the Nobel Prize in Physics for pioneering a telescope that paved the way for neutrino astronomy.
By AURELIEN BREEDEN and KATRINA MILLER
Francis Halzen was awarded the Nobel Prize in Physics on Tuesday for pioneering a telescope that paved the way for a new kind of astronomy. Scientists used this telescope, embedded deep in the ice at the South Pole, to detect ghostly particles whizzing from the far reaches of the universe known as high-energy neutrinos.
"It's a way of bringing us information about distant cosmic sources, which we are unable to acquire in other ways," Mark Pearce, chair of the Nobel Committee for Physics, said at the prize announcement. In a statement following the announcement, he added that Dr. Halzen had "provided us with a fantastic instrument."
Dr. Halzen conceptualized the IceCube Neutrino Observatory in the late 1980s as a way to observe the natural particle accelerators of the cosmos, such as supermassive black holes. These events generate neutrinos at far higher energies than what can be produced on Earth.
The IceCube team, which today consists of more than 400 scientists around the world, completed construction of the telescope in
2011 and announced the discovery of high-energy neutrinos originating from far beyond our solar system two years later.
With the conception of IceCube, Dr. Halzen birthed the field of neutrino astronomy, which provides a different lens from which to explore the universe. IceCube also laid the groundwork for a suite of other neutrino telescopes around the world, including an underwater observatory that in 2023 detected the most energetic neutrino to date.
Dr. Halzen is a physics professor at the University of Wisconsin, Madison. He was born in 1944 in Tienen, Belgium.
Dr. Halzen called the award "a great surprise." Addressing the news conference in Stockholm by phone from Italy, he emphasized that his work was the result of a "large collaboration" with other researchers.
The Nobel Prize earns Dr. Halzen 12 million Swedish kronor, or about \$1.2 million.
此举正值该政府加大对拉丁美洲走私团伙的军事攻势之际。美国负责大部分拉丁美洲地区的最高军事指挥官弗朗西斯·L·多诺万（Francis L. Donovan）将军表示，美国计划将行动范围从打击船只扩大到陆地打击。
前美国外交官弗朗西斯科·帕尔米耶里（Francisco Palmieri）表示，无人机的重新部署是“政府发出的一个重要信号，表明我们正变得严肃起来”。他曾参与制定美国的禁毒战略（包括在第一任特朗普政府期间），并在约瑟夫·R·拜登（Joseph R. Biden Jr.）总统任内担任驻哥伦比亚代理大使。
Neutrinos are subatomic particles that carry no electrical charge, so they pass through nearly all matter without colliding or otherwise interacting. And they are everywhere: More than a billion neutrinos, emitted by the sun, pass through the palm of your hand every second, according to Dr. Pearce.
But the most energetic neutrinos come from farther away in the universe and are rarer, making them even more difficult to catch. In 1988, Dr. Halzen presented the idea for a neutrino telescope embedded deep in the Antarctic ice and fitted with thousands of light sensors. On rare occasions, a neutrino traveling through Earth would interact with the ice and produce a flash of light, which could be detected by the telescope's sensors.
More than two decades later, construction of the IceCube Neutrino Observatory was complete, spanning one cubic kilometer, or about a quarter of a cubic mile, of ice at the South Pole. In its statement, the Nobel Committee praised Mr. Halzen's "vision and scientific leadership" for the project, which gave astronomers a fresh look at the universe.
John Clarke, Michel H. Devoret and John M. Martinis shared the prize for work that made the behaviors of the subatomic world observable in a system large enough to see with the naked eye.
克里斯托弗·F·舒策（Christopher F. Schuetze）在德国马格德堡提供了报道支持。
📄 Original Section
Who else has won a Nobel Prize this year?
Karl Deisseroth, Peter Hegemann and Georg Nagel were awarded the Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine on Monday for their discovery of a transformative neuroscience tool that may one day lead to a treatment for blindness.
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极右翼政党将领导德国一个州议会
作者：CHRISTOPHER F. SCHUETZE
德国马格德堡 —— 周二，德国一个小州的一次通常平淡无奇的程序性投票引起了全德国的密切关注，一名极右翼政治家被选出领导州议会，这是自纳粹 era 以来的首次。
POOL PHOTO BY JAN WOITAS
在上个月萨克森-安哈尔特州的立法选举中，被德国国内情报部门标记为“涉嫌极端主义”的德国选择党（Alternative for Germany）赢得了 83 个席位中的 39 个。该党以其德语缩写 AfD 著称，其表现远超其他所有政党，给该国的战后共识带来了冲击。
The prize for physics is the second of six Nobel Prizes that will be awarded this year. Each award recognizes groundbreaking contributions by an individual or organization in a specific field.
■ The Nobel Prize in Chemistry will be awarded on Wednesday by the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences in Stockholm. Last year, the prize went to Susumu Kitagawa, Richard Robson and Omar Yaghi for the development of molecular building blocks with spaces large enough for gases and other chemicals to flow through them.
■ The Nobel Prize in Literature will be awarded on Thursday by the Swedish Academy in Stockholm. Last year, Laszlo Krasznahorkai, a Hungarian novelist known for his dystopian themes and relentless prose, received the award.
■ The Nobel Peace Prize will be awarded on Friday by the Norwegian Nobel Institute in Oslo. Last year, María Corina Machado, who built a movement in Venezuela challenging the nation's authoritarian president, won the award.
■ Next week, the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences will be awarded on Monday by the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences in Stockholm. Last year, Joel Mokyr, Philippe Aghion and Peter Howitt were honored for research explaining the relationship between technological progress and sustained economic growth.
A ceremony organized by the Houthi authorities for the 12th anniversary of the militia's takeover of Yemen's capital, Sanaa.
MOHAMMED HUWAIS/AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE — GETTY IMAGES
Houthis' Red Sea Dash Seized on the Disarray Among Yemen's Forces
From Page AI
decade ago, it devolved into a bloody quagmire.
This is the inside story of the battle that reignited Yemen's war and the dark lessons it imparts for the next phase of fighting. The Houthi victory on Sept. 10 showed how a ragtag militia has transformed into a formidable force with advanced technology. It was a major defeat for the Yemeni government and its Saudi patrons, demonstrating that they were unable to fight cohesively and were plagued by internal strife.
This article is based on interviews with more than 15 people who participated in the fighting or were briefed on what happened, including soldiers, Yemeni military officers, officials with Yemen's internationally recognized government, U.S. officials and Houthis officials. Almost all of them spoke on the condition of anonymity, either because they feared retribution from the Houthis or Saudi Arabia, or because they were not authorized to discuss what happened.
SAEED AL-BATATT
"We did not even say goodbye to our neighbors," said Hassan Sughair, left, a civilian who fled the Houthis with his family.
Their accounts make it clear that while the Houthis' victory last month was surprising to many, it was foreseeable.
For months, the U.S. military and intelligence agencies had warned Saudi Arabia about a resurgent threat from the Houthis and urging Saudi officials to unify the fractious forces of the Yemeni government, according to two senior American officials and one former senior American official.
In the lead-up to his defeat, General Saleh had reached out to Saudi and American officials, seeking greater support in holding back the Houthis, according to a Yemeni government official and two senior Yemeni military officers. The officers said he had asked the Saudis for air cover and the Americans for electronic jamming of Houthi communications. General Saleh received little from either country, the three officials said. Even some in his own government seemed disinclined to intervene.
U.S. officials offered assistance with planning and intelligence — including on Houthi troop movements — but emphasized that their aid was limited and would not include airstrikes, the current and former U.S. officials said.
It is unclear why Saudi Arabia, equipped with American fighter jets and bombs, did not step in more intensively on its own. The Saudi government did not respond to a request for comment, nor did the White House.
The Houthis, who survived a U.S. bombing campaign last year, gained international attention during the war in Gaza by launching missiles and drones at Israel and vessels in the Red Sea. Holding territory along the Red Sea would make it even easier for the group to disrupt shipping, analysts say.
Whether any foreign military
Vivian Nereim reported from Riyadh; Saeed Al-Batati from al-Mukalla, Yemen; and Shuaib Almosawa from Sanaa, Yemen. Mohammed Ali Kalfood contributed reporting from Hudaydah, Yemen; Eric Schmitt from Washington; and Aric Toler from Kansas City.
campaign could have held back the militia remains an open question. Mohammed al-Bukhaiti, a Houthi political official, attributed their victory to progress they had made in developing their military capabilities throughout years of war. The Houthis are fighting "to liberate Yemen from occupation," he said, dismissing their foes as Saudi "mercenaries."
Two Yemeni government soldiers interviewed by The New York Times said they ultimately blamed their own feckless leaders for their defeat.
It was just after sundown on Sept. 9 when everything crumbled, according to one of their comrades, who spoke on the condition of anonymity, fearing retribution.
He recalled how he had been stationed with other soldiers outside Mokha, a historic port city near the Bab al-Mandab Strait, when they received reports of Houthi fighters advancing from multiple directions. Suddenly, their communications went dark, he said, severing contact with other units. They heard shouting.
"Retreat! Retreat! Retreat!" he remembered his comrades yelling. "The Houthis are already here!"
The Houthis' recent conquest belies their simpler origins. The group began in the 1990s as a religious movement focused on Zaydism, an offshoot of Shiite Islam. Its leaders later mounted an armed rebellion against Yemen's government, saying that they were battling corruption and foreign influence.
Scholars debate when Iran began supporting them, but the Houthis eventually become a key Iranian ally.
In 2014, they took over Yemen's capital, Sanaa, routing the government and starting a civil war. Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates began a disastrous military campaign to restore the government. Hundreds of thousands of people died from violence, hunger and disease. The Houthis survived, cementing their rule over northern Yemen.
After a truce in 2022, the Houthis used the lull in fighting to become stronger and more self-sufficient, expanding their arsenal, analysts say.
The Yemeni government did not. During the war, it had become increasingly fragmented and weak, beholden to its Saudi and Emirati patrons — which were often at odds with each other.
"The Yemeni government is basically a fiction at this point," said Gregory Johnsen, a nonresident fellow at the Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington. "They spend more time fighting one another than they do the Houthis."
One of the key players in this government was General Saleh. The nephew of Yemen's former authoritarian leader, he had made plentiful enemies over the years as he seesawed from one alliance to another—siding with the Houthis, then joining the government.
In Mokha, with Emirati backing, he formed his own armed faction. His soldiers, around 50,000, served as a bulwark against the Houthis pushing south toward the Bab al-Mandab. Then, in January, the Emirates withdrew from Yemen amid a feud with Saudi Arabia. Saudi officials consolidated their control over the government's many factions. Once again, General Saleh found himself with a new sponsor: Saudi Arabia.
When the United States and Israel attacked Iran in February, the Houthis appeared willing at first to sit out the war. But behind the scenes, Yemen's truce had become a brittle stalemate.
Talks aimed at a long-term peace deal — from which the Houthis hoped to gain greater authority and access to oil revenue — had stalled. Poverty in Houthi territory was dire, putting pressure on the group. They blamed Saudi Arabia and bristled at Saudi restrictions on Yemeni airspace.
Houthi fighters in September after they pushed Yemeni government forces from the Red Sea coast and the Bab al-Mandab Strait.
ASSOCIATED PRESS
SAUDI PRESS AGENCY
Houthis who were prisoners in the city of Mokha arrived in Sanaa. They were freed when the militia overtook the Red Sea port.
Lt. Gen. Tareq Saleh of Yemen, left, with Lt. Gen. Fahd bin Hamad Al-Salman, a Saudi commander, in a government photo.
ASSOCIATED PRESS
The tensions came to a head in July. The Houthis accused Saudi Arabia of bombing Sanaa's airport to prevent an Iranian aircraft from landing. They declared a blockade on Saudi shipping in the Red Sea, now a crucial route for oil exports during the Iran war. They launched missiles and drones into Saudi Arabia, and the kingdom launched airstrikes on Yemen.
This escalation dovetailed with the interests of Iran, where officials were pushing to widen the war with the United States, raising its costs for President Trump.
As the Houthis put pressure on oil markets, some Yemeni government officials sensed an opportunity to solicit foreign support to fight the Houthis.
Clashes reignited inside Yemen, and Houthi officials accused Saudi Arabia and their Yemeni allies of preparing a new offensive against them. Quietly, the militia readied its own plans.
On Aug. 9, the Houthis began to shower Mokha with missiles and drones, damaging the port and seeking to cut off the city's supply line from the sea, according to two Yemeni military officers.
Then, on Sept. 3, the Houthis began a huge ground offensive.
The militia sent nearly 80,000 fighters into battle, backed by Iranian advisers, according to statements by General Saleh's forces. The Times was unable to verify those claims, and Mr. al-Bukhaiti, the Houthi official, dismissed the allegation of Iranian support.
One of the first places where the Houthis broke through the government's defenses was in a mountainous area called Kadaha.
The territory was split between General Saleh's forces and another faction, according to four Yemeni government and military officials. The two forces' commanders distrusted one another and were unable to effectively cooperate, they said. The Houthis exploited this to seize Kadaha and move west toward the coast.
A 39-minute video released by the Houthis, which they said had been filmed during fighting for control of the Red Sea coast, shows their militiamen scaling rugged mountains on foot and waving guns in jubilation. The video, which The Times was not able to independently verify, also shows the bodies of what appear to be Yemeni government fighters slumped inside vehicles. At the end, a toothless Houthi fighter vows to “pursue the enemy into their very lairs.”
For more than five days, the government force held off the militia, battling in the mountains above Mokha. Eventually, the Houthis were able to push forward, with an onslaught of missiles, drones and shelling. Saudi Arabia carried out only minimal airstrikes to assist its Yemeni allies, according to the two Yemeni military officers.
On the evening of Sept. 9 and into the next morning, the government forces collapsed. In a flurry of confusion, they beat a rapid and disorganized retreat. The Houthis seized a major military camp in the foothills east of Mokha — leaving their enemies on the coastal plain exposed and vulnerable.
Instead of reorganizing, the government's soldiers withdrew all the way to the southern city of Aden, handing the entire Red Sea coast, including an island inside the Bab al-Mandab Strait, to the Houthis.
Overnight, Yemen's government had lost roughly 1,800 square miles of territory. At least 500 of General Saleh's fighters were killed and more than 1,500 wounded, according to a statement by his group. The Houthi death toll is unknown.
One government fighter described how after he was told to withdraw, he hid all evidence that he was a soldier, throwing his rifle in a valley. He then went home and gave his family 15 minutes to flee, telling them that it was a matter of life and death.
On the road, they saw the government's armored vehicles fleeing the battlefield, he said, "speeding past us like bullets."
Soon after Mokha fell, General Saleh and several of his comrades flew to the Saudi capital of Riyadh, according to one of the Yemeni government officials and two of the military officers.
There, they decamped to a five-star hotel, where easy listening music echoed through a cavernous lobby and waitresses served tea with madeleines.
One of military officers, who is close to General Saleh, told a Times reporter that he was now focused on regrouping his forces and treating the wounded.
Eventually, there will be an investigation into what went wrong, he said.
In Yemen, General Saleh's soldiers have scattered. Some were left stranded outside Aden, after fighters from other factions — ostensibly their allies — barred them from the city, according to the officer close to General Saleh and another soldier. Speaking by phone from their makeshift encampment, that soldier said that they had gone days without food.
This past Sunday, the Yemeni government's leader, Rashad al-Alimi, declared a full-blown war against the militia. The government's goal, he said, is to reclaim all of the territory lost to the Houthis over the past 12 years.
For Yemeni civilians, already facing dire poverty and hunger, the war's return portends deeper suffering. More than 180,000 people have been displaced in recent weeks, often piling onto pickup trucks and motorcycles as they rushed to escape.
"The moment felt like dooms-day, with everyone looking out for themselves," said Hassan Sughair, a civilian who fled from a town near Mokha. "We did not even say goodbye to our neighbors, and we do not know what happened to them."
“这是法国最深层的愤怒来源，”法国作家兼商人米歇尔·德·罗森（Michel de Rosen）说道，“我们是一个再也无法随心所欲的国家。”
📄 Original Section
How the Houthi Militia Rapidly Advanced to Seize the Strait
On Sept. 3, the Iranian-backed group began a major ground offensive heading south. Six days later, in a single night of chaos and panic, the Houthis seized roughly 1,800 square miles of territory overlooking the Bab al-Mandab Strait. Here's where they went, according to witnesses to the events.
Sources: Houthi and Yemeni forces; Institute for the Study of War and Critical Threats Project at the American Enterprise Institute (Houthi-controlled areas). SAMUEL GRANADOS/THE NEW YORK TIMES
War in the Middle East
分离主义政党在魁北克回归政权，但未获多数席位
ANDREJ IVANOV / AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE — GETTY IMAGES
Iranian Drone Threat Prompted U.S. Bombers' Exit From Britain
By ERIC SCHMITT and JULIAN E. BARNES
WASHINGTON — The United States abruptly withdrew all 12 Air Force B-1 bombers from an air base in southern England because of new information that commanders received about a potential drone attack ordered by Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps, according to U.S. and British officials.
The suspected attack was part of a complex, multipronged Iranian plot to strike aircraft and kill some of the several hundred American personnel stationed at the base, R.A.F. Fairford, the officials said, speaking on the condition of anonymity to discuss operational matters. All of the Air Force bombers were withdrawn over the weekend.
Some of the officials said they believed that the plot was loosely modeled on an audacious attack that Ukraine launched against Russia last year when it smuggled drones deep into the Russian heartland and launched them from semi trucks. The attack destroyed or damaged at least a dozen aircraft, including many of Moscow's nuclear-capable strategic bombers, on runways in Siberia and Russia's Far North.
Vice President JD Vance said on Monday that the Pentagon quickly moved the bombers "out of an abundance of caution trying to protect our guys." He accused Iran of plotting attacks against the United States but stopped short of commenting on any details about the most recent threat.
"We do feel with some confidence that the Iranians are trying to do what the Iranian state has done for 49 years, which is engage in acts of terrorism against the United States and against a lot of other people as well," Mr. Vance told reporters at Joint Base Andrews before leaving on a trip to Alaska. "We are being extremely cautious."
President Trump said on Mon-
day that people linked to Iran
posed a threat to the U.S. bombers
at the British air base, prompting the order to return them to the United States. "There were some threats," Mr. Trump told reporters. "Why should we leave them there?" he added, referring to the bombers.
The Wall Street Journal earlier reported the drone threat as the reason for the withdrawal.
The sudden pullout of the bombers came a week after the British police arrested five men who had been traveling the morning of Sept. 27 in white vans near the base, which has been used by American bombers in the U.S.-Israeli war against Iran. The men were released on bail a day later after the authorities did not discover explosives in the vans.
A sudden pullout of 12 B-1s after several arrests near a base.
said the men remain under investigation, and a British-Iranian dual national was arrested on Thursday on suspicion of preparing terrorist acts.
The rushed order to withdraw the bombers was highly unusual: Such moves are rarely made so quickly from an allied air base in a peacetime country thousands of miles from a combat zone.
Indeed, the need to move the bombers from the base was deemed so urgent that some of the planes and their flight crews left while aerial refueling aircraft were still being deployed to support their flights to the United States, American officials said.
Many details about the potential threat that prompted the rapid withdrawal of the Air Force bombers, some of which had arrived just in the past week as part of a regular rotation of forces, remained murky on Monday. One U.S. official said the new information was part of the same threat warnings that surfaced three weeks ago, though a sense of urgency spiked over the weekend, alarming commanders.
Prime Minister Andy Burnham said last week that the British government believed Iran played a part in planning the events that led to the arrests. U.S. and British officials, as well as those in Germany and Israel, believe the operation is connected to the Revolutionary Guards or a separate military headquarters in Tehran. Iran has denied the accusations.
On Monday, Mr. Burnham's spokesman declined to comment on other nations' military operations. Asked whether the air base was safe, the spokesman replied yes and referred to a statement made last week by the British defense secretary, Wes Streeting, who described "tried and tested approaches to defend our bases around the country and throughout the world."
The authorities have been puzzling over a bizarre set of events swirling around Fairfield the past week, including the arrests, the frantic evacuation of 85 homes, a bomb-disposal robot searching the vans for explosives and a national security meeting convened by Mr. Burnham.
In July, the Revolutionary Guards issued a statement warning that allowing the United States to use the base “makes London responsible” for U.S. actions. “Any base used to launch attacks on Iranian territory,” the statement said, “is a legitimate target for our forces.”
In mid-September, U.S. military commanders received a dire warning from American and other Western intelligence agencies, according to U.S. officials briefed on the information: R.A.F. Fairford was the target of a potential Iran-backed attack.
After that warning last month, concern among officials across Europe surged. According to a senior U.S. official, Israel warned Germany that American bases there were at heightened risk, noting the Spangdahlem and Ramstein air bases in particular.
ALASTAIR GRANT/ASSOCIATED PRESS
Police officers at a checkpoint near the R.A.F. Fairford air base, where the bombers were stationed.
LONDON — A 22-year-old British man was arrested on Tuesday on suspicion of preparing terrorist acts, the police said, as part of an investigation into a security incident last month near an air base used by the United States.
The counterterrorism police in Britain have now arrested seven men in connection with the puzzling incident near the base in southern England, R.A.F. Fairford, in the early hours of Sept. 27.
The police said that a London property linked to the man was also searched in connection with the events near Fairfield.
"This remains a live investigation, and our specialist teams continue to pursue multiple lines of inquiry into the circumstances surrounding events near R.A.F. Fairfax," said Vicki Evans, the senior national coordinator for Counter Terrorism Policing. She added that the police were "working around the clock" to identify the motivation behind the incident.
Five British men, all in their 20s, were arrested on Sept. 27 after they traveled in three white vans toward the base, which has been used by the United States in its war against Iran. One of the men dialed the emergency services at 12.45 a.m., prompting a major counterterrorism response.
The village where the men were arrested was cordoned off, explosive experts were called in and speculation began about what exactly the men had been doing.
The five were released on bail a day later after the authorities did not discover explosives and found only a container of fuel in the vans. Another man, a British-Iranian national, was arrested on Thurs-
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共和党寄希望于减税以换取选票，但工人则指出成本飙升
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📄 Original Section
A British man faces a charge of preparing terrorist acts.
day on suspicion of preparing terrorist acts and has also been released on bail.
None of the men have been named, in line with British rules that grant suspects anonymity until charges are brought.
Days after the incident, Prime Minister Andy Burnham told the BBC that there were “strong indications that Iran played a part in what happened.”
British and American security officials believe the operation was connected to Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps or a separate military headquarters in
Tehran. Iran has rejected the accusations.
Over the weekend, the United States abruptly pulled its 12 B-1 Air Force bombers from R.A.F. Fairfield. American officials, speaking on the condition of anonymity to discuss operational matters, said the withdrawal took place after commanders received information about a potential drone attack on the base ordered by the Revolutionary Guards.
The bombers had been stationed at the base since the spring, after Britain gave permission for American aircraft to use R.A.F. Fairford for so-called defensive strikes against Iran.
There is a long history of British and American cooperation at the site, and because of the length of its runway, it is one of only a few European airfields that can be used by heavy U.S. bombers.
On Monday, some plane spot- ters who post regularly in online forums about the movements of the American aircraft into and out of the base were lamenting how quiet it would now be. Others were glad that the bombers would no longer be leaving from England to be used against Iran.
In July, after Britain gave the United States permission to conduct its operations from the site, Iran warned that R.A.F. Fairford was a "legitimate target."
作者：凯蒂·埃德蒙森 (CATIE EDMONDSON)
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📄 Original Section
One Year In, Adjusting To Freedom
Photographs by AVISHAG SHAAR-YASHUV
Article by ISABEL KERSHNER
TEL AVIV — Today, Israelis are marking the third anniversary of the deadliest day of violence in the country's history. On the morning of Oct. 7, 2023, a Jewish holiday, Hamas led a cross-border assault from Gaza on southern Israel, overrunning army bases and border communities and hunting down revelers at a music festival.
Gunmen killed about 1,200 people, according to the Israeli authorities, and took about 250 more back to Gaza as hostages. The attacks ignited a devastating war in the Palestinian enclave, where tens of thousands of people have been killed in Israel's counterattack and much of the area has been reduced to rubble.
The hostages were returned to Israel in stages. Dozens of them died in captivity, and their bodies were transported home. Several of those who survived have written memoirs. Some have gotten married or had babies.
Gali and Ziv Berman, twin brothers, were 26 when they were captured in Kfar Aza, the kibbutz where they lived. A year after they were released, they are trying to focus on rebuilding their lives. Gali is studying law, governance
Gali Berman, left, and his twin brother, Ziv, in December. They were released last year.
They had never imagined an assault on the scale of Oct. 7. As adults, they had settled into a relatively tranquil and comfortable life, working as technicians at a sound and lighting production company based in the kibbutz.
and diplomacy in college, and Ziv is in a new relationship.
When the attack began on Oct. 7 and the sound of gunfire grew closer, Ms. Damari was afraid of being alone, so Gali dashed to her home to be with her. Gunmen burst into the bedroom, killed Ms. Damari's dog, Choocha, and shot and wounded her.
Gunmen forced Ms. Damari and the brothers into her car, and they were driven into Gaza. In the chaos of the attack and their abduction, Ziv, who was blindfolded and sitting in the front, had no idea that Gali was in the car, too.
Militants set fire to Ziv's home nearby, where he had taken shelter in a safe room. The room soon filled with smoke. The choice, he said, was "to suffocate or to come out. I came out."
Gali said he would never forget the cheers he heard in the streets of Gaza as they passed. It seemed like everybody was out. "A million people," Ziv remarked.
The journey back to something like normality is far from over, and the horrors of Oct. 7 still haunt them and the country.
As Israeli soldiers drove the Bermans out of Gaza on Oct. 13, 2025, after two years of captivity during which they were separated, beaten, deprived of food and mostly kept in dank tunnels underneath the enclave, Ziv said they had "thousands of questions." They did not know if their family had survived the Oct. 7 attack. They wanted to know the latest about their favorite soccer team, Maccabi Tel Aviv.
The brothers also wondered what had happened to Kfar Aza. They discovered that more than 60 of the kibbutz's roughly 1,000 inhabitants had been killed and some 19 others abducted. "We wanted to go home," Ziv said. "They told us it was gone."
They saw their mother, Talia, for the first time at an army base near the border with Gaza and learned that their close family members were alive. "We were speechless," Gali said. "There were no words."
Their parents had moved to Beit Guvrin, a kibbutz farther away from Gaza. The brothers spent their first week of freedom at a hospital but left one day to visit their father, who suffers from advanced Parkinson's disease and dementia. "He looked at us, it sunk in and he began to cry," Gali recalled.
Soon, they were reunited with Emily Damari, a close friend and neighbor from Kfar Aza who was kidnapped with them on Oct. 7. Ms. Damari was freed months before the brothers were and campaigned for their release. In August, Gali and Ziv danced at her wedding to Danielle Amit, an Israeli food influencer.
The brothers have also been finally able to mourn their friends who did not survive.
In December 2023, Israeli forces accidentally killed three hostages who had tried to escape after mistaking them for militants. Two of them were from Kfar Aza, including Alon Shimriz, a childhood friend of the brothers.
Sitting outside a Tel Aviv cafe in the sunshine earlier this year, the brothers said their freedom did not feel complete because the body of the last captive, Master Sgt. Ran Gvili, was still in Gaza.
Sergeant Gvili, a member of an elite police counterterrorism unit, had rushed into battle on Oct. 7. He was gravely injured and was dragged into the enclave.
Gali performed his military service in an infantry combat unit and Ziv in the armored corps. They said they could not tolerate leaving a dead or wounded soldier in the field. "He went to fight for us," Gali said.
Less than two weeks later, Israel recovered the remains of Sergeant Gvili. For many Israelis, and for the brothers, it was only then that the hostage saga ended.
Gali and Ziv said they had grown up as part of the so-called Qassam generation, a reference to the crude Qassam rockets that militant groups fired from Gaza at Israel. In Kfar Aza, early warning alerts gave them 15 seconds to take cover, at most. "From a young age," Gali said, "we were running to shelters."
On their first day
in captivity, Gali was taken away. Ziv and Ms. Damari were held together until Day 40, when they were led down into tunnels and the captors separated the men from the women.
The brothers were reunited for the first time six months into their ordeal, in the ruins of a bombed-out house. Their captors filmed them as they cried out in surprise and embraced for a propaganda video that was never released. They spent two nights together catching up and barely slept, Gali said.
A few weeks later, they spent more days together in a tunnel with other hostages. A third encounter, filmed near the coast of Gaza for another propaganda video, lasted only a few hours.
The transition from the harrowing ordeal of captivity to freedom is a process. The brothers' year back in Israel has been starkly different from their previously quiet, routine existence.
They each lost about 45 pounds in Gaza. Ziv has undergone extensive dental treatment, saying he had not cleaned his teeth for about a year when he was held hostage.
The brothers have traveled widely. They met with President Trump in the United States and have spoken to American Jewish communities, determined to "tell the world," they said, about what happened.
Gali said that he and Ziv have grown even closer, their shared experiences ingrained in them forever. "The wish to be together is stronger," Gali said this week. Even as they try to focus on the future, Gali, Ziv and Emily still talk about "the memories and the traumas" of what happened to them, he said.
The brothers recently returned from a visit to Thailand and, after visiting the graves of friends over the weekend, they left for another short trip abroad. They wanted to be far from the sights and sounds of the Oct. 7 commemorations, Gali said, the first since their return from Gaza.
The brothers' status as returned hostages has brought them a celebrity they never sought. When strangers approached them at the Tel Aviv cafe earlier this year to greet them or offer a kind word, they accepted the attention graciously.
The country also went through two years of war, Gali said. "There were times when people had to choose between funerals," he added.
They seemed at ease but said they were trying not to look back. They joked at one point about how in Gaza, the hostages' empty, rumbling stomachs would "talk to one another." But, Ziv quickly added, "There, it wasn't funny at all."
On the day of their release, they asked the helicopter pilot transporting them to the hospital to fly over Bloomfield Stadium, the home of Maccabi Tel Aviv, their beloved soccer club. They make up for lost time by watching lots of matches and playing soccer themselves, and by sticking close to the family, Ziv said.
The brothers celebrated their 29th birthday last month with a jubilant dance party. Hundreds of relatives and friends, including some freed hostages, came to rejoice with them at a club in Tel Aviv.
The future, however, will forever be tinged with anguished memories. "The time in captivity will always be a part of me, for good and for bad," Gali said this week. "But we are alive. We take nothing for granted."
A moldy cake on a table, frozen in time in October 2025, in Kfar Aza, the kibbutz where Gali and Ziv were abducted on Oct. 7, 2023. Far right, searching for their belongings on their first visit back since their release.
Ziv on his way to a hospital on Oct. 13, 2025, after being freed. The brothers were among the last 20 living hostages to be freed.
Attending a memorial for a friend from the kibbutz, left. Center, visiting a soldier wounded in Gaza, who told them his goal was to find them. Bottom, watching news coverage of the body of a hostage.
The brothers danced with their cousin May Mayer at her wedding in December. Right, in Tel Aviv, posing with a cafe employee who had pictures of the twins posted on the wall since they were taken captive.
根据本周末发布的《纽约时报》 / 锡耶纳大学 (New York Times / Siena University) 的民调，距离选举日还有一个月，马歇尔先生及其民主党挑战者亚当·汉密尔顿 (Adam Hamilton) 牧师的支持率大致持平，均为 45%。
无党派的库克政治报告 (Cook Political Report) 仍将这场竞选评级为倾向于共和党。但民主党人变得更加乐观，而共和党人则日益紧张。
以下是堪萨斯州出现竞争的三大原因：
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📄 Original Section
U.S. Is Said to Shift Drones to South America to Hunt Cartels
The Baghdad site where an MQ-9 Reaper drone strike killed Maj. Gen. Qassim Suleimani of Iran, the Quds Force's leader, in 2020.
SORGEY PONOMAREY FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
By ANNIE CORREAL and ERIC SCHMITT
In a sign of the Trump administration's new focus on combating Latin American cartels, the U.S. military has moved a number of MQ-9 Reaper drones from Africa to Colombia and Ecuador, U.S. officials said.
MQ-9 Reaper drones are often used for precision strikes like the lethal operation that killed Maj. Gen. Qassim Suleimani, who led the powerful Quds Force of Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps, in 2020. The aircraft, which can cost up to \$50 million, are in short supply after losses in the Iran war, where at least 45, or about a quarter of the overall U.S. fleet, have been destroyed.
The transfer was described by two U.S. officials familiar with the decision who asked not to be named because they were not authorized to speak publicly on an operational matter.
The move comes as the administration ramps up its military offensive against Latin American trafficking groups. The top U.S. military commander for most of Latin America, Gen. Francis L. Donovan, has said that the United States plans to expand operations from strikes on boats to strikes on land.
The redeployment of drones is "a significant signal from the administration that we are getting serious," said Francisco Palmieri, a former U.S. diplomat who helped shape U.S. counternarcotics strategy, including during the first Trump administration, and who served as acting ambassador to Colombia under President Joseph R. Biden Jr.
Mr. Palmieri said he could not comment on the significance of the redeployment at the operational level. "But as a political symbol, it's unmistakable," he said. "It's a sign of a commitment to expand both the level and type of cooperation."
Signs of an escalating U.S.-led military campaign against drug traffickers have raised concerns among human rights advocates that attacks could endanger civilians. And experts say killing members of trafficking groups, even top leaders, does little to ef-
Reporting was contributed by Simón Posada, José María León Cabrera, John Ismay and Christi- aan Triebert.
fectively stem the flow of drugs since those killed can be replaced.
The MQ-9 Reaper, which can stay aloft for longer periods and carry a larger payload of missiles and bombs than its predecessor, the Predator, has been used in airstrikes against groups such as the Islamic State and Al Qaeda in the Middle East and Al Shabab in Africa.
The drone is capable of carrying thermal cameras as well as equipment that can intercept electronic communications, and it has been called the U.S. military's "hunter-killer."
The Trump administration has made exerting greater influence in Latin America a priority, focusing especially on security. It has built a coalition of regional leaders that has pledged to help dismantle cartels; the group's official slogan is "We do bad things to bad people."
Washington has previously justified lethal strikes on drug traffickers by claiming that they are enemy combatants.
A range of legal experts say the administration's lethal strikes on alleged drug boats off South America are illegal because those killed, even if they are committing crimes, do not pose a direct threat to the United States.
Colombia and Ecuador — home to trafficking groups designated as terrorist organizations by Washington — are among a handful of nations that have agreed to conduct joint operations with the United States within their borders.
It is not clear how many MQ-9 Reaper drones have been sent to each country, though the U.S. officials said it was a small number, or how many of the aircraft have already arrived.
In September, CNN first reported that reapers assigned to the Pentagon's Africa Command were likely to be sent to Latin America, but it was not clear exactly where the drones would go.
The Defense Ministries in Colombia and Ecuador did not respond to requests for comment. U.S. Southern Command, which oversees the region, declined to comment, citing operational security reasons.
Defense officials in Colombia and Ecuador have acknowledged plans to receive MQ-9 Reaper drones, according to local news media.
Colombian officials said over the summer that they had agreed to receive three MQ-9 Reaper drones, and that Colombia would consider purchasing one additional craft.
"Two were turned over to Ecuador for cooperation and are already operating in our skies," Gian Carlo Loffredo, Ecuador's defense minister, said in a radio interview on Friday.
Ecuador's president, Daniel Noboa, was the first regional leader to allow joint military operations in his country this year and has recently faced scrutiny over the presence of U.S. troops at one base. Ecuador's Constitution bars foreign military bases in the country, a prohibition voters affirmed in a referendum last year.
Colombia's new right-wing president, Abelardo De La Espriella, has launched an aggressive military effort targeting leaders of several groups said to be involved in cocaine trafficking.
Reaper drones might help track down leaders in complex mountain and jungle terrain, where they have long managed to hide from the local authorities. But analysts say that moving the drones from Africa to South America could also hinder combating terrorist groups in Africa.
This year alone, the Pentagon's Africa Command has conducted scores of strikes against Al Shabab in Somalia — relying heavily on MQ9 Reaper drones.
该州经济在特朗普总统的第二个任期内遭受重创。
堪萨斯州以农业为主的经济受到了总统造成的影响以及总统无法控制的挑战的双重打击。
特朗普先生与伊朗的战争推高了汽油和柴油的价格。
作为贸易战的一部分，总统允许低关税的大量进口牛肉进入美国，挤压了堪萨斯州养牛户的生存空间。
此外，政府对移民的打击令那些依赖移民维持牛只供应链运转的牧场主感到不安。
此外，该州日益严重的干旱也影响了大豆、小麦和玉米的产量。
综合以上因素，该州的农民们情绪焦虑。
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📄 Original Section
Drones Hit Ships Off Bulgaria's Black Sea Coast, Prime Minister Says
By BORYANA DZHAMBAZOVA and AURELIEN BREEDEN
SOFIA, Bulgaria — Rescue operations were underway off the coast of Bulgaria on Tuesday after drones hit two commercial ships off the country's Black Sea coast, sinking one of the vessels and setting the other ablaze, according to the country's prime minister.
The attack — the first of its kind on vessels in Bulgarian waters — occurred at around 3 a.m. local time, according to the Bulgarian prime minister, Rumen Radev. He said the ships had been struck by sea and aerial drones about 70 miles off the coast of Byala, eastern Bulgaria.
Mr. Radev told reporters that it
Lara Jakes contributed reporting from Rome and Marc Santora from Warsaw, Poland.
was not immediately clear where the drones had originated, but added that he had no doubt they were "either Ukrainian or Russian."
Russia and Ukraine have traded strikes on ports and vessels in the Black Sea, making the shipping route there increasingly precarious.
Speaking to reporters in Sofia, the capital, after an emergency cabinet meeting, Mr. Radev acknowledged that sailing in the Black Sea had become "increasingly difficult" and called the attack "absolutely unacceptable."
"It's a flagrant violation of international law and maritime laws in general," he said.
A spokesman for NATO, of which Bulgaria is a member, declined to comment on Tuesday and referred questions to the Bulgarian authorities.
Mr. Radev said that one of the ships, which had been sailing under the flag of Togo, sank after being hit and that rescuers were searching for surviving crew members. It was not immediately clear how many sailors had been aboard that vessel or what it had been carrying.
The other ship, which was sailing south with wheat on board, caught fire, and at least two of its sailors were wounded, Mr. Radev said. He added that the crew — which included 11 Turkish nationals and seven sailors from India — had been evacuated to a Bulgarian ship that witnessed the strikes.
The strikes came a day after a Turkish cargo ship carrying Ukrainian corn caught fire and sank in the Black Sea off the coast of Romania, according to Romanian authorities.
Romania's interior ministry said in a statement on Monday that the two people had died and 11 people had been rescued in that episode, about 55 miles south of Sfantu Gheorghe, a coastal town.
While the Romanian authorities did not identify the cause of the fire, Ukrainian officials blamed Russian drones.
President Volodymyr Zelensky of Ukraine called the sinking of the Turkish ship a "horrific strike" and said that his government had "repeatedly proposed concrete steps to de-escalate the situation and ensure security in the Black Sea."
"But Russia consistently chooses terror and sinking civilian vessels instead of normal maritime navigation," he added in a post on social media.
Russia has not publicly commented on what happened off the coasts of Romania or Bulgaria.
Ukrainian and Russian forces have waged a long-running battle in the Black Sea and the adjacent Sea of Azov, disrupting grain exports from both countries that are critical to the world food supply.
Ursula von der Leyen, the president of the European Union's executive branch, described recent strikes in the Black Sea as "increasingly concerning."
"Commercial ships — and innocent crews — are being targeted, with lives already lost at sea," she wrote in a social media post on Tuesday. "While exact circumstances of these incidents are still being established, the developments are very concerning," she added.
BERLIN — The federal police in Germany arrested a former head of the nation's intelligence services on Tuesday on suspicion of "treasonous espionage" and other spying charges, including attempting to pass state secrets to foreign governments.
The federal prosecutor's office announced it had detained the former spy chief, August Hanning, 80 — who led Germany's Federal Intelligence Service, or BND, from 1998 to 2005 — but did not say which foreign countries he was accused of helping.
The prosecutors said they had also arrested a former chief of staff to Mr. Hanning at the agency, who they said sold 2,000 government documents to Mr. Hanning
— many of them classified — in the years after Mr. Hanning left his post and worked as a consultant, joining several corporate boards.
Mr. Hanning, the prosecutors said, had used some of the classified information to create an analysis for a foreign intelligence officer. He also supplied a representative of a separate foreign intelligence service with information over the years, the prosecutors said.
The arrest of a former spy chief, at a time of increased tension between Germany and rival foreign powers like China and Russia, shook the German political establishment.
Adding to the drama was the revelation, from prosecutors, that the investigation had origins in a separate, high-profile investigation into an alleged attempt by a German steakhouse heiress to kidnap her children from her estranged husband. The prosecutor's office searched Mr. Hanning's office in September 2025 as part of its investigation into that heiress, Christina Block, and discovered material that initiated the examination of Mr. Hanning.
The German news media has reported that Mr. Hanning has struggled financially in recent years, and his consulting business has drawn scrutiny. Der Spiegel, one of Germany's leading news outlets, reported in 2023 that he had lost much of his pension in the fallout from his role in a failure of a Latvian bank in 2019.
Mr. Hanning appears to be the first former head of the intelligence service to be accused by prosecutors of espionage. But the agency has been rocked by other spying scandals in recent years.
In 2023, prosecutors arrested a manager at the agency, Carsten Linke, and accused him of selling highly classified material to Moscow even as Russia waged war on Ukraine.
Mr. Linke was charged with high treason and put on trial. The proceedings, which have been underway for more than three years, are expected to last at least until January. Mr. Linke could face life imprisonment if convicted.
Christopher F. Schuetze contributed reporting from Magdeburg, Germany.
MAGDEBURG, Germany — A normally ho-hum procedural vote in a small state was closely watched across Germany on Tuesday, when a far-right politician was elected to lead a state legislature for the first time since the Nazi era.
POOL PHOTO BY JAN WOITAS
In the legislative election last month in the state of Saxony-Anhalt, the Alternative for Germany party, labeled “suspected extremist” by Germany’s domestic intelligence service, won 39 of 83 seats. The party, known by its German initials AfD, far outperformed every other party, delivering a shock to the country’s post-war consensus.
The next step toward taking power occurred on Tuesday, when lawmakers were sworn in and elected the AfD's Tobias Rausch as president of the Parliament. In that role, Mr. Rausch, 35, will preside over the legislative agenda, parliamentary bureaucracy and ceremonial roles, like hosting memorials commemorating the Holocaust.
Tobias Rausch was chosen as the first far-right leader of a German statehouse since 1945.
In the anonymous vote, 48 lawmakers voted for Mr. Rausch, meaning that he received the support of some members of mainstream parties that have officially refused to work with the AfD.
A higher, more important hurdle awaits in December, when the state Parliament is expected to fill the most powerful state position, minister president — the equivalent of governor, with control of the executive branch. It is unclear if the AfD's candidate, Ulrich Siegmund, can win that vote; until then Sven Schulze of the Christian Democrats remains acting governor of Saxony-Anhalt, one of Germany's least populous states, with about 2.1 million people.
The party has made it clear that it does not intend to allow business as usual.
The AfD successfully ran on an anti-immigration, anti-establishment campaign, pro-fossil fuel campaign, but such issues are decided on the federal level, beyond the reach of a state government. At the state level, it plans to focus on education and culture issues.
During the campaign, Mr. Siegmund vowed to segregate schools, separating the children of asylum seekers from other students, and to replace all rainbow flags in schools with German flags. The party has called for more patriotic arts from institutions that rely on state funding.
In the state Parliament, the AfD tried to solidify its power by increasing the number of seats on the legislative committees from 11 to 12, giving the party six seats rather than five. After threats of lawsuits by the other parties, it backed down.
But the party still plans to try to create and fill a second state legislative vice-presidential seat, giving it more control over the dayto-day running of the house.
On a symbolic level, it has shuffled the traditional seating arrangement in the legislative chamber. Rather than be positioned on the far right, the AfD will sit in the center, a statement of how it sees itself. The progressive Greens will sit on the farthest right.
While the AfD's result last month was historic — it won 44 percent of the vote, more than double its performance five years ago — it fell three seats short of a majority in the state Parliament, so it cannot elect the state's leaders on its own. (The conservative Christian Democrats, long the state's dominant party, fell from 40 seats to just 15.)
Though coalitions are common in Germany, the mainstream parties have refused to work with the AfD in forming governments. But a new, fringe party said its five legislators would vote for Mr. Rausch, enough to make him the Parliament leader.
That party, the Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance, was formed in 2024, in a split from the Left party.
It has vowed not to vote for Mr. Siegmund for governor, so the AfD will have to look elsewhere for those votes — and it could find them, if the vote on Tuesday was anything to go by. Mr. Rausch won the support of at least four lawmakers who aren't members of the AfD or the Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance.
Although the AfD went into this election with a number of extremist politicians, Mr. Rausch is portrayed in the German news media as somewhat more moderate.
"I'm not a hard-liner; I'm pragmatic," he recently told the D.P.A., a German newswire. Unlike others being sworn in on Tuesday, he also has plenty of experience, having sat in the statehouse since 2016 and having run the AfD parliamentary group since 2021.
But Mr. Rausch is not without controversy. The AfD was caught up early this year in a scandal involving its deputies hiring the family members of other deputies, in a kind of circular nepotism network that ensured that state money that goes to running lawmakers' offices would stay in their families.
Mr. Rausch was at the center of the furor. He has publicly acknowledged that his siblings and friends from his soccer club were once hired either by his office or by others in the AfD.
Because the 39-member AfD group includes only two women, the new statehouse is overwhelming male. Only 22 percent of the lawmakers will be women, the lowest among the 16 statehouses in the country, down from 28 percent in the previous Parliament.
The AfD is also bringing some unusual lawmakers into the house, including a former officer of the Stasi, the East German secret police, a survivalist, and two lawmakers who had their homes raided in an investigation into their ties to a banned far-right extremist organization.
Another, Hans-Thomas Tillschneider, holds a Ph.D. in Arabic studies. Mr. Tillschneider was elected vice president of the Parliament and is considered the intellectual architect of much of the AfD's platform in Saxony-Anhalt. He is known for his pro-Russia and anti-immigrant positions.
YVES HERMAN/REUTERS
Riot police clashing with protesters in Paris on Tuesday. Parents and unions joined students across France to protest overcrowded classrooms, teacher shortages and dilapidated school buildings.
High School Protest Movement Broadens Across France
ALAIN JOCARD/AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE — GETTY IMAGES
The turnout in Rennes. High school students launched the movement over funding weeks ago.
By SÉGOLÈNE LE STRADIC
PARIS — Labor activists, teachers, parents and university students turned out by the thousands on Tuesday to join high school students in demonstrations that swept across France, adding an intergenerational range of voices to demands that government fix ailing schools.
The largest crowds massed in Paris, where thousands of students and their supporters marched about two miles from République to Nation, two of the city's main squares, protesting school understaffing, overcrowded classrooms and dilapidated buildings, among other complaints.
“Hitting the young amounts to insulting the future,” one sign read, while another said, “I don’t want to be another brick in the wall.”
In spite of a heavy police presence, the mood at the Paris protest was cheerful. The government estimated that 56,000 people took part, among 256,000 demonstrating nationwide; a major labor union cited a national figure more than twice as large.
Catherine Jegou, 61, a middle schoolteacher and member of a union of school workers, said she had come to support the high school students, whose demands echoed those of teachers. "For years we have demanded that the
Ephrat Livni contributed reporting.
public school system have more means," she said.
She also criticized the government for policies she said support private schools more than public institutions.
Roger Lallier, 78, a retired engineer who was wearing the vest of a major workers' union, said he came all the way from Bourgogne, nearly 200 miles from Paris, to support the students. "I was part of May 68," he said, referring to nationwide protests initiated by students in 1968 that nearly toppled the government and transformed French society.
"It's misery in France," Mr. Lallier said, lamenting the state of high schools, adding, "we've fallen far lower than where we were at a few years ago." He said that he hoped the presidential election next year would bring a "real left-wing government" to power, offering what he called real change.
Luce Avanzata, 20, who has been enrolled in a cinema studies program for the past two years, said she came to the protest to help broaden the movement that high school students had launched weeks ago. She applauded the high schoolers for succeeding where older students had not and for “managing to make themselves heard.”
"For me it's the moment to change things," Ms. Avanzata said.
Parents and union members said they had joined school block-ades to ensure the protests remained peaceful and protect young people from confrontations with the police. Some of the demonstrations have turned violent, some schools have been set on fire, and the police have made thousands of arrests, while facing accusations of heavy-handed law enforcement.
"There's a whole process of learning how to protest," said Claire Langmann, 53, a mother of a protesting student who joined the blockade in front of Hélène Boucher High School in northern Paris on Tuesday morning. "I believe society can change through collective effort, so I really want to see this succeed," she added.
Scuffles with riot police later erupted outside the school and the police broke up the blockade.
Georges Poncelet, a 25-year-old psychology student, said she came to support the high school movement, but also to demand more funding for higher education. With the government planning to freeze social benefits for college students, she said students who had to work part time would struggle even more.
"I came to assert the place of students in society, a place that is extremely marginalized, in a society that claims to be thinking about the future," she said.
Ms. Poncelet said she felt grateful for the younger students and was moved to see them protest, especially because she lives in Seine-St.-Denis, a working-class suburb north of Paris where several high schools have organized blockades at schools. Ms. Poncelet held signs saying, "Gen Z: no money, no housing, no therapist, no fear" and "budget for tear gas, never for health care."
President Trump weighed in on the protests, calling them evidence of France's "out of control mass migration." "This isn't about schools," he wrote on his social media account, "this is about Islam wanting to take over a once great Country!" Neither immigration nor religion have figured in the students' demands.
On Monday Jean-Luc Mélenchon, the leader of France Unbowed, the leading far-left political party, had called on adults willing to take part in the protest to wear white armbands.
Dominique Godin, 73, a retired pianist, wore one as he protested in Paris on Tuesday. He said he was there to show his support for high school students and to protect them.
Mr. Godin, who has an 18-year-old daughter, recalled, "I was once in high school, in university. To see there are similar situations 50 years later is impossible to bear."
Young people, he said, "are realizing that they're going to have to manage their own future, since the older generations aren't doing it."
NEWS ANALYSIS
美国数学和阅读成绩陷入十年低谷。我们提出了这样一个问题：什么能扭转局面？
作者：SARAH MERVOSH, FRANCESCA PARIS 和 CLAIRE CAIN MILLER
With images of young protesters clashing with the police amid clouds of tear gas, the student protests have become the most vivid manifestation of France's unrest and grievances. Hundreds of schools around the country have closed, dozens have been damaged, and many people have been arrested or injured.
The street clashes have rattled financial markets that were already nervous. Traders kept the yield on 10-year French bonds near 5 percent on Tuesday, one of the highest levels of any European Union member and a sign that investors lack confidence in the lame-duck government's ability to manage its mushrooming challenges.
"In France, we say 'fin de règne,' meaning the end of Mr. Macron's decade-long reign over French politics, said Jean-Yves Camus, a political scientist at the Jean Jaurès Foundation, a left-leaning think tank in Paris. "The regime is at the end of its term and does not seem to have a plan for the next seven months."
These deepening anxieties do not mean France is destined to
Marine Le Pen, the French far-right leader, delivered a much-anticipated speech on her economic agenda on Tuesday.
have a Greece-style debt crisis or the kind of market backlash that toppled a British prime minister, Liz Truss, after she proposed budget-busting tax cuts in 2022.
Economists pointed out that other countries, including the United States, face pressure on their public finances because of rising interest rates. France's anchor role in the European Union, they said, means that the bloc's other members would bail it out, should it ever come to that.
"France's position looks unsustainable and the bond markets are saying that, but they're not screaming it yet," said Kenneth Rogoff, a professor of economics at Harvard and a scholar of financial crises. "It's a slow-motion train wreck."
France, of course, is no stranger to social unrest, most recently the yellow-vest protests, which raged from 2018 to 2020. Tens of thousands of people, wearing high-visibility safety vests, turned out for weekly demonstrations that began as a protest against rising fuel prices and grew into demands for political and economic justice.
Some analysts note a disquieting similarity between that period and today, with oil and gas prices spiking as a result of the
Iran war. Mr. Macron appears mindful of those dangers. Last Thursday, he led a meeting of leaders of Group of 7 wealthy democracies, in which they agreed to release 100 million barrels of diesel and crude oil from their stockpiles to ease pressure on fuel prices.
With French fishermen having blocked ports and fuel terminals to protest the cost of diesel, Mr. Macron said he hoped the emergency measure would cause prices to "drop at the pump as quickly as possible."
Still, energy prices are only one piece of France's precarious fiscal picture. The country's public debt stands at roughly \$4 trillion, which is 119 percent of its annual economic output. With rates on French government bonds spiking, the cost of servicing that debt is projected to increase to roughly \$100 billion in 2027. France also faces higher health care and pension costs because of its aging population, as well as increased military spending driven by the war in Ukraine and the disengagement of the United States.
To pay for all of that and keep France's budget deficit from exploding, Prime Minister Sébastien Lecornu proposes to raise some taxes and freeze spending on social programs like housing aid and family allowances. Analysts said Mr. Lecornu was likely to get a budget passed, even if it takes months of messy negotiations and requires him to invoke special powers to push it through.
To do that, however, the government will have to rely on Ms. Le Pen's party, the National Rally, not to torpedo the legislation. It has 118 of the 577 seats in the National Assembly, the most of any party. Some analysts expect Ms. Le Pen to order her lawmakers to abstain and allow the budget to pass, if only to protect herself from facing fiscal chaos if she wins the presidential election in April.
On Tuesday, Ms. Le Pen delivered a much-anticipated speech on her economic agenda. Analysts will dissect it for evidence that the National Rally has become more realistic about France's fiscal problems since her last run for president, in 2022, when she was widely criticized as lacking credibility on economic policy.
Though some analysts said they expected Ms. Le Pen to try to reassure bond markets about France's deficit, they predicted she would continue to be implacably hostile to the European Union. If she was elected, they said, it would raise hard questions about France's future contribution to the E.U.'s budget.
For that reason, some liken France's election to the Brexit referendum in Britain, in which voters decided to break away from the European Union. "This is France's 2016 moment," said Mujtaba Rahman, an analyst who specializes in Europe at Eurasia Group, a political risk consultancy.
"It's not just a debt crisis or bond-market crisis," Mr. Rahman continued. "The investors I'm talking to are worrying about an existential political and constitutional crisis. It's all of these issues coming together in a deeply unhelpful way for whoever wins the presidential election."
A victory by Ms. Le Pen is far from preordained. She has been convicted of financial corruption, which she denies, and her party president, Jordan Bardella, has been accused of antisemitism, which he also denies. Analysts say that in a runoff against a centrist, Ms. Le Pen might lose.
But in another scenario, analysts said, the double whammy of economic problems and social unrest could play to the advantage of hard-line politicians on the right and the left. That could send Ms. Le Pen into a runoff against a far-left candidate whom she might more easily defeat.
Whoever prevails after this autumn of discontent, the crisis may force a more basic reckoning: France can no longer afford its social welfare state.
"That is the deepest source of anger in France," said Michel de Rosen, a French author and businessman. "We're a country that can no longer do what it wants to do."
TheUpshot
The Upshot 提供关于政治、政策和日常生活的报道、分析和图表。nytimes.com / upshot
Separatist Party Returns to Power in Quebec, but Doesn't Have Majority
ANDREJ IVANOV/AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE — GETTY IMAGES
Parti Québécois backers on Monday cheering positive results, including the election of the party leader, Paul St-Pierre Plamon-don, left. The party appeared to win only 28 percent of the vote.
GRAHAM HUGHES/THE CANADIAN PRESS, VIA ASSOCIATED PRESS
Referendum Eyed
After Trump Goes
By NORIMITSU ONISHI
The separatist Parti Québécois won the provincial election in Quebec on Monday, possibly setting the stage for a referendum on the French-speaking province's independence from Canada in the next few years.
Voters hungry for change returned the Parti Québécois to power for the first time in 12 years, even though they displayed little interest in the commitment of its leader, Paul St-Pierre Plamondon, to hold a referendum on secession from Canada.
The Parti Québécois fell short of clinching a majority, winning 59 seats out of 127 in the provincial legislature, according to incomplete results late Monday. That could make it difficult for Mr. St-Pierre Plamondon to fulfill his campaign promise to hold a referendum after President Trump leaves office in 2029 and the economy stabilizes.
A Parti Québécois minority government could struggle to stay in power for a full four-year term. Mr. St-Pierre Plamondon will also govern after winning only about 28 percent of the popular vote, according to incomplete results, making it hard for him to claim a popular mandate.
"A referendum is an opportunity to decide for yourself," Mr. St-Pierre Plamondon said in his victory speech. "It's an act of democracy. It's up to no one but us, as a people, to determine our national future."
But in an acknowledgment of his government's minority status, he said he would call a referendum "hopefully, with the help of other pro-independence lawmakers from other parties."
The governing Coalition Avenir Québec, which held power for two terms and was re-elected in a landslide four years ago, had a total collapse in its support — winning no seats, according to incomplete results.
"It's clearly a difficult result," Christine Fréchette, Quebec's premier and leader of the Coalition Avenir Québec, said in a concession speech.
For Prime Minister Mark Carney of Canada, the results come just two weeks before voters in Alberta decide whether to hold a referendum on separation from Canada. In the past, relations have often been tense between the federal government and a Quebec led by the Parti Québécois. But Mr. St-Pierre Plamondon said in a debate during the campaign that he was ready to "collaborate" with Mr. Carney, who remains extremely popular in Quebec.
Mr. St-Pierre Plamondon explicitly called for a referendum during the campaign, breaking with previous Parti Québécois leaders who opted for ambiguity to avoid alienating mainstream voters. Today, support for independence — around 30 percent — is at its lowest in decades.
Mr. St-Pierre Plamondon, 49, roused the party's separatist base with his vow to hold a referendum but spoke little about independence during the campaign. He also tamped down anxieties over a referendum by pledging to hold one only after the end of Mr. Trump's term.
In Beloeil, a city about 30 miles east of Montreal, with a mostly French Québécois population, the candidate for the Parti Québécois unseated the long-serving incumbent of the governing Coalition Avenir Québec.
After voting at a school in Beloeil, Dominique Tessier, 68, a part-time school bus driver who used to work in real estate, said he had endorsed the Parti Québécois because of Mr. St-Pierre Plamon-don's promises, including to hold a referendum on independence.
"Will Quebec separate one day? Probably not," said Mr. Tessier, a lifelong supporter of independence. "But it could strengthen our hand in Canada."
The flag-bearer of the independence movement, the Parti
Québécois led the province to two unsuccessful referendums, in 1980 and 1995. Historically the main supporters of the Quebec independence movement, French Québécois are wealthier and better educated than in the past —
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Support for leaving Canada has been falling over the years.
and less interested in seceding from Canada, experts say.
As the attitudes of French Québécois have changed — and as the population of immigrants, who tend to side against independence, has risen in Quebec — many separatists have come to believe that the next referendum could be their last chance.
Mr. St-Pierre Plamondon, who studied at McGill and Oxford and practiced litigation law in Montreal, has talked over the years about his changing attitudes toward independence. He voted "yes" in the 1995 referendum, and then embraced federalism and eventually joined the Parti Québécois as a champion of independence.
Voters displayed little interest in independence during the campaign, showing more concern over issues like the rising cost of living, the province's dysfunctional public health care system, the lack of affordable housing and Canada's trade war with the United States.
The Parti Québécois's rivals seized on its promise of a referendum to portray Mr. St-Pierre Plamondon as a potential source of instability.
Ms. Fréchette said that a win by the Parti Québécois would create economic uncertainty in Quebec, deterring investments in the province by private businesses and the federal government.
Ms. Fréchette said unpredictability would arise "the moment a referendum becomes part of Quebec's political horizon."
But Mr. St-Pierre Plamondon was able to overcome such attacks, benefiting from what polls described as Quebec voters' intense desire for change. Ms. Fréchette took over as her party's leader in April after the resignation of the deeply unpopular François Legault. But Ms. Fréchette, a former minister of economy, has been unable to distance herself from her party's track record, especially the failure of several high-profile economic and government projects.
"It was time for a change," said Jonathan Crabey, 38, who works in construction and was voting at a school in Chambly, a city about 20 miles east of Montreal., where the Parti Québécois candidate defeated the incumbent of the governing Coalition Avenir Québec.
Mr. Crabey, who had voted for Ms. Fréchette's party in the past, gave his support to Conservative Party of Quebec this time because of its pledge to lower taxes. He said he "hadn't given much thought" to a referendum.
The federalist Quebec Liberal Party came in second on Monday, dominating in the diverse, multilingual electoral districts on the island of Montreal and making inroads elsewhere. The Conservative Party of Quebec also made gains and came in third place, followed by the left-leaning, separatist Québec Solidaire. The Coalition Avenir Québec came in last.
NEWS ANALYSIS
辅导，阅读科学
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📄 Original Section
Turning an Eviction Into an Election Platform
Bar patrons on the outskirts of Madrid watching Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez' announcement.
BERNAT ARMANGUE/ASSOCIATED PRESS
By JASON HOROWITZ
MADRID — Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez of Spain, one of Europe's premier political escape artists, had searched in vain for months for a route to remain in power after nearly a decade in office.
He had tried to rally his left-wing base by presenting himself as a counterweight to President Trump, clashing with him on issues like the environment and the war in Iran. But scandals among Mr. Sánchez' inner circle kept dragging him down.
He won leftist plaudits for giving a pathway to legal status to more than a million undocumented people, whom he presented as critical to the economy's continued growth. But a chaotic surge of 80,000 migrants in July into Ceuta, a Spanish exclave in North Africa, muddied that picture and instead gave the conservative opposition a shot of energy.
So when Spanish lawmakers, including many conservatives, rejected Mr. Sánchez' proposal on Friday for emergency renter protections popular with left-wing Spaniards, he seized on the defeat as an opportunity to regain the political initiative.
He pulled the plug on his third consecutive government, called for early elections on Nov. 29 and, in a nationally televised speech Monday morning, framed the contest as a choice "to move backward or to keep moving forward."
The housing protections, which would have suspended evictions until 2030, were made in response to public outrage over the eviction last month of an 87-year-old woman in Madrid. Mr. Sánchez' minority coalition government lacked enough lawmakers to pass it on its own. By going to the polls over the issue, Mr. Sánchez hoped to give left-wing Spaniards a reason to return him power, this time with a majority.
Mr. Sánchez, who is trailing in the polls, said Spaniards must now choose between joining "that far-right wave that brings regression wherever it governs" or keeping Spain as "a bastion of openness, social justice and
Carlos Barragán contributed reporting from Madrid.
environmental responsibility."
On Tuesday, he fueled that narrative by announcing plans to push through the housing measures — including restrictions on evictions and a rent freeze — while Parliament breaks for the election.
The call for new elections adds to a period of destabilization in Europe, with students protesting poor school conditions in France, an industrial downturn and a far-right party surge in Germany, and inflation going up seemingly everywhere. Across the continent, governments are struggling to find ways to sustain a welfare model that guarantees free health care and generous pensions even as populations shrink, industry declines and debt interest payments spike. Frustration with a lack of solutions has helped fuel the rise of hard-right parties who have capitalized on the discontent.
Mr. Sánchez has portrayed his government as a last holdout against those far-right forces. His vision for a big government that favors generous social benefits, civil rights protections and increased immigration is increasingly fading from the European landscape. He hopes that Spaniards will see the election as an emblematic fork in the road with significance beyond its borders.
Mr. Sánchez has some data to bolster his position. Under his government, the Spanish economy in recent years has emerged as one of the European Union's fastest-growing, at times accounting for a large chunk of the bloc's total growth. Tax revenue has shot up, the nation's coffers have filled up and unemployment has shrunk. Renewable energy now powers much of the electricity in Spain, and the minimum wage has increased. Spain even won the World Cup.
The country's main conservative opposition party, the Popular Party, argues that Mr. Sánchez' record is much more mixed and aims to make the coming election a referendum on Mr. Sánchez himself.
His critics have seized on a raft of corruption cases including his closest advisers in the Socialist Party, his wife and his brother — which they deny — to paint a picture of a crooked regime abusing its power. They point out that his minority coalition, lacking enough votes in Parliament, has failed to pass a national budget for three years, something Mr. Sánchez once said no legitimate government should
do. All that has polarized Spain and made the Spanish right motivated to vote him out.
"Finally, Spain will speak its mind," Alberto Núñez Feijóo, the leader of the Popular Party, said at a news briefing on Monday.
But the Popular Party lacks enough support to govern on its own, and may need to team up with the far-right Vox party to take power. Support for Vox has surged in recent years, especially amid rising concerns over migration since the crisis in Ceuta.
In some ways, the louder Vox is, the easier it is for Mr. Sánchez to get his liberal base, as well as the polarized country's moderate voters, to rally to his side.
But analysts said Mr. Sánchez' tactic of creating a juxtaposition between himself and right-wing boogeymen had lost its power.
It was the housing issue, experts said, that gave Mr. Sánchez yet another escape route, in part by helping him re-energize what experts estimate are the roughly 1.4 million left-wing voters who had become more likely to skip the next election.
"The clear aim of the campaign will be to mobilize those voters," said Pablo Simón, a professor of political science at Carlos III University in Madrid.
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干预措施 / 效果 / 成本
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📄 Original Section
A Separatist Leader Can Return to Spain
By CARLOS BARRAGÁN
MADRID — The Spanish Supreme Court has canceled an arrest warrant for Carles Puigdemont, the Catalan separatist leader who fled the country in 2017 and had been living in Belgium, allowing him to return to Catalonia.
The decision, which the court announced on Tuesday afternoon, paves the way for Mr. Puigdemont to benefit from an amnesty law passed by Parliament in 2024.
The decision came hours after Spain's Constitutional Court ruled that the Supreme Court must apply the amnesty law in full, after a Supreme Court judge had refused to cancel warrants for Mr. Puigdemont and other separatist leaders who were facing embezzlement charges. The Constitutional Court, which has the final say on constitutional matters in Spain, had already upheld the amnesty law itself.
"The Constitutional Court's decision to apply the amnesty is a victory for the independence movement," said a spokesman for the Catalan separatist party that Mr. Puigdemont leads, Junts.
As the president of the Catalonia government in October 2017, Mr. Puigdemont was at the heart of a national crisis when he organized a referendum on independence for Catalonia, the prosperous northeastern region, after Spanish courts had found it illegal. Catalonia's Parliament formally declared independence later that month. In response, the conservative Spanish central government sent in the police, dissolved the regional Parliament and took direct control of Catalonia.
The standoff, Spain's biggest constitutional crisis in decades, ended with some separatist leaders in prison and split Catalonia in half, leaving deep divisions. The tensions fueled nationalist feeling elsewhere in Spain, and a far-right party has capitalized on the discontent.
Spain's prime minister, Pedro Sánchez, pushed through the amnesty law in late 2023 with the stated goal of restoring "coexistence and reconciliation" to Catalan society. Mr. Sánchez' Socialist Party governs the region today and celebrated the Constitutional Court ruling.
"Time has proved us right; Catalonia is moving forward," Salvador Illa, the Catalan president, said on Tuesday in a post on social media.
Mr. Sánchez' critics seized on the canceling of Mr. Puigdemont's arrest warrant to attack the amnesty law. They see it as a political payoff after Junts backed Mr. Sánchez' return as prime minister in Parliament in 2023.
“Nothing can erase the fact that the amnesty is yet another deception by Sánchez,” the conservative opposition leader, Alberto Núñez Feijóo, said on Tuesday in a post on social media.
But Junts politicians, including Mr. Puigdemont, who briefly returned to Catalonia in 2024, have
SIMON WOHLFAHRT/AFP. — GETTY IMAGES
The Catalan separatist leader Carles Puigdemont has lived in Belgium since fleeing in 2017.
grown disillusioned with Mr. Sánchez. The party helped strike down a proposed housing bill on Friday, a loss for Mr. Sánchez that pushed him toward snap elections on Nov. 29.
When the amnesty law took effect in 2024, a Supreme Court judge refused to apply it to those were convicted of embezzlement. The judge argued that the use of public money for the independence push amounted to personal enrichment, one of the exceptions to the amnesty law.
One of the separatist leaders appealed to the Constitutional Court, which ruled on Tuesday that the Supreme Court could not exclude embezzlement cases from the amnesty. The decision established a precedent for other separatist leaders, including Mr. Puigdemont, who can now return to Spain without being arrested.
The New York Times
A campaign sign, above, for Representative Juan Ciscomani, a Republican from the Tucson, Ariz., area whose race centers on last year's budget legislation. A casino in Tucson, right, and below, counting tips at a golf resort.
Keeping More of Tip Money Is Offset by Expenses Like Gas
ORO VALLEY, Ariz. — Outside the clubhouse at a golf resort nestled in the mountains framing Oro Valley, Ariz., Logan Bigelow corralled golf carts for players as he tallied how much he had benefited from a law enacted last year that limited taxes on tips.
Mr. Bigelow, 28, figured his tax refund had increased by \$200 to \$300, and some of his friends who work as bar backs at nightclubs in Tucson — pulling in as much as \$700 in tips in a night — had noticed bigger boosts.
But none of it seemed like enough to make up for the other costs he and his friends were shouldering.
"I wish it helped out a little more than it did," Mr. Bigelow said in an interview. "The cost of gas — it's getting outrageous. And how much health care premiums have gone up is out of control."
Republicans in Congress had hoped the major tax-and-spending-cut bill they muscled into law last year would redeem them on the campaign trail as they try to beat historical odds to keep their majorities in next month's midterm elections.
But in an election that has increasingly become defined by the high cost of living, the benefits of the measure — including sharply restricting federal income taxes on tips and overtime — appear to be getting swamped by economic stress. That stress has been exacerbated by the war with Iran, as well as other moves Republicans have made that yanked government support that many Americans rely on. Among those was the G.O.P. refusal to extend health care subsidies under the Affordable Care Act that expired last year, causing premium spikes like those Mr. Bigelow cited.
Arguably the only major legislative accomplishment congressional Republicans have mustered during the two years of their slim governing trifecta, G.O.P. leaders and vulnerable incumbents have promoted the bill as an answer to voter concerns about rising costs.
"We have more jobs coming home, more wages rising, more working families keeping more of what they earn, and that is our affordability agenda," Speaker Mike Johnson said last month during a campaign stop in a swing district in Arizona. "There is more and more of that on the way."
House Republicans' super PAC began running television and digital ads behind the message almost immediately after the bill passed, and recently announced a more than \$22 million campaign both promoting the tax cuts and attacking Democrats for opposing them.
One ad targeting Representative Marie Gluesenkamp Perez, Democrat of Washington, features constituents lamenting that she "voted for the largest tax hike in U.S. history" and "voted to tax seniors like me."
The Tax Foundation, a think tank that generally favors lower taxes, found in February that taxpayers would see a nearly \$2,300 average tax cut this year as a result of the legislation, which extended the tax cuts passed during President Trump's first term and created a handful of new, temporary cuts.
But there are signs those benefits are not motivating voters as much as Republicans had hoped.
An NBC poll in September found that 42 percent of voters said they were less likely to support a candidate backing the measure, while 36 percent said they were more likely to support one. A Politico poll in July found that one in three Americans polled said it had hurt their personal finances, compared with the 8 percent who said it had greatly helped.
In southeast Arizona, which has one of the critical races that will determine control of the House, Representative Juan Ciscomani, a two-term Republican, is leaning heavily on the tax cut measure as a selling point.
The legislation has become a central issue in the race. His Democratic challenger, JoAnna Mendoza, a retired Marine and former executive director of a group advocating a more progressive tax policy in the state, has hammered Mr. Ciscomani over the cuts to social safety net programs included in the bill. Mr. Ciscomani, in turn, has attacked Ms. Mendoza for opposing the tax cuts, as well as others considered in recent years by the state legislature.
It has been a frequent talking point for vulnerable Republicans campaigning for re-election across the country. In Pennsylvania, an ad in support of Representative Ryan Mackenzie showed the manager of a restaurant who said limiting taxes on tips had “made a real difference for our employees.” In Iowa, Representative Zach Nunn highlighted the provision at an August event with workers at a bar and grill in Ankeny where he appeared with the acting labor secretary.
Darrell Hussman, the president of the Tucson Police Officers Association, which has endorsed Mr. Ciscomani, said that his members had benefited from the limiting of taxes on overtime included in the G.O.P. legislation.
The Tucson Police Department is understaffed, Mr. Hussman said, and officers had been working so much overtime that the department recently imposed a cap requiring special permission to work more than 25 extra hours in a week. His officers reported seeing anywhere from \$500 to a few thousand extra dollars on their tax refund.
“That, to me, is thrilling,” he said. “We see there’s a benefit, and with prices going up — gas alone, you see the wear and tear. But now these officers are able to afford a little bit more for their family and themselves.”
Yet in conversations with nearly two dozen tipped workers across the district — bartenders and blackjack dealers at a casino, cart drivers at a golf club and servers at sports bars, dive bars, a Waffle House and a fine-dining restaurant — there was only muted enthusiasm for the “no tax on tips” provision.
Most said it had made a welcome but small difference, but became more impassioned when they began rattling off the increasingly unmanageable prices of gas and groceries. At least two tipped workers, including a blackjack dealer, said they had never heard of the tax cut.
Among its more celebratory backers was Alex Vargas, 20, who works during the day as a bartender and server at a golf club in Oro Valley and at night at a popular Mexican restaurant in Tucson. He estimated making \$700 in tips a week at the golf club and \$200 to \$400 a night at the restaurant.
The new law, he said, had made "a big difference," because he gets the majority of his income from tips. He plans to put away the extra money he receives from his tax refund to open his own business.
But while Mr. Vargas cited keeping taxes low as one of his highest priorities, he also said he had grown disillusioned with Mr. Trump's immigration crackdown.
"It shouldn't be as black and white," said Mr. Vargas, who said he had not previously voted but planned to do so in November. (He declined to say how.)
Eve Woods, 21, works as a server and bartender at a casino where campaign ads about the legislation were playing on televisions next to blackjack tables and slot machines.
She said she noticed a "slight increase"
on her tax refund this year, though it "wasn't that much."
"Honestly, the main issue I am focused on is minimum wage — we only get \$6.50 — so that's really a make-it-or-break-it type of deal," Ms. Woods said. "The no tax on tips is good, but I think wages definitely need to increase. I could serve you \$1,000, but it doesn't mean you'll give a 20 percent tip."
Ms. Woods, who said she usually supported Democrats, did not vote in 2024 because she felt “conflicted” about her options. But she said she planned to cast a ballot in November, citing in part her unhappiness with the cuts to the food assistance program from the tax cut legislation.
In an effort to defray the cost of the tax cuts that were the centerpiece of the package, Republicans included substantial reductions to Medicaid, the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program and other government aid, squeezing many voters.
In Arizona, cuts to food stamps have hit particularly hard. The number of people in the state getting SNAP benefits has fallen by about half in less than a year, in part because of red tape.
Lisa Fitzgibbons, the mayor of Casa Grande, a desert city of about 60,000 south of Phoenix, said that the cuts in the legislation were starting to take effect at a time when her constituents were already financially struggling.
A needs assessment conducted by Pinal County, which includes Casa Grande, found that 64 percent of residents reported running out of food before their next paycheck.
"There are certain pieces that are benefiting people, but then there's others that are really hurting people," Ms. Fitzgibbons said of the law. "These issues that are going to come up are really going to hurt people even more. People are struggling right now."
She said that local nonprofits in Casa Grande had “seen unbelievable numbers” of people asking for food, and that the Walmart had seen a large reduction in sales.
"People are almost at their wits' end," she said. "They're like, 'OK, enough is enough here.'"
"The no tax on tips is good," said Eve Woods, a server and bartender at a Tucson casino, "but I think wages definitely need to increase."
"I wish it helped out a little more than it did," Logan Bigelow, who works at a golf resort in Oro Valley, Ariz., said of Republican tax legislation. "The cost of gas — it's getting outrageous."
"People are struggling right now," said Lisa Fitzgibbons, the mayor of Casa Grande, citing the law's reduction in social safety net benefits.
Democrats Project a Milestone: 100 Women in the House
By ANNIE KARNI
"I'm incredibly confident that we will pass that 100 mark," said Representative Teresa Leger Fernández of New Mexico, third from right.
ANITA POUCHARD SERBA FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
CHRISTOPHER SMITH FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
Women seeking to secure House seats include, from left, Darializa Avila Chevalier, Claire Valdez, Paige Cognetti and Rebecca Cooke.
WASHINGTON — Democrats pressing to win control of Congress in the midterm elections are also reaching for a major milestone in their ranks: electing at least 100 women to the House, the most ever in a legislative body that is still heavily dominated by older white men.
With female candidates competing in many key districts that will determine the House majority, and polls showing the party gaining ground in those contests, Democrats are projecting they could have as many as 113 women in their ranks next year.
"I'm incredibly confident that we will pass that 100 mark," Representative Teresa Leger Fernández of New Mexico, chairwoman of the Democratic Women's Caucus, said in an interview. "The real issue is how far above it do we go."
The peak projection of 113 could only be reached if Democrats won every competitive race, including a few that more strongly favor Republicans, a highly unlikely scenario even in the best of years. But even reaching 100 would be a high-water mark that was unthinkable just a generation ago. When Emily's List, the largest funder of female Democratic candidates who support abortion rights, was founded in 1985, less than 5 percent of the House Democratic Caucus were women. Now, it is approaching 50 percent.
ANITA POUCHARD SERRA FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
KENNY HOLSTON/THE NEW YORK TIMES
"We have all along in this election cycle put women front and center to deliver the House majority," said Jessica Mackler, the president of Emily's List, who noted that women backed by the organization make up a majority of toss-up House races.
That didn't happen by accident. As of Monday, when six new candidates were added, 19 out of the 46 Democrats in the party's "Red to Blue" program that funds top contenders in battleground districts are women.
"Women are going to give Democrats the majority in two ways," Ms. Leger Fernández said. "We're going to elect women candidates who will flip the House, and it's also women voters who will come out and overwhelmingly vote for Democratic candidates, because the two hardest-hit groups by the Republicans' policies have been Latinos and women."
Currently, there are 97 women in the House Democratic Caucus (including two nonvoting delegates who represent Washington, D.C., and the Virgin Islands), a record for female representation accounting for around 45 percent of Democratic members.
While some are retiring, Democrats expect those who remain to be joined by a large crop of women running in safe Democratic districts and others who are favored to win competitive races in an environment that polls show is favorable to their party, resulting in even higher numbers next year.
TIM EVANS/REUTERS
The first tier of candidates Democratic leaders are counting on includes a dozen women who are running in open or safely Democratic seats, including Melat Kiros in Colorado; Darializa Avila Chevalier and Claire Valdez in New York and Stefany Shaheen in New Hampshire.
Three others pressing to flip Republican districts are seen as very likely to win: Marni von Wilpert, who is running in a newly drawn California district; Denise Powell, who is seeking a Democratic-trending Nebraska seat currently occupied by Republican Representative Don Bacon; and Rebecca Bennett, who is polling ahead of Representative Tom Kean Jr., the lawmaker who was absent from Congress for over 100 days for what he later revealed was a struggle with depression.
A dozen more women are running in races that the nonpartisan Cook Political Report ranks as "tossups." Ms. Leger said she was confident that three or more of them would win in November. They include challengers to some of the most vulnerable Republican incumbents, including Representatives Rob Bresnahan Jr. of Pennsylvania, Jen Kiggans of Virginia, Derrick Van Orden of Wisconsin, Juan Ciscomani of Arizona, Mike Lawler of New York and Mariannette Miller-Meeks of Iowa.
If a handful of Democratic women running to flip more Republican-leaning districts in Colorado, Florida, Iowa and South Carolina prevail, the ranks could swell even more.
In her state of New Mexico, she said, "we have a majority-women legislature with a woman governor and we have universal child care; I want to see that kind of progress."
Should Democrats win the majority, Ms. Leger said she expected women to be the driving force next year on an agenda focused on child care and elder care.
Kelly Dittmar, a professor of political science at Rutgers University, said that representation mattered also "for perceptions of legitimacy." Having more women serving in legislatures not only changes policy but "changes the institutions themselves," she said.
As an example, Ms. Dittmar pointed to the reaction in 2020 to an episode in which Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Democrat of New York, was called a "fucking bitch" by a male Republican colleague. Instead of letting it go, Ms. Ocasio-Cortez delivered a floor speech in which she read the vulgarity into the congressional record, and other female lawmakers rose to recount their own stories of experiencing sexism in the halls of power.
Ms. Leger said having more women in Congress would also be more effective than any policy change in addressing the culture of sexual harassment on Capitol Hill.
"When you have close to 50 percent of the Democratic caucus understanding what is it like to be on the other end of sexual assault, sexual mistreatment, sexual har-"
assment, the conversation changes," she said.
Republicans have far less gender diversity in their ranks in the House, where there are currently 32 G.O.P. women (including two nonvoting delegates) — around 15 percent of their members — and are at risk of those levels dropping further. To maintain the party's number of female House members, it's likely that six vulnerable G.O.P. women would have to succeed in fending off their challengers next month.
The G.O.P. is also losing much of its racial diversity in the House: All four Black Republicans serving there are leaving Congress
Number of Democratic Women in House May Top 100
The low-end projection includes races rated by the Cook Political Report as favoring Democrats; the high-end projection includes all tossup races.
Notes: Data is as of Oct. 2 and includes non-voting members. Years shown are the start of each congressional session. Sources: @unitedstates project on GitHub (historical data); Cook Political Report (ratings). ASHLEY WU AND ELENA SHAO/THE NEW YORK TIMES
next year.
The lack of diversity in their ranks is an issue that some Republican strategists are aware needs a fix. "Regardless of the outcome next month, Republicans need to recommit to building a conference that reflects our voters," Parker Poling, a Republican strategist, wrote on social media, adding, "We should recognize the importance of different perspectives to a majority."
Representative Emilia Sykes, Democrat of Ohio, said there were still small daily reminders that she served in an institution that was not designed with her in mind, even as the number of women climbed.
"The size of the chairs is a problem," Ms. Sykes said. "I'm not a big person; sitting in the chairs that are very large, my feet dangle."
She said she sometimes receives letters addressed to "the congressman," which boggles her mind.
"I think, 'OK, you're coming to advocate for millions of dollars and significant policy changes, and you have the lack of research to know the member isn't a man,' she said.
Ms. Sykes said her journey to Congress as a young Black woman has been challenging: Fund-raising has been more difficult for her, she said. Consultants were quick to overlook her when she first wanted to run. But she said she was a believer in the mantra "if you see it, you can be it."
"For the women who have found their way," she added, "the fights that they're fighting are incredible."
Attempting to Film Like Mamdani? Not All Mayors Can Pull It Off.
From Page AI
his message out and help propel him to victory last year.
But not all candidates are as skilled on camera. Some videos are charming, real-life glimpses into the day of a mayor trying to solve problems. Others come across as stilted, overproduced or even awkward. Most candidates are learning as they go.
"They can be effective, but the person has to be genuinely likable or it doesn't work," said Aviva Bowen, a political strategist in Chicago. "They're supposed to be raw and gritty and a peek behind the curtain."
Last month, Mayor Brandon Johnson of Chicago publicized his re-election bid with a video of himself dancing, albeit stiffly, on a rooftop. Mayor Daniel Lurie of San Francisco took to video to warn residents that a mountain lion was spotted at the corner of 44th Avenue and Ulloa Street. Jacob Frey, the mayor of Minneapolis, recently showed off his between-the-legs dribble, and a few bricked jump shots, while telling residents about a basketball tournament returning to the city.
Cynthia Silva contributed video research and editing.
Good or bad, the videos are increasingly a staple for an American mayor, or an aspiring one.
Campaign strategists say that the videos — which are also being adopted by governors, members of Congress and other elected officials — can be deceptively tricky to pull off. They are most compelling, the consensus goes, when they are candid, honest and shorter than 30 seconds.
The videos can also help push an obscure candidate into the spotlight. In Seattle, Katie Wilson was running for mayor last year as a nearly unknown community organizer and socialist when she released a video of herself standing on a sidewalk holding an \$8 slice of pizza and explaining how the cost was connected to the city's housing crisis. Her campaign took off, and months later she was elected, unseating the incumbent.
Ms. Wilson's videos worked because they leaned into her image as an awkward policy nerd, said Sandeep Kaushik, a Democratic political strategist in Seattle who was not involved with her campaign.
"They come across as really honest and authentic," Mr. Kaushik said. "And they showed you who she is as a person. They weren't formal or antiseptic or cerebral in the way most campaign communications are."
Annie Gabillet, the deputy communications director who oversees digital work for Mayor Lurie in San Francisco, said that his videos are an outgrowth of the early days of his campaign. Mr. Lurie had never run for office before and was fighting for name recognition. So he began making candid, in-the-moment videos, sometimes dropping in on small businesses or art galleries, places around the city that he loved.
"He didn't set out to become an influencer, so as he's filmed more videos himself, it's become more natural, as if he's just talking to San Franciscans," she said.
Mr. Lurie's Instagram audience is largely San Francisco-based, and he relies on Instagram reels to get his messages out. Some of his highest-performing videos this year have been snapshots of life in the city: a new Jollibee opening on Market Street, a how-to on cleaning storm drains, a scene of Mr. Lurie stopping by a salsa dancing event in Union Square.
Mayors have to be careful to ex- ude not just authenticity but com- petence, as Mayor Karen Bass of Los Angeles learned the hard way.
After Mr. Mamdani touted the pothole-filling prowess of his administration, a Los Angeles resident posted a video asking Ms. Bass to fill a hole on her street. Ms. Bass responded with her own video, explaining why it could not be addressed right away. Social media mockery ensued. Ms. Bass followed up the next day with a video showing the fixed pothole.
“Sometimes content lands differently than you intended,” said Leslie Gamboni, senior director of digital communications for Ms. Bass, adding that the reaction didn’t necessarily make the video a failure. “We did see that the video reached a lot of people, and hopefully people came away understanding more about 311 and how to report an issue.”
As next year's mayoral election in Chicago begins to heat up, mayoral hopefuls are elbowing each other for attention in real life — and on Instagram reels.
Alexi Giannoulias, the Illinois secretary of state and a mayoral candidate, has been making the rounds of block parties, concerts and food festivals and posting videos of his interactions with voters.
Last month, Mr. Giannoulias shared videos of himself jumping into the Chicago River, speaking at an event celebrating Chinese heritage and downing tequila at the city's Mexican Independence Day parade.
"Alexi believes it's important to communicate directly to voters where they are, whether that's knocking doors or short-form video on social media," said Jordan Abudayyeh, a campaign spokeswoman.
Mayor Johnson, who is running for re-election, has hired social media influencers to make posts promoting his campaign, circumventing traditional media. "We hope to showcase the mayor in his element," said Christian Perry, a campaign spokesman.
Ms. Mendoza is not on the air with television ads yet, but she drops new social videos regularly, sometimes filming several at once.
In September, as rain continued to threaten her shoot, Ms. Mendoza said that she sees the videos — which she said she had been posting long before Mr. Mamdani's rise — as crucial to her nascent mayoral campaign, less than five months from the February election.
"When I bump into people in real life, more and more and more, they're like, 'Oh my gosh, I love your videos,' she said. "They feel like they already know me. Then I get to seal the deal with them."
专家组成员包括：多米尼克·贝克（Dominique Baker，特拉华大学）、布伦丹·巴特南（Brendan Bartenan，弗吉尼亚州）、菲尔·卡平（Phil Capin，哈佛大学）、普鲁登斯·卡特（Prudence Carter，布朗大学）、约瑟夫·辛皮安（Joseph Cimpan，纽约大学）、莎拉·科霍德斯（Sarah Cohodes，密歇根大学）、托马斯·H·琼斯（Thomas H. Jones，阿拉巴马州）、托马斯·A·琼斯（Thomas A. Jones，阿拉巴马州）以及罗伯特（Robert，北卡罗来纳州立大学）、丹·戈德哈伯（Dan Goldhaber，华盛顿大学）、埃里克·哈努谢克（Eric Hanushek，斯坦福大学）、道格拉斯·哈里斯（Douglas Harris，杜兰大学）、希瑟·希尔（Heather Hill，哈佛大学）、伊安娜·霍恩（Iana Horn，范德堡大学）、朱维亚·贾巴尔（Juvya Jabbar，南加州大学）、汤姆·基雷（Tom Kiré (Kirk)，阿肯色州）、托马斯·K·史密斯（Thomas K. Smith，阿肯色州）、安德鲁·马修·克拉夫特（Andrew Matthew Kraft，布朗大学）、莎拉·温切尔·勒霍夫（Sarah Winchell Lerhoff，韦恩州立大学）、莎拉·卢比恩斯基（Sarah Lubienski，印第安纳大学）；罗伯特·马兰托（Robert Maranto，阿肯色州）、莎拉·诺维科夫（Sarah Novicoff，加州公共政策研究所）、哈里·安东尼·帕特里诺斯（Harry Anthony Patrinos，阿拉巴马州）、迈克尔·布朗（Michael Brown，阿拉巴马州）、马奎琳·罗扎（Marqueline Roza，乔治城大学）、杰克·施奈德（Jack Schneider，马萨诸塞大学阿默斯特分校）、贝丝·舒勒（Beth Schueler，斯坦福大学）、乔纳森·施魏格（Jonathan Schweig，兰德公司）、杰里米·辛格（Jeremy Singer，密歇根大学弗林特分校）、詹姆斯·奥克兰（James Oakland，密歇根州）、卡塔尼尔·斯特鲁克-佩特里奥特（Kathaniel Struck-Patriot）、洛里·泰勒（Lori Taylor，德克萨斯 A&M 大学）、克里斯·托马（Chris Toma，密歇根州）、马丁（Martin）、克里斯（Krist，哈佛大学）以及帕特里克-劳克（Patrick-Lowk，阿肯色州）。
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📄 Original Section
Can Power Of G.O.P. Rule Kansas Anymore?
By TIM BALK
Kansas has not elected a Democrat to the Senate since before World War II.
But this year, this reliably Republican state has unexpectedly lurched toward the center of the battle for control of the Senate.
Senator Roger Marshall of Kansas, a first-term Republican, is in such a competitive race that the top super PAC for Senate Republicans is diverting millions of dollars to the state that it would prefer to be spending in traditional battlegrounds.
With a month until Election Day, Mr. Marshall and his Democratic challenger, the Rev. Adam Hamilton, are roughly tied at 45 percent each, according to a New York Times/Siena University poll released this weekend.
The nonpartisan Cook Political Report still grades the race as leaning toward Republicans. But Democrats have become more optimistic, and Republicans are increasingly nervous.
Here are three reasons Kansas is competitive:
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最高性价比
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📄 Original Section
The state's economy has been hit hard in President Trump's second term.
Kansas's farming-heavy economy has been buffeted by challenges both of the president's making and out of his control.
Mr. Trump's war with Iran has driven up the costs of gasoline and diesel.
The president, as part of his trade wars, has allowed a flood of ground beef imports into the United States with lower tariffs, squeezing Kansas cattle farmers.
And the administration's immigration crackdown has rattled ranchers who rely on immigrants to keep the cattle supply chain moving.
Then there's a deepening drought in the state that has hampered yields of soybeans, wheat and corn.
Put it all together, and the state's farmers are in an anxious mood.
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问责制，课程
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📄 Original Section
The Democrat is a unique candidate.
Mr. Hamilton is a strong fund-raiser from a well-populated part of the state — near Kansas City — who has led a politically diverse, thousands-strong congregation.
He is running on a centrist platform focused on getting the United States out of the Iran war, unwinding the president's tariffs and regulating data centers.
Mr. Hamilton has deep roots in Kansas. His great-great-grandparents settled in Dickinson County, in the middle of the state, in the 19th century.
Among his backers are two Republican former Kansas governors: Bill Graves and Mike Hayden.
Arch Naramore, who won a fifth of the vote in a Republican Senate primary challenge to Mr. Marshall in August, has endorsed Mr. Hamilton, too.
Mr. Hamilton has positioned himself as someone who will "lead from the middle." Mr. Marshall's allies are trying to counter that pitch by branding Mr. Hamilton as an "extremist."
Mr. Hamilton is less likely to be seen as "extreme" than Mr. Marshall, according to the Times/Siena poll.
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五大最有效方案
干预措施 效果 成本
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📄 Original Section
The Republican incumbent has struggled.
Mr. Marshall has had a series of headaches.
Last month, The Times reported that he had filed lawsuits against more than 700 patients with outstanding bills during his decades-long career as an obstetrician-gynecologist and routinely charged patients an 18 percent annual interest rate. That has become a campaign issue.
Then there is the issue of his alignment with Mr. Trump, who has grown deeply unpopular in Kansas as economic conditions have worsened. Fifty-five percent of Kansas voters say they disapprove of the president, compared with 40 percent who approve, according to the Times/Siena poll.
Mr. Marshall is campaigning on an argument that he gets results for Kansas. His opponents say he has not stood up enough for Kansas against Mr. Trump.
Mr. Marshall has sought some distance from Mr. Trump. The senator has criticized the administration's immigration enforcement actions, and his representatives have not said if he would be open to campaigning with the president. (Mr. Marshall campaigned with Vice President JD Vance last month.)
Still, half of Kansas voters say they think Mr. Marshall would support Mr. Trump too much, the Times/Siena survey found.
1. 阅读科学
要求学校教授明确的、基于自然拼读的课程以及其他有证据支持的策略。对教师进行最佳实践培训。
“这方案成本可控，且非常有效，应该在各地推广。”
詹姆斯·索兰（JAMES SOLAND），弗吉尼亚大学
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📄 Original Section
Texas Democrats' Long-Delayed Dream May Be Within Reach
James Talarico, the Democratic Senate candidate, campaigning in the border city of McAllen, Texas. Below, Gina Hinojosa, a popular Democrat running for governor, has held a polling lead over the G.O.P. incumbent, Greg Abbott.
CHRISTOPHER LEE FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
CHRISTOPHER LEE FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
TAMIR KALIFA FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
By ROBERT DRAPER
AUSTIN, Texas — In the go-big-or-go-home collective consciousness of Texas, no ambition is deemed too reckless, no daydream too wild. Save perhaps one.
It is the idea, fantastical to many as it is irresistible to others, that the Democrats will win a statewide race in Texas for the first time in 32 years.
According to the latest New York Times/Siena University poll of the race for U.S. Senate, James Talarico, a 37-year-old state legislator seen by national Democrats as one of the breakout stars of this cycle, is ahead of his Republican rival, Ken Paxton, the state's scandal-plagued attorney general, by six points. The poll was conducted from Sept. 21 to Sept. 30. A survey from mid-September, the ReconMR/Siena Research Institute poll, also showed the Democratic gubernatorial candidate, Gina Hinojosa, four points ahead of the three-term G.O.P. incumbent, Greg Abbott, the most dominant political figure in Texas.
Cue the fluttering heartbeats. Cue, as well, the eye rolls.
Given how thoroughly Republicans have dominated the state, and how the hopes of Democrats have repeatedly crashed, some Texas pollsters remain skeptical.
"At some point, you do get conditioned by all that's happened in the past," said James Henson, the director of the University of Texas at Austin's Texas Politics Project. "I mean, you look at the trends and you have to admit that something's going on. But you still don't want to believe your lying eyes, because you've been burned for so long."
Mr. Henson was referring to the perennial spectacle of much-ballyhooed Texas Democratic aspirants face planting against the Lone Star State's red wall.
First came Tony Sanchez Jr., the swag- gering and self-funding Laredo oilman whom Gov. Rick Perry dispatched in 2002 by an 18-point margin. Next was the state senator Wendy Davis, who attracted worldwide attention for her fili- buster in the Texas Legislature against an anti-abortion measure but whom Mr. Abbott demolished by 20 points in 2014.
Finally, the El Paso congressman Beto O'Rourke came up 2.6 points short of defeating Senator Ted Cruz in 2018 but then suffered a 10-point loss to Mr. Abbott four years later.
Even with the awareness of such humiliations, Democrats find themselves maintaining that 2026 could, at long last, be the year. President Trump's deep unpopularity and the prospect of a blue wave could, they insist, extend into the state he won by nearly 14 points in 2024. According to a September survey conducted by Texas Southern University, Mr. Trump is seven points underwater in Texas.
Mr. Talarico has run an energetic and well-financed campaign, while Mr. Paxton has staged far fewer public events and has had to rely on outside groups to fund an attack-ad blitzkrieg against his Democratic opponent. Mr. Abbott, meanwhile, has outspent Ms. Hinojosa by a 10-to-one ratio, yet has been unable to build an insurmountable lead.
"People have vastly underestimated Gina," said Ms. Davis, now a political consultant and a senior adviser to Planned Parenthood Texas Votes, an advocacy organization. "Dollar for dollar, she's running the best statewide campaign we've ever seen."
Such optimism stands in defiance of the political axiom that Texas is where idealistic Democrats go to be mugged by reality. The party's demise there is not a product of ill fortune, Mr. Henson said. "Governor Abbott has built an impressive election machine that has benefited state-level Republicans again and again for a decade and a half," he said. "And the Democratic machinery here is almost nonexistent."
I have written about the politics of my native state at regular intervals for more than three decades. After watching the Democrats' century-long rule in Texas come to a decisive end with Gov. Ann Richards's loss to George W. Bush in 1994, I saw the party descend into atrophy in which failure begot more failure.
"The 30-year drought has done a lot of things," said Luke Warford, the chairman of the Travis County Democratic Party and the founder of the Agave Democratic Infrastructure Fund. "It's kept donors on the sidelines, which makes a lot of potentially good candidates not run because there's no belief they can win. And it also makes a lot of really talented staff leave to find better-paying work in true battleground states."
The Democratic Party has no counterpart to Mr. Abbott, and hasn't since 1993, when Senator Lloyd Bentsen moved to Washington to join President Bill Clinton's cabinet. Its weaknesses are even more glaring farther down the hierarchy.
In recent elections, as many as one-third of state races have gone uncontested by Democrats. One-fifth of the party's county chairs and two-thirds of its precinct chairs have been left unfilled. Until last year, the state party had a negative operating budget. As the veteran Democratic consultant Matt Angle observed, "There's been a hollowing-out of the party."
Still, those of us who recall the satisfied sense of invincibility among Texas Democrats after roughly a century of one-party rule have detected similar signs of overconfidence among the state's ruling party. The party's rightward tilt, increasingly forceful with each legislative session, reached its apotheosis in March, with Mr. Paxton's primary victory over the more moderate Republican four-term incumbent, Senator John Cornyn.
'You still don't want to believe your lying eyes, because you've been burned for so long.'
JAMES HENSON, the director of the University of Texas at Austin's Texas Politics Project, on Democrats' vision of winning a statewide race.
HILARY SWIFT FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
有效性 vs. 成本
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📄 Original Section
'A lot of really talented staff leave to find better-paying work in true battleground states.'
LUKE WARFORD, the chairman of the Travis County Democratic Party and the founder of the Agave Democratic Infrastructure Fund.
Mr. Paxton, a close ally of Mr. Trump's, was impeached by the Republican-controlled State House (and later acquitted by the State Senate) in 2023 over allegations that included bribery. He was also accused by his wife of adultery. Mr. Trump endorsed him anyway, all but guaranteeing his landslide primary triumph over Mr. Cornyn but in the process testing the allegiance of center-right Texans.
In similar fashion, the Texas G.O.P. is in danger of losing many Latino voters who voted for Mr. Trump in 2024 after years of siding with Democrats. "We adopted a lazy way of campaigning that bit us on the ass, and we've learned from that," Mr. O'Rourke said. "Now it's the Republicans who've gotten really lazy and complacent and comfortable."
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3. 高质量课程 4.5 3.0
要求学校采用经州或学区审核通过的高质量课程。
“这需要信任学区或州政府在看到高质量课程时能够将其识别出来。”
莎拉·卢比恩斯基（SARAH LUBIENSKI），印第安纳大学布鲁明顿分校
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📄 Original Section
Republican Overreach?
Simply spending one week driving through the vastness of Texas, as I did in September, is all it takes to appreciate an underdog party's uphill battle.
The state's 32 million residents are spread across 20 media markets, many of them distinct ecosystems, from the urban colossi of Houston and the Dallas-Fort Worth metroplex to the oil patch of the Texas Panhandle to the Latino-dominated borderlands of the Rio Grande Valley.
"When national donors are deciding where to invest, they look at a place like Iowa, where \$5 million can fully fund a race," said Katherine Fischer, the director of the Texas Majority PAC, which was established by the liberal philanthropist Soros family. "That's why Texas is always at the bottom of their list. It's just so damned big."
Reaching so many markets presents a daunting challenge for an upstart candidate like Ms. Hinojosa, a state representative from the border city of Brownsville. "There's still 20 percent of the electorate that doesn't know who I am," she said in an interview in mid-September. To date, Ms. Hinojosa's campaign has said that it has raised about \$20 million.
For his part, Mr. Talarico spent about \$30 million earlier this year to introduce himself statewide as a man of Christian faith and a member of the Texas House with a record of supporting bipartisan legislation.
Since that time, however, Mr. Paxton and his associates have invested more than \$100 million in an effort to redefine his opponent as “radical” and “weird,” with ads that quote from remarks Mr. Talarico made several years ago (and later renounced) suggesting that “God is non-binary” and that there are six biological sexes. Mr. Paxton and his allies have at times questioned Mr. Talarico’s manhood and even his Christianity, an effort to jolt the sensibilities of a state prone to mythologizing godly and masculine archetypes.
"How they're negatively defining Talarico is kind of a bank-shot way of saying that he's not a true Texas conservative," Mr. Henson said.
Whether money can overwhelm conditions on the ground is the riddle looming over the Texas races. In the border city of Laredo, which Mr. Trump won in 2024 — the first time a Republican had done so in over a century — signs of buyer's remorse are evident. Arrests by Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents in Laredo were higher in July than in any other American city. Mr. Trump's erratic trade policies have further created instability at the city's port of entry.
While acknowledging the economic concerns that many border residents share, Adrian Zapata, a business executive in the health industry who voted for Mr. Trump in 2024, said in an interview that the negative ads against Mr. Talarico were resonating with some of his family members. “They see Talarico as an ultraliberal,” he said. “They’re done with the ‘they/them.’ They’re going to vote for Paxton just because of that.”
As for Mr. Zapata, "I'm not ready to vote for Talarico," he said. "But I don't like Paxton. He's never done anything for South Texas, and his personal and business dealings have hurt him a lot with folks down here."
There is a similarly muddled electoral picture in the cattle country of deep West Texas adjacent to Big Bend National Park. Mr. Trump and Mr. Abbott have aggressively championed a border wall and artificial intelligence data centers, both of which threaten to disrupt the region's pastoral ethos.
A coalition of more than 200 landowners has sued the federal government over the border wall, while other residents have circulated a petition to protest the construction of a new data center near Fort Stockton. George Johnson, a cattle feed operator in Alpine, waved off such concerns, saying: "Folks worrying about data centers were also worried when the internet got started. It's Talarico who scares me to death, him and all that socialist talk."
Others in this largely conservative region harbor the view that Republicans have failed to make good on their promises. Thaddeus Cleveland, the Republican sheriff of Terrell County, said that both he and his county had voted for Mr.
Trump in 2024, but added, “Everything he campaigned on, we’re seeing the opposite of, like going to war.” Sheriff Cleveland predicted that the negative campaign ads by the Republicans would not factor as significantly into the votes of his neighbors as “the price of groceries and gas, which are compounded here because we’re so far from everywhere else.”
But it is in purple Tarrant County, dominated by Fort Worth, where the party could pay the price for having potentially overestimated its mandate from the voters. Conservative leaders have cut funds for nonprofits that aid at-risk children, subjected school library books to right-wing litmus tests and eliminated free bus rides to polling stations in poor neighborhoods.
"The far-right leaders here have implemented Project 2025 on a county level," said Alisa Simmons, a Democrat and county commissioner who is running to unseat the conservative county judge, Tim O'Hare.
In an early sign this year that area Republicans may be out of step with Tarrant County's constituents, a Democratic aviation machinist and union leader, Taylor Rehmet, defeated Leigh Wambsganss, a well-funded Republican Christian activist who led the conservative takeover of several metroplex school boards. He won by 14 points in a January special election for a State Senate seat covering a region that Mr. Trump won by 17 points in 2024.
Which party prevails in Texas is a complicated riddle. Historically a low-turnout state — it ranked second to last in the 2024 election, ahead of only Arkansas — Texas held a primary in March that saw nearly one in four voters showing up to the polls, a modern record for midterm participation, with Democrats slightly outpacing Republicans.
A few factors could conspire to thwart a blue wave in Texas. As of 2020, straight-ticket voting is no longer possible in the state, which could impact the mostly Democratic urban counties where that practice has frequently been used by voters in past elections. Texas is one of only eight states that lack universal online registration, while voting by mail is also highly restricted.
In January, Mr. Abbott turned over the state's list of approximately 18.7 million registered voters to the Trump administration, and 1.2 million of them have subsequently been put on the "suspense list" because their addresses have not been verified. The recent shuttering of nearly one-third of Tarrant County's polling sites by its Republican-controlled county commission is particularly worrisome for Democrats.
"The reason we've lost these statewide races in the past is because we've never gotten enough out of Tarrant County to overcome the margins in rural Texas," Ms. Davis said of the turnout. "If we don't get it to 53 or 54 percent this November, it's game over. James and Gina can't win."
But the state's Republicans have reasons of their own to be fretful. Partly because of the recruitment efforts of the Texas Majority PAC and Blueprint Texas, a down-ballot candidate support organization co-founded by Ms. Davis earlier this year, the Democrats are fielding a full slate in all 150 state races for the first time in a half-century. Though many of these aspirants face long odds, their presence on the ballot could energize the Democrats in predominantly conservative regions who have not bothered to turn out in the past.
"If we win on Nov. 3, most of those names running down-ballot in really tough areas like East Texas and the Hill Country and the Panhandle will be responsible," Mr. O'Rourke said.
Mr. Henson added that while he remained skeptical about Democratic enthusiasm being sufficient to carry the day for Mr. Talarico, he also doubted that a last-minute avalanche of negative ads would prove decisive for Mr. Paxton. "At a certain point, there's diminishing impact once you get past an absurd level of spending," he said.
Rather than project a winner in November, Mr. Henson said he felt more comfortable embracing a "gradualist" theory, one in which Texas does not become blue overnight, but instead competitive.
"Even if Talarico loses by a Beto-like margin," he said, "the next cycle is a presidential election, where Trump likely won't be popular and Democratic turnout will be higher. So there are reasons for Texas Democrats to be optimistic."
DEGREE ROKS FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
Ken Paxton, the state attorney general and G.O.P. candidate for Senate. He has held far fewer public events than his Democratic opponent.
| 3. Ban cellphones | 3.7 | 1.7 | # Top Ideas for Fixing Schools, Ranked by the Experts
这也是联邦政府和许多州在《不让一个孩子掉队》（No Child Left Behind，2002年至2015年期间的联邦学校问责法）结束以来逐渐放弃的一种方法。该法律被认为具有惩罚性，且过度依赖标准化测试。不过，近年来一些州采用了一种更侧重于学生进步（而不仅仅是是否达到年级水平）的问责模型，并为表现不佳的学校提供改进支持。
U.S. math and reading scores are in a decade-long slump. We posed the question: What could turn things around?
By SARAH MERVOSH, FRANCESCA PARIS and CLAIRE CAIN MILLER
Schools in the United States are facing a daunting problem. Students simply can't read or do math as well as they used to.
Student test scores have declined over the last decade, in an academic slump that started before the pandemic and has continued since. Compared with 2015, reading scores are down in 83 percent of districts, and math declines are nearly as pervasive.
But improving student achievement is notoriously difficult. Do schools need more money? Better teachers? More standardized testing? Less?
What could actually help turn things around? We asked 37 top academics and researchers who study education to rate a range of ideas for both effectiveness and cost, on a scale of 1 to 7.
Overall, no single idea was enough on its own, experts said. And no idea would be successful unless it was executed well. But the results showed there are a number of ideas that can work.
We asked experts to evaluate each idea for its impact on academic achievement, which is generally measured by standardized test scores.
Lots of other things matter, too, including enrichment activities like the arts, teacher
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TheUpshot
The Upshot provides news, analysis and graphics about politics, policy and everyday life. nytimes.com/upshot
work satisfaction, and student excitement about learning. Children also have other needs beyond academics, including mental health and well-being.
But given the results of the last decade, we were interested in what could lift student achievement, which is tied to many later life outcomes, for students, society and the economy.
Students meet in groups of three or four, with the same tutor, during the school day, at least three times a week.
"High-impact tutoring is perhaps the most promising intervention we have based on the available evidence. The biggest issue is the supply of quality tutors, which could be costly to overcome."
BRENDAN BARTANEN, University of Virginia
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2. 缩小班级规模
例如，按照纽约市的规定，小学每班不超过 20 至 23 名学生，高中每班不超过 25 名学生。
“关于缩小班级规模效果的证据比许多人承认的要复杂得多。这显然成本高昂，因为需要更多的教师。”
帕特里克·沃尔夫（PATRICK WOLF），阿肯色大学
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2. Science of reading
Require schools to teach explicit, phonics-based curriculum and other evidence-backed strategies. Train teachers on best practices.
"This is affordable, effective, and should be done everywhere."
Free, high-quality public preschool for all children ages 3 to 5.
"Quality is the key here. The literature is clear that high-quality pre-K is highly cost effective. Low-quality pre-K is basically subsidized day care."
LORI TAYLOR, Texas A&M University
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4. 增加心理健康支出 3.5 5.0
为更多的辅导员、特殊教育教师和学校心理学家提供资金。
“这可能会对广泛的结果产生重大影响，但我不确定在狭义的学业成就方面是否如此。”
杰里米·辛格（JEREMY SINGER），密歇根大学弗林特分校
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4. Increase per-student funding 4.8 6.5
Increase the amount given to school districts to spend at their discretion. For example, about \$30,000 per student, like the top-spending state, New York.
"Money matters, but it depends how the money is spent."
Pay effective teachers more to work in high-poverty schools.
\*This strategy can attract effective teachers to high-need schools, where they tend to maintain their effectiveness, but the bonuses need to be substantial."
MARTIN WEST, Harvard University
Two ideas surfaced as most effective: frequent small group tutoring during the school day for students who need it, and the science of reading, a systematic approach to teaching reading that puts a focus on phonics and other evidence-based practices.
Both of these ideas are already being carried out in schools, to varying degrees.
Other ideas deemed highly effective? High-quality preschool, which can help close early gaps that develop even before students start school. And paying effective teachers more to work at high-poverty schools, a strategy that is not widely used but can help encourage the best teachers to work with students who are most behind.
Notably, the most effective ideas were some of the most expensive. Some changes — like paying more for certain jobs — may also need to be negotiated with local teachers' unions, a potential sticking point.
And all of these ideas came with an important caveat. We asked researchers to rate effectiveness "when done properly." In the real world, a lot can fall apart because of the details.
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About the data
To build our list of interventions, we consulted policymakers and researchers and pulled examples from districts and states. We also considered leading proposals by groups that leaned Democratic and Republican.
For our survey, we asked experts to evaluate each idea on a scale of 1 to 7, considering the impact on improving academic achievement. For both effectiveness and cost, we asked researchers to rate each idea assuming it was done properly and at the highest quality. Our panel consisted of 37 academics and researchers who have studied education and who responded to our survey in August. We see our survey not as a scientific poll, but as a useful measure of how experts steeped in the research view these ideas.
The panel included: Dominique Baker (University of Delaware), Brendan Bartenan (Virginia), Phil Capin (Harvard), Prudence Carter (Brown), Joseph Cimpan (N.Y.U.), Sarah Cohodes (Michigan), Thomas H. Jones (Alabama), Thomas A. Jones (Alabama), and Robert North Carolina State, Dan Goldhaber (University of Washington), Eric Hanushek (Stanford), Douglas Harris (Tulane), Heather Hill (Harvard), Iana Horn (Vanderbilt), Juvya Jabbar (U.S.C.), Tom Kiré (Kirk) (Arkansas), Thomas K. Smith (Arkansas), Andrew Matthew Kraft (Brown), Sarah Winchell Lerhoff (Wayne State), Sarah Lubienski (Indiana); Robert Maranto (Arkansas), Sarah Novicoff (Public Policy Institute of California), Harry Anthony Patrinos (Alabama), Michael Brown (Alabama), Marqueline Roza (Georgetown), Jack Schneider (University of Massachusetts Amherst), Beth Schueler (Stanford), Jonathan Schweig (RAND), Jeremy Singer (University of Michigan-Flint), James Oakland (Michigan), Kathaniel Struck-Patriot, Lori Taylor (Toxos A&M), Chris Toma (Michigan), Martin, Krist (Harvard) and Patrick-Lowk (Arkansas).
Require schools to teach explicit, phonics-based curriculum and other evidence-backed strategies. Train teachers on best practices.
"This is affordable, effective, and should be done everywhere."
JAMES SOLAND, University of Virginia
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4. 要求阅读完整书籍 3.4 1.6
要求学生每年阅读最少数量的完整书籍，这一做法在许多学校中已变得不再普遍。
“这显而易见，那么我们为什么不这样做！”
罗伯特·马兰托（ROBERT MARANTO），阿肯色大学
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2. School accountability
Give schools a rating based primarily on test scores and academic growth. Require low-performing schools to make improvements. "Having the rating system demonstrates a level of urgency around student achievement." DAN GOLDHABER, University of Washington
音乐教育的支持者表示，关税正在危及学校的音乐课程，并威胁到许多家庭，使这项课外活动变得难以负担。贸易团体全国音乐商家协会（National Association of Music Merchants）的首席执行官约翰·姆林扎克（John Mlynczak）警告称，乐器价格上涨可能会导致“音乐教室空空如也”。
Offer high-achieving students advanced coursework, such as eighth-grade algebra or Advanced Placement classes in high school.
"The key here is to make sure advanced material is available across all schools and students have access to it. However, pushing students into material they haven't prepared for can backfire."
Give schools more autonomy to replace ineffective teachers.
"D.C. has used this effectively. Ineffective teachers truly harm kids."
ERIC HANUSHEK, Stanford University
When we compared effectiveness and cost, other ideas rose to the top.
School accountability — giving schools a rating, like an A-F letter grade, and requiring underperforming schools to make changes — emerged as highly cost effective.
It is also an approach that the federal government and many states have backed away from since the end of No Child Left Behind, the federal school accountability law from 2002 to 2015. The law was seen as punitive and overly reliant on standardized testing. In recent years, though, some states have used a model of accountability that focuses more on student progress, not just whether they're on grade level, and gives underperforming schools support to improve.
Our experts also liked requiring schools to use research-backed, high-quality curriculums, vetted by a state or school district (as opposed to having individual schools or teachers select their own materials, the approach in some places).
Offering more access to advanced classes was another cost-effective idea.
This doesn't mean just sorting students into gifted and talented programs, but offering more students advanced classes, such as eighth-grade algebra, or Advanced Placement classes in high school. Experts recommended expanding access at low-income schools, which tend to offer fewer college-prep classes, and choosing qualified students based on their performance, not just parent or teacher selection.
These cost-effective strategies had something in common: a focus on increasing academic rigor for more students.
周一，在洛杉矶县高等法院，博特纳先生及其妻子弗吉尼亚（Virginia）起诉了他们的保险公司——丘波保险（Chubb），其子公司标准银行保险公司（Bankers Standard Insurance Company）为其出具了保单，以及丘波保险雇用的两家环境咨询公司。诉讼指控丘波保险违反合同且存在专业过失，拒绝支付铅及其他毒素的全面清理费用。在上个月致丘波保险的一封信中，该家庭的律师指责该公司依赖于“付费参与”的顾问和“垃圾科学”。
The results suggest that any meaningful change will probably require multiple evidence-backed strategies, with a focus on executing them well for the long term, and based on the needs of the students and teachers in each place.
That is what has happened in places like Mississippi, which has climbed in the national rankings, and in Louisiana, which is making leaps. Both states have used several strategies our experts deemed effective, including the science of reading, school accountability and a focus on high-quality curriculum.
Make all or nearly all families eligible for taxpayer money to pay for private school or home-schooling. For example, \$9,000 per student to pay for private school.
"The main certain effect will be to substantially reduce costs for wealthy families."
For example, no more than 20 to 23 students per class in elementary school and 25 per class in high school, as mandated in New York City.
"The evidence on the effectiveness of class size reductions is more mixed than many people admit. It is obviously costly, as it requires more teachers."
Pay all teachers more, comparable to other jobs that require the same education and experience.
"Teachers definitely deserve better pay, and the profession should be elevated, but do higher status and income really make a teacher a better instructor remains the question."
PRUDENCE CARTER, Brown University
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出人意料的是，特朗普清洗了那些指称存在反右翼偏见的官员。
这起事件是由美国全国学校董事会协会（National School Boards Association）的一封信引发的，该信对学校管理人员的安全表示担忧，并将某些威胁潜在地描述为“某种形式的国内恐怖主义或仇恨犯罪的等同物”。这封信立即引起了保守派和家长的强烈反弹，该组织最终为此道歉。
耶茨女士是一个备受瞩目的选择，她所担任的这一角色不可避免地将受到深度审视。她此前曾领导美国足球协会调查职业女足中的虐待和不当行为指控，目前领导 King and Spalding 律师事务所的危机管理业务。
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5. Allow A.I. use
Give students access to A.I., such as Google Gemini or learning apps that use A.I., on their school devices.
"I don't think we have sufficient evidence to assess this."
KATHARINE STRUNK, University of Pennsylvania
Some politically popular ideas — on both the left and the right — ranked as both costly and less effective, at least when it came to improving student achievement.
One high-cost, less effective idea was private school vouchers, a leading reform put forth by conservatives, now available in a growing number of states.
While competition can help spur broad improvements across schools, most experts said that vouchers come with minimal academic benefits, particularly compared with the cost.
In places that have tried vouchers, much of the money goes to students already in private school. And there is little evidence that students who transfer into a private school do much better academically. The subsidies can drive tuition increases, and often do not cover the full price, leaving the top private schools out of reach for many students.
On the political left, smaller class sizes are often talked up by parents and teachers, who envision less stress, better working conditions and more attention for each child.
But experts were skeptical that classes can realistically be kept small enough to reap the academic benefits, which research shows happens somewhere around 15 students. In New York City, a state law has tried to cap class sizes at 20 to 23 students in elementary school.
To reduce class sizes, districts also need to hire many more teachers. That can lead to issues with teacher quality, experts said, detracting from the benefits.
scale is incredibly hard work, but there are a lot of things that can move the ball down the court," said Matthew Kraft, an education professor at Brown University.
It also takes a "relentless commitment to troubleshooting," he said.
If there was one thing our expert panel agreed on, it was that how well ideas are carried out matters.
Take universal preschool, an expensive idea that our experts deemed effective. Lori Taylor, a professor at Texas A&M University, noted that "high-quality pre-K is highly cost effective," while "low-quality pre-K is basically subsidized day
Ban or limit A.I. use for younger students, and use guardrails for older students.
\*We have very limited evidence on the effect of A.I. restrictions on student achievement.\*
SARAH NOVICOFF, Public Policy Institute of California
Ban student cellphones during school hours.
"The most recent evidence suggests the positive impacts of this aren't as high as we once thought, but I think there are academic and social benefits that are hard to quantify."
Collect student attendance data in real time. Notify parents whose children are on track to be chronically absent.
"This is a nudge, not a reform. That said, it does offer some benefit at minimal cost."
JACK SCHNEIDER, University of Massachusetts, Amherst
In some cases, there was little empirical evidence that an idea was academically effective, at least not yet. But experts believed that it could work. In cases where the idea was also not expensive, they saw few downsides to trying it.
Going lower tech — limiting screen time in school; restricting A.I. in the classroom, especially for younger students; and banning cellphones— fell in this category.
We also asked experts for other ideas not on our list. Their ideas included allowing high-performing charter schools to expand and limiting children's social media and tech usage outside of school.
Several experts also said that schools should think beyond test scores and focus on making learning less boring and more engaging — less passive listening and memorizing for tests, for example, and more open-ended research and project-based learning.
"How do we get an education system that promotes high academic achievement, but is also a place where kids really want to be?" said Chris Torres, an associate professor at the University of Michigan.
RICARDO TOMÁS
care." (It also needs to be paired with high-quality instruction in elementary school so that gains are not lost.)
This emphasis on quality helps explain why education debates can seem so intractable, and why what works in one place may not transplant. Success often comes down to a visionary leader — a school principal, superintendent or state chief — who can lay out a plan and stick with it.
"In practice, simply doing anything well may matter more than any handful of interventions," said Marguerite Roza, director of the Edunomics Lab at Georgetown University. "Implementation is everything."
Tariffs May Be Endangering Music Programs as Instrument Costs Soar
Jeff Lipscomb, a high school orchestra director in Kanawha County, W.Va., above, has had to buy instruments out of his own pocket.
PHOTOGRAPHS BY MADDIE McCARVEY FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
Teachers on tight budgets, especially in lower-income districts, worry that rising costs will leave students stuck with old instruments.
From Page AI
particular threat to lower-income districts where enrollment and budgets are shrinking.
An elementary school music teacher in Beaverton, Ore., has considered 3-D printing ukuleles because she cannot afford them. In Passaic, N.J., an arts administrator is doubling down on encouraging students to clean and care for their instruments so they last longer. The superintendent of a small district in Washington County, Pa., has taken to scouring eBay and Facebook Marketplace for used instruments.
Proponents of musical education say the tariffs are endangering school music programs and threatening to push the extracurricular activity out of reach for many families. John Mlynczak, the chief executive of the National Association of Music Merchants, a trade group, warned that higher instrument prices could lead to "empty music classrooms."
"The camaraderie that happens in a community when everyone goes and supports the Friday night football game?" he said. "Imagine that without a marching band."
Some instruments, such as higher-end Fender and Gibson guitars, are made in the United States. But most elementary, middle and high schools rely on less expensive beginner instruments that are largely made in China. Many school districts own or rent instruments they lend to students at no or little cost.
As Mr. Trump escalated his trade war with China last year, music teachers grew wary.
Schools were already dealing with a confluence of challenges, including the end of federal pandemic aid, budget cuts and declining enrollment. Inflation was driving up costs.
"It's kind of like a perfect storm of all these different things happening at once that can cause a bigger mess," said Annamarie Bollino, a seasoned public school arts administrator who sits on the executive board of the National Association for Music Education, an advocacy group.
She said she expected that the proposed tariffs on brass instruments would further push up prices.
The effective tariff rate on instruments in June was about 13 percent, said Cullen Hendrix, a senior fellow at the Peterson Institute for International Economics. That was down from a peak of nearly 24 percent last September but more than twice as high as before Mr. Trump's second term.
Band and orchestral instruments have been hit the hardest, he said. In the second quarter of this year, imports of instruments were down nearly 20 percent from the same period in 2024. Imports of orchestral string instruments, including violins, violas and cellos, dropped 50 percent. Brass instruments fell 43 percent.
"It's hitting the horns, it's hitting the strings, it's hitting the percussion," Mr. Hendrix said. "All of those things combined are kind of sapping the available pool of tools that we can provide these children to begin their journey."
Carolynn Langston has been teaching music at low-income elementary schools in Oregon for two decades. Her room this year, at a school in Beaverton, has a colorful rug surrounded by a rainbow of paw prints to indicate where her students should stand. In one corner are patterned drums and other percussion instruments. She described her musical philosophy as "sing, dance, play."
Schools like hers will feel the higher instrument prices most.
"I don't even have a budget," Ms. Langston said. "Zero money."
When she wants to buy instruments — or a carpet, for that matter — she applies for grants, including from a local educational foundation. Sometimes she requests money from people directly. She considered using a 3-D printer to make plastic ukuleles. At least they would be more durable.
In May 2025, Ms. Langston asked the local foundation for \$700 to replace a large bar on one of her xylophones. "It's one note you can play — it's very loud and very low," she said.
By the time she went to buy the part that fall, the cost had jumped to \$750. The foundation agreed to pay the extra, but the increase stung.
"Instruments are more expensive, which then squeezes even tighter on somebody like me," she said.
Latasha Casterlow-Lalla, the supervisor of visual and performing arts for Passaic Public Schools in northern New Jersey, said many instruments had doubled or tripled in price since the pandemic. A student saxophone that used to be \$420 is more than \$900. Tubas are at least \$9,000, and the high school band wants four. If the proposed brass tariffs go into effect, she said, buying all of them would probably take her five or six years. By then, the would-be tuba players would have graduated.
Students are hard on their instruments, and Ms. Casterlow-Lalla estimated that each one lasted 10 years at most, and often less. Anticipating that costs will continue to rise, she is pushing principals for better storage to keep instruments functioning longer. She is also emphasizing proper cleaning and care to students and parents.
She worries above all that she will not have enough instruments for all the students who want to play. If registration in school music programs falls as a result, it could create a domino effect where the district pulls funding.
"We're going to eventually hit our rubber-meets-the-road moment," she said.
When Mr. Lipscomb was growing up, he variously wanted to be a paleontologist, an astronaut or a computer programmer. But from the moment he graduated from high school, he dreamed of teaching music. He got a college degree, a teaching degree and a master's degree and then a doctorate in music composition from Louisiana State University.
"I like how it sounds — I like how it makes me feel," he said. "I'm normally an introverted person, but it's one of the few times that I actually enjoy being around people."
For 15 years, Mr. Lipscomb has taught orchestra classes in Kana-wha County's high schools, including Capital High School, his alma mater. The only full-time orchestra director in the district, he spends a lot of time driving from one school to the other.
His music program is small, typically around 60 students. When he has a particularly strong class, he teaches it a challenging repertoire. Otherwise, he focuses on scales and technique.
The district provides instruments for some students who cannot afford to buy or rent them, but Mr. Lipscomb's \$500-to-\$600 annual budget is not enough. He spent all of the money he was allocated last year and this year on two cellos.
One student, a freshman viola player, told him shortly after the school year began that she had to drop his class because her family could not afford to rent her instrument. He said he could lend her one free of charge, but she declined.
Mr. Lipscomb worries that rising instrument prices mean the students who stay will be stuck playing old instruments. He knows that when children play on instruments that sound bad, they do not blame the instruments. They blame themselves.
But the district is in a budget crunch, in part because it is losing students. He wishes he had thought to buy more instruments earlier in his career, before prices rose so much.
"It's tough for me to say, but you got to work with what you've got," Mr. Lipscomb said. "Unfortunately a lot of these old instruments, it's what I got."
Why Cities and States Are Turning to Courtrooms to Fight Climate Change
The case before the Supreme Court could affect dozens of others. Protesters gathered on Monday as the court heard arguments.
ALEX KENT/THE NEW YORK TIMES
By KAREN ZRAICK and CLAIRE BROWN
The fight over who should pay the soaring costs of climate change — the intensifying wildfires, storms and heat waves — has moved to the courts.
Nationwide, more than 60 state and local governments have filed dozens of lawsuits seeking damages from oil companies over global warming, which is caused by the burning of fossil fuels. With a president who has called climate change a hoax and a gridlocked Congress, courtrooms have become one of the few remaining options for communities seeking relief.
"Globally, neither national legislatures nor governments are taking adequate action, and so the advocates of climate action are turning to the courts," said Michael Gerrard, director of the Sabin Center for Climate Change Law at Columbia University.
Now the highest court in the land has entered the fray. On Monday, it heard arguments over a lawsuit filed by the city and county of Boulder, Colo., against two energy companies. Many, if not most, of the dozens of other cases nationwide hinge on the Supreme Court's decision.
The city and county had sued Exxon Mobil and Suncor Energy, claiming they misled the public about climate change and should pay for damages. The energy companies have asked the Supreme Court to throw out the case.
One of the industry's main arguments has been that climate change is too complex a problem to be handled by individual courts. "This case and others like it reflect an all too regrettable trend of trying to resolve major political issues in court rather than leaving
Brad Plumer contributed reporting.
them to the political branches where they belong," Kannon Shanmugam, a lawyer for the companies, told the justices on Monday.
If that argument prevails, then many similar lawsuits around the country are likely to be invalidated.
Kevin K. Russell, who argued on behalf of the city and county of Boulder, said the case was not about dictating policy, but rather about using state laws to seek damages for injuries suffered by residents, which he said was a core right. Since the nation's founding, he said, "states have had the power to provide court remedies for injuries occurring within their borders."
Mr. Russell argued that the lawsuit would require companies "to internalize a portion of the costs of their activities by paying for some of the damage that those activities inflict."
Justice Brett M. Kavanaugh said that was "a little cavalier," continuing, "It is going to bankrupt — you know, if there are enough of these — bankrupt these various defendants and certainly other defendants out there."
The court showdowns are happening as greenhouse gas emission have reached all-time highs, and the goal of limiting global warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius above preindustrial times, a goal set in the 2015 Paris Agreement, is all but out of reach. Last year, weather disasters in the United States exceeded \$100 billion in costs, according to researchers at Climate Central, a nonprofit group.
At the same time, an emerging field called attribution science has bolstered researchers' ability to pinpoint the role of climate change in extreme-weather events. That has given new ammunition to environmentalists who argue fossil fuel companies should help pay for damage.
Outside the Supreme Court on Monday, dozens of protesters assembled, including two longtime cattle ranchers from Colorado who support the Boulder lawsuit. Deirdre Macnab, 70, who owns a ranch with about 600 Black Angus cattle in northwest Colorado, said that two wildfires last year killed cows in the region and that increasing heat and drought were making it harder to ranch, drying up fields and driving up the price of hay.
"This is food security, and it's directly connected to climate change," said Ms. Macnab, who was previously the president of a voting rights organization. "And these corporations, if they are not held accountable, they'll never come to the table and be part of the solution. They're making record profits while people's cattle are dying."
A new field called attribution science is bolstering plaintiffs.
Coastal communities in California and New York had forged the legal path that Boulder County followed, filing suits starting in 2017 based on state laws that largely focused on sea-level rise. They argued that the oil companies had concealed their knowledge about the dangers of using their products.
Boulder's case, filed by the city
and county in 2018, focused on extreme heat, decreased snowpack, wildfires and floods.
None of the cases have gone to trial. Some have been dismissed, but about two dozen remain active. "The stakes are extremely high for the future of all these two dozen or so pending cases," Mr. Gerrard said.
been paused as judges await a decision from the Supreme Court.
In recent months, some have
But the number of lawsuits continues to grow. Last week, Middlesex County, N.J., filed a new case, which argued that it "has been reeling from the devastating impact of one climate disaster after another. And there is no end in sight."
Erika Kranz, a senior staff attorney in the Environmental and Energy Law Program at Harvard Law School, said it was hard to tell from Monday's arguments where the justices might land. Some justices adopted the oil companies' view "that this case is really an attempt by Boulder to regulate out-of-state greenhouse gas emissions," she said, "and other justices were more focused on Boulder's framing, which is that this is a case about deceptive marketing."
Boulder County and city argue, among other things, that the energy companies misrepresented the science of climate change in order to sell more oil and gas.
The energy companies are seeking to overturn a decision by the Colorado Supreme Court allowing the case to continue to trial. The justices could rule broadly in the companies' favor, potentially blocking the whole batch of litigation. Or they could rule that it's too early for the Supreme Court to weigh in, which would let the Boulder lawsuit proceed through the state courts in Colorado.
Proponents of the litigation point to the vast tobacco settlement of the 1990s and the more recent litigation over opioids as models for the climate cases. On Monday, some of the justices appeared to home in on that argument.
"This suit appears to be based on the old 1990s tobacco suits that were brought by states and local
governments," Justice Elena Kagan said at one point. She was trying to ascertain whether, under the same logic that Mr. Shanmugam was putting forth, federal law would have also blocked the tobacco and opioid cases.
Mr. Shanmugam responded that the cases were very different.
"This is the same kind of lawsuit against the same kind of actors for the same kind of harm," Justice Kagan said.
The case is reaching the Supreme Court at a time when the Trump administration is laser-focused on increasing fossil fuel production and has scrapped many climate policies in the process.
Last year, the Republican-controlled Congress rolled back many tax breaks for clean energy that were part of the 2022 Inflation Reduction Act. The administration has taken aim at federal Environmental Protection Agency regulations and at state-level climate policies, and it overturned the “endangerment finding” that allowed the E.P.A. to regulate greenhouse gases at all. Those moves are themselves the subject of copious litigation. (And whether the endangerment finding changes the calculus in the Boulder case is an open question.)
And the court battles over climate are playing out other ways as well. New York and Vermont have passed climate “Superfund” laws seeking to force polluters to pay for adaptation measures, but legal battles have put them on ice. Meanwhile, industry supporters are pressing for laws that would shield fossil fuel companies from liability over climate change. Utah, Iowa, Oklahoma, Tennessee and Louisiana have recently passed such measures, and a similar shield law has been introduced in Congress, which could potentially block verdicts from being enforced.
RYAN YOUNG FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
KYLE GRILLOT FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
Austin Beutner, left, whose house incurred smoke damage from the fire in the Pacific Palisades neighborhood of Los Angeles in 2025, right, is suing his insurance company for professional negligence.
我仍在销售枕套。我交了一些朋友，获得了一些乐趣，我也热爱这个产品。我会继续向陌生人销售。但我已经与 Meta 绑定在一起，现在我必须承受其后果。我已经放弃了这款产品能让我致富，甚至能让我回本的想法。现在，这个生意成了与人们建立联系的一种方式。而这必须足够了。
专栏作家 / 布雷特·斯蒂芬斯（BRET STEPHENS）
📄 Original Section
L.A. Power Broker Is Suing Over His Uninhabitable \$20 Million Mansion
By RUKMINI CALLIMACHI and SHAWN HUBLER
Behind a towering hedge in the Los Angeles neighborhood of Pacific Palisades sits a house that Tom Cruise bought in 1990 and Nicole Kidman sold after their divorce. A few doors down is Steven Spielberg's estate. Across the street is Bill Cosby's.
The property shares a fence line with that of the boxing legend Sugar Ray Leonard — “our dogs bark at each other,” said Austin Beutner, who bought the house from Ms. Kidman in 2002.
Few blocks in America hold more fame, money and access. But nearly 21 months after the house was damaged in the Palisades fire, it sits empty. Valued at around \$20 million, it is uninhabitable, its walls laced with lead at levels far above what federal regulators consider hazardous, according to testing commissioned by the family.
On Monday in Los Angeles County Superior Court, Mr. Beutner and his wife, Virginia, sued their insurer, Chubb — whose subsidiary Bankers Standard Insurance Company issued their policy — and two environmental consulting firms Chubb hired. The suit accuses Chubb of breach of contract and professional negligence for refusing to pay for the full cleanup of lead and other toxins. In a letter to Chubb last month, the family's lawyer accused the company of relying on "pay-to-play" consultants and "junk science."
A Chubb spokesman, Michael Tomaso, declined to comment. The two consulting firms did not immediately respond to requests for comment.
The lawsuit joins a mounting pile of litigation filed by homeowners whose houses survived the January 2025 fires, but not the smoke. What sets it apart is who filed it.
Mr. Beutner has spent his career in rooms where decisions are made. At 29, he became the youngest partner at the Blackstone Group, and then co-founded the investment bank Evercore. He is the former deputy mayor of Los Angeles, the former publisher of The Los Angeles Times and the former superintendent of the nation's second-largest school district. In 2022, he authored a ballot measure that now sends around \$1 billion a year to arts and music programs in California's public schools.
"I'll be fine either way," he said in a telephone interview before filing the suit. "But there are thousands of others who have claims like mine who may not have the agency I do. They may not be able to afford the lawyers." Insurers are pushing families back into contaminated homes and keeping the danger quiet — a public health crisis — and litigation might be one of the few ways to sound the alarm, he said.
The Los Angeles fires killed 31 people and incinerated more than 16,000 buildings. Of the more than 40,000 insurance claims filed in the aftermath, approximately 13,000 — or nearly one out of three — were for smoke-damaged homes, according to the California Department of Insurance.
Many of those claims remain unsettled and families continue to be displaced, according to advocates for policyholders.
At the heart of this issue is a regulatory vacuum: With no state or national standards for when a smoke-damaged home is considered clean, insurers often test only for soot, char and ash — the visible traces of a fire — and pay for equally visible fixes: vacuuming, wiping and painting, a New York Times investigation found.
Last month, Gov. Gavin New- som, a Democrat, signed two bills that are meant to address that is- sue. One directs the state to create science-based standards for measuring and cleaning heavy metals and other contaminants in- side homes. The other requires in- surers to pay for cleanup in line with those standards, and presumes that smoke damage in a fire zone is a result of a fire.
Those laws, the first of their kind in the nation, take effect over the next three years and are not retroactive, stranding homeowners like the Beutners and thousands of others of lesser means.
Disputes over insurance claims normally unfold out of sight, in adjusters' letters and confidential settlements. But the scale of the Los Angeles fires has pushed them into the open. The 2025 fires were the costliest wildfire disasters on record for insurers, with estimates putting insured losses at as much as \$35 billion, more than double the previous record,
奥尔的希伯来语回忆录《穿过地面》（Through the Ground）在以色列迅速成为畅销书。他认为，在哈马斯被彻底击败之前，无论是以色列人还是加沙平民（奥尔对后者表达了充分的同情）都无法获得和平。即便在经历了三年的战争之后，哈马斯依然没有被击败。而这一事实反过来又是两个深刻且可能无法弥合的分歧结果：第一个分歧存在于以色列内部；第二个分歧存在于以色列与世界之间。
双方之间的分歧深远，且可能无法调和。这在犹太历史上也并非新鲜事。“古代以色列的政治崩溃是由内部冲突引发的，其中十几次内战起到了推波助澜的作用，最终导致以色列失去了权力、尊严和土地，”《犹太人的愚行》（The Jewish March of Folly）一书的作者阿莫茨·阿萨-埃尔（Amotz Asa-El）上周在喝酒时告诉我。该书是对犹太政治史的一次精彩重新解读。“所有这些力量现在在以色列重新上演。”
Who pays when a house survives flames but not the smoke?
set by the 2018 Camp fire, according to Verisk, an insurance data firm.
Smoke has turned out to be one of the main reasons: In the first 30 days after the fires, 30 percent of homeowners' claims were for smoke damage, compared with just 3 percent after the Camp fire, according to data collected by Verisk.
The Beutners had insured their home with Chubb for 18 years, paying millions of dollars in premiums, the lawsuit says. And while Chubb writes only around 2 percent of homeowner premiums in California, it took an outsize hit: In 2025, it recorded about \$1.7 billion in California homeowner losses — roughly five times the premiums it earned on those policies, state data show.
On Jan. 7, 2025, the Palisades fire swept through the Beutners' neighborhood but stopped short of their house, even as 100-mile-per-hour winds drove soot, char and ash inside. The family's first Chubb adjuster called it the "worst house we have seen," according to the suit filed on Mon-day.
Two weeks after the fire, Chubb sent Environmental Testing Associates, one of the two firms now being sued, to test the house. The firm's 17 tape samples measured soot, char and ash, but not the heavy metals inside them, nor did it test in concealed spaces like wall cavities and attics. The firm recommended air filters, cleaning and vacuuming — treating the damage "as if the problem could be fixed with Lysol wipes," the Beutners' lawyers later wrote.
Like so many other families affected by the wildfire, the Beutners soon found themselves locked in a battle of experts. When the family hired its own industrial hygienist to test the house, he found alarming levels of toxins — including in the ceiling of the front hallway, which contained 9,575 micrograms of lead per square foot, a reading that is 239 times the federal limit for lead found indoors, according to the testing results shared with The Times.
The consultant described the home as "hazardous" and recommended tearing out the walls, ceilings and insulation — essentially a gut renovation.
By contrast, the consultant hired by Chubb insisted that the lead came from old paint in the home, built in the 1940s, and that lithium and arsenic came from the soil or else from the Earth's crust, according to the reports they produced, which were shared with The Times, as well as the family's suit.
Chubb has paid millions of dollars in claims so far for repairs and relocation assistance for the Beutner household. Mr. Beutner said that money has amounted to less than a quarter of the cost of remediating the smoke damage, Mr. Beutner said.
Regulators have set limits for the amount of lead found inside homes, but there are no such limits for the numerous other poisons unleashed in an urban fire — including lithium and arsenic, as well as cadmium and chromium. Several of these toxins are regulated in workplaces such as factories, but the lack of a corresponding standard for residential settings has left families in limbo.
The families who have sued are only a small share of the more than 13,000 households whose homes survived the fires but not the smoke. For many, time is running out: January marks the deadline to sue their insurer.
Woman Who Survived Execution in Tennessee Regains Consciousness
By EMILY COCHRANE
rest of her life in prison.
NASHVILLE — Christa Pike, who survived two doses of a lethal injection drug last week during a botched execution in Tennessee, is conscious and speaking, her lawyers said in a statement on Tuesday.
Ms. Pike continues to receive critical medical care at a Nashville hospital, the lawyers said. The prognosis remains unclear, they said, but they expect a long recovery.
"Christa is a survivor and will take recovery one day at a time," the lawyers said.
Ms. Pike, 50, is believed to be the first person to have survived doses of a lethal injection drug. She has been hospitalized since the execution attempt on Sept. 30, after it became clear to witnesses that she was still breathing after two doses of pentobarbital, the drug used in lethal injection executions.
She had been unconscious and on a ventilator in recent days as medical staff members worked to rid her body of the drug. The lawyers pointedly noted that Ms. Pike, who they said had sustained burns and other injuries to her arm, remained handcuffed and shackled to her bed.
Ms. Pike's lawyers are set to appear in court in Nashville on Wednesday as they push for transparency and details about what went wrong.
Ms. Pike had been on death row for three decades after a conviction for her role in the 1995 torture and murder of a classmate, Colleen Slemmer. Ms. Pike's lawyers have renewed their plea for Gov. Bill Lee, a Republican, to reconsider allowing her to serve the
DENNY SIMMONS/USA TODAY NETWORK, VIA REUTERS
3. MILES CARY/USA TODAY NETWORK, VIA REUTERS
Ms. Pike's medical condition is likely to determine whether Tennessee officials try to execute her again. The U.S. Supreme Court has forbidden the execution of someone who does not have a "rational understanding" of why they are being put to death.
Mr. Lee, in the final months of his term as governor, put a moratorium on executions after the failed attempt with Ms. Pike, given that it was the second time this year that Tennessee had been unable to carry out a capital punishment.
But state Republicans — including Senator Marsha Blackburn, the front-runner in the governor's race next month — have signaled a desire to press forward with executions using a different method. Ms. Blackburn has suggested the electric chair.
A spokeswoman for Mr. Lee did not immediately respond to a question about whether he would grant Ms. Pike clemency.
The failed attempt to execute Ms. Pike left potent questions about the secretive process of lethal injection in Tennessee and how transparent the state would be about what went wrong. The state's Department of Correction has not answered questions about Ms. Pike's condition beyond acknowledging her hospitalization last week.
"The whole judicial system is called into question, the way this happened and the way it's being handled," said David Raybin, a Nashville lawyer who helped write Tennessee's death penalty law. The failure in Ms. Pike's case, paired with the government's secrecy, he said, is "eroding public
Emergency vehicles at Riverbend Maximum Security Institution, above, after the execution of Christa Pike was halted last week. Ms. Pike remains in critical care at a Nashville hospital, her lawyers said.
confidence."
Mr. Lee said on Saturday that he had tapped Ed Stanton, a former U.S. attorney, for an independent investigation.
At the hearing on Wednesday, Ms. Pike's lawyers are expected to argue that a judge should order the state to preserve records related to the failed execution and that an expert should examine any residual amounts of chemicals, as well as syringes and intravenous lines, used in the execution.
The office of the Tennessee attorney general said in court filings on Tuesday that the request was "unnecessary and unreasonably cumulative because it targets evidence that must already be preserved."
The prison agency and state officials, the office added, had "taken the necessary steps" to get Ms.
Pike medical care and figure out what happened.
In a screenshot of an email included with the filings, an assistant attorney general wrote to Ms.
The death row inmate was hospitalized after two doses of a lethal injection drug failed.
Pike's lawyers on Friday denying that the Department of Correction was controlling access to her in a private hospital and rejecting the request for independent testing.
In 1995, Ms. Pike was at a Knoxville educational program with Ms. Slemmer, a 19-year-old who had come to Tennessee from Florida to pursue her interest in computers. Ms. Pike, along with two other classmates, lured Ms. Slemmer into the woods, where they tortured and killed her.
Ms. Pike's case became riddled with ethical complexities over decades of appeals and litigation. Her boyfriend at the time, Tadaryl Shipp, was also convicted in connection with Ms. Slemmer's killing, but was spared the death penalty because he was 17. Ms. Pike was 18.
Ms. Pike would have been the first woman in more than 200 years to be executed in Tennessee. As the lone woman on death row for most of her time in prison, she was effectively in physical isolation for most of her life.
Her lawyers had argued against lethal injection, saying it would be particularly painful and traumatic given her history of childhood sexual trauma and medical conditions that led to smaller veins. Her request for hanging as the execution method, as well as her warnings over the lethal injection process, were dismissed in court and by the state.
The uncertainty of Ms. Pike's fate has been particularly painful for both her loved ones and those who want to see capital punishment carried out. May Martinez, the mother of Ms. Slemmer, has said that she feels her family has been denied justice.
鲍勃·麦基将为大都会艺术博物馆舞会带来一场华丽的重启
TED DAYTON / WWD AND PENSKE MEDIA, VIA GETTY IMAGES
加利亚诺先生和麦基先生实际上有很多共同点。在他们的职业生涯中，两人都展现了卓越的技术、精湛的工艺、机智和表演欲。但两者之间存在差异。加利亚诺先生是等级森严的时尚体系的一部分，根植于 T 台秀、高级定制、社交名流、成衣系列、“It Bag”、香水发布会和巨额广告预算。服装学院举办的单设计师展览通常更符合温图尔女士“T 台时尚优先”的视角。大多数情况下，他们聚焦于以实践高级定制著称的设计师——亚历山大·麦昆、詹尼·凡赛斯、卡尔·拉格斐、可可·香奈儿。
麦基先生既受欢迎，又具有平民色彩。大都会博物馆和温图尔女士都需要这一点。而且，不同于大都会博物馆多年来策划的一些令人费解的主题（如“沉睡美人：时尚觉醒”；“关于时间：时尚与持续”），一场以麦基为主题的 Met Gala 将聚焦于那种绚丽夺目的光彩。要说服像自称是“歌舞女郎”的泰勒·斯威夫特（Taylor Swift）这样的人来主持，应该很容易。
他那些令人惊叹的动态礼服价值数千美元，在舞动着的剧场表演者身上比在闲适的鸡尾酒会宾客身上效果好得多。但在演艺事业中，他是一位不分对象的“美化大师”。他的礼服具有极强的修饰效果，呈现出一种毫不掩饰的华丽。无论你的身材像贝特·米德勒（Bette Midler）、蒂娜·特纳（Tina Turner）还是雪儿（Cher），这都不重要。重要的是你要去哪里，以及到达那里时的样子。这一点在当今所有红毯之首——Met Gala 的红毯上最为适用。
Paxton Pressures Texas Pediatricians in Anti-Vaccine Push
PHOTOGRAPHS BY KAYLEE GREENLEE FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
At the clinic of Dr. Rachel, a Texas pediatrician who asked to be identified by her middle name to protect her from retaliation. Ken Paxton, the state's attorney general, and other officials have accused doctors, drug makers and insurers of conspiring to push parents to vaccinate their children.
From Page AI
you are in possession, custody or control" of material, "involving potential misleading or deceptive acts regarding incentives associated with the administration of childhood vaccines," it said, adding that such acts could be in violation of the state's deceptive trade practices law.
The letter also requested her practice's vaccine policy, and said it would not be sufficient to cite the childhood vaccine schedule recommended by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
Mr. Paxton has also implicated the nation's largest organization of pediatricians, the American Academy of Pediatrics, in the alleged conspiracy over the work-day task of protecting children from polio, measles, meningitis and more than a dozen other dangerous and sometimes life-threatening diseases.
"I will ensure that Big Pharma and Big Insurance don't bribe medical providers to pressure parents to jab their kids with vaccines they feel aren't safe or necessary," he said when announcing the investigation in January, describing his efforts as working "alongside President Trump" and Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr.
"Together, we will Make America Healthy Again," he said, using the rallying cry of a movement that helped elect Mr. Trump and propel Mr. Kennedy into the top health position in the federal government.
In many ways, pediatricians, among the lowest-paid specialists in medicine, make for an unlikely target. But they are a focus in what has become a wide-ranging campaign to raise doubts about vaccination, part of a 20-year quest for Mr. Kennedy that some of his political allies have joined.
The efforts have gained steam despite decades of evidence of the effectiveness of vaccines. More than 1.1 million deaths, from diseases like diphtheria, hepatitis B and measles, were prevented by childhood vaccines in the United States from 1994 through 2023, according to an estimate from the C.D.C.
Unlike many organizations that have drawn fire from the Trump administration and its surrogates, the 67,000-member American Academy of Pediatrics has not retreated. It has sued the Trump administration over policy changes and grant cancellations, with some success so far.
"Everybody thinks of pediatricians as these mild-mannered people who have animals on their stethoscope and would not fight their way out of a bag," said Dr. Kathryn Edwards, a professor of pediatrics at Vanderbilt University who helped develop a vaccine against a deadly bacteria, Haemophilus influenzae, or HIB.
In August, Mr. Paxton said he was starting an investigation specifically into the American Academy of Pediatrics, accusing the organization of “deceptively promoting childhood vaccines for financial gain.” His office has served the academy with an extensive document demand.
"This is another attempt at intimidation," Dr. Edwards said, "but they're not being intimidated because their moral core is about the well-being of children."
In a statement, the academy said that its vaccine advice is "rooted in decades of peer-reviewed science" and that the "investigation" serves only to undermine public health, sow confusion and put more children at risk of preventable disease.
Mr. Paxton's office did not respond to a request for comment. In the past, his office has sued federal officials over vaccine mandates and Pfizer claiming that the company overstated the efficacy of its Covid vaccine.
It is unclear why he opened this investigation, though some people in Texas have speculated that he began it to court Mr. Trump's endorsement in a competitive primary race (which he eventually received) or to appeal to vaccine-skeptical Texas voters.
So far, Mr. Paxton is the only attorney general to investigate pediatricians for vaccinating children. But a wave of vaccine-limiting bills were introduced into state legislatures this year, including some to eliminate vaccine requirements for school entry. None of those passed, but other measures were signed into law that require death reports of infants and children to list vaccines the child had recently received.
In Florida, state officials are holding a hearing this week on a proposal to remove the requirement for schoolchildren to be vaccinated against hepatitis B, chickenpox, pneumococcal disease and
Haemophilus influenzae.
It is also unclear how many pediatric practices the investigation has contacted. Dr. Rachel said she did not know why the attorney general's office targeted her tiny practice in an inquiry that he announced as directed toward the state's "largest medical providers," vaccine makers and health insurers. She said that responding to the demand for her records had so far cost her nearly \$15,000 in legal fees, and sent her digging for receipts for \$18 vaccines given a decade ago.
The document demand letter asked her to keep the inquiry private: "You are requested NOT to inform other entities of this request, as this request relates to an ongoing confidential investigation that would be jeopardized and impeded by disclosure."
enabling them to download a form rather than order it by mail.
Rekha Lakshmanan, the executive director of the Texas-based Immunization Partnership, an advocacy group, said that the investigation could have a chilling effect on pediatricians, making them think twice about urging vaccinations or opening a practice in Texas.
Ms. Lakshmanan said she also worried that the publicity could accelerate the erosion of uptake of vaccines. The rates of measles and polio vaccine coverage among Texas kindergartners fell to about 93 percent last school year, from nearly 97 percent in 2019.
Adding to her concerns, a new state law made it easier for parents to get exemptions from vaccinations required for school entry,
Mr. Paxton's claims echoed those long made by Mr. Kennedy suggesting that pediatricians were motivated by profit to vaccinate children.
Most pediatricians reject the claim that they profit heavily from vaccines as ludicrous. They note that they must pay upfront for the vaccines, refrigerate them according to federal guidelines and then haggle with insurers to cover the cost.
Prices for vaccines are far lower than the cost of many new therapies and range from about \$30 per dose for a vaccine that protects against diphtheria, tetanus, and pertussis to as much as \$595 for a newer antibody treatment that protects infants against RSV.
Nearly half of children's vaccines are covered by the \$8 billion federal Vaccines for Children program, which Mr. Kennedy, as health secretary, oversees. The program was created after measles outbreaks 32 years ago to ensure protection for lower-income families.
In Dr. Rachel's office, a large refrigerator contains what she estimates to be about \$125,000 worth of vaccines to protect children from diseases like polio, measles and hepatitis. She supplied information in response to Mr. Paxton's office's request for every "reward, financial benefit, bonus, discount, return, rebate or other consideration" from a vaccine maker, giving details that included a \$40 batch of cookies a vaccine maker's representative brought to her office. She said her most significant discounts were small reductions vaccine makers gave her for paying a bill promptly.
Mr. Paxton's office fired back with a follow-up to its 28-item document demand, dismissing some of the initial responses as frivolous or improper.
While Dr. Rachel has responded to the demands, the American Academy of Pediatrics has been actively pushing back on the Trump administration.
The academy and other public health groups successfully challenged Mr. Kennedy's purge of an influential vaccine committee, whose members were replaced with vaccine skeptics.
In March, a federal judge ruled that the new members were unlawfully appointed and blocked the new vaccine guidelines that recommended dropping protection from six diseases. Mr. Kennedy's office has challenged the ruling and the case is ongoing.
In another case, a federal judge ruled in January that Mr. Kennedy's department had retaliated against the academy when it cut \$12 million in grants that were used to address sudden infant death, fetal alcohol disorders and newborn hearing screenings.
Ten days later, Mr. Paxton announced his investigation in Texas.
On the same day, Children's Health Defense, the anti-vaccine nonprofit that Mr. Kennedy founded, sued the American Academy of Pediatrics making similar claims, including of a "racketeering" scheme to "defraud" parents by asserting that vaccines were safe when questions remained unanswered. The case is ongoing.
After two rounds of document requests from Mr. Paxton's office, Dr. Rachel is now waiting, uncertain what to expect next.
She recalled the anxiety she felt opening her own practice. She built a busy practice and accounts for her successes with trinkets in her office: hand-scrawled cards, a drawing from a child that she framed and hung on the wall, and the gift of a little girl's favorite marble. The suggestion that she was motivated by greed, she said, was maddening.
"I took it very personally," she said, "because I take pride in what I do. It felt like it was such a slap in the face and an insult."
吉姆·巴克逝世，享年86岁，这位传道者的丑闻曾令其帝国崩塌
BERENSON—Robert L.
Jim Bakker in 1987. 他与首任妻子塔米·费伊·巴克共同创立的电视传教事业，年收入曾高达 1.29亿美元。
无论用什么标准衡量，他与妻子都过着奢靡的生活。他对此辩称，他们需要“好的诱饵”才能成为高效的“得人如鱼”的渔夫。他们的“诱饵”包括为自己开出的六位数薪水和奖金、一艘 55 英尺长的房船、一支由梅赛德斯-奔驰和劳斯莱斯组成的小型车队、钻石和金饰、镀金的卫浴设备、一个带空调的狗舍，以及在南卡罗来纳州、佛罗里达州、田纳西州和加利福尼亚州棕榈泉的住宅和公寓。其消费如此挥霍，且募捐请求如此紧迫，以至于一些批评者将PTL重新定义为“传递赃物”（Pass the Loot）。
12:45pm, 30 November on October 5, 2026. 他出生于纽约市，毕业于罗切斯特大学及其医学院和牙科学院。一所新学校在纽约市设立了超过12年。他对他在9月11世纪期间的服务感到特别自豪。教会提供了一项良好的服务，以及纽约大学（NYU）市中心医院的紧急服务，教会处理了一起非常严重的二战伤亡案例。他被他相伴28年的挚爱妻子贝蒂·比顿所眷顾。他也是教会（贝丝）的受害者，女儿奥德丽·玛格丽特（迈克）和杰西卡·马加丁（迈克）。他还有一个孩子雅各布、奥利维亚、卡梅隆和诺亚，兄弟姐妹戴安·希普斯（巴斯），以及伴侣伊里特·格兰杰。葬礼将于周四在纽约市的家中举行。12:45pm在夏伦花园。周四将在纽约市家中守丧（Shiva）。请以向康涅狄格州谢尔曼的CC捐款代替献花。
在《纽约时报》的版面中纪念并庆祝您所爱之人的生平。
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纽约时报
鲍勃·贝伦森（Bob Berenson），86岁，于1940年4月15日在加利福尼亚州圣迭戈家中逝世。他毕业于曼哈顿的高中以及雪城大学的纽豪斯学院（Newhouse School），他在该市就读，并获得了西北大学麦迪尔学院（Medill School）的理学硕士学位，该学院将其纳入首届成就名人堂。鲍勃在格雷全球集团（Grey Global Group）开启了职业生涯，在长达40年的职业生涯中，他在80年代中期发挥了关键作用，将其经济地位从一个政府机构转型为一家通信企业集团，并达到了国家协会以及悉尼及其子公司的顶峰。他曾在多个董事会任职，包括安大略委员会，他在那里创建了一个餐饮营销与运营中心，并在最后一周教授了八年课程，将顶尖厨师和餐厅引入该学院的海德公园校区。
Hochul Declares Measles Crisis as Cases Rise in Rural New York
By JOSEPH GOLDSTEIN
Gov. Kathy Hochul declared a statewide health emergency in New York State on Monday as measles cases increased dangerously across rural counties where vaccination rates have lagged.
As of Saturday, 108 measles cases had been reported across the state this year, the most since 2019, when New York was the epicenter of a national outbreak. Most of the cases are in rural areas, concentrated in the Finger Lakes region.
Ms. Hochul's declaration will relax rules about who can administer vaccines to make it easier for midwives, pharmacists and other health care workers to give shots to prevent measles.
"After reviewing the latest data on measles cases in New York State, I am declaring a state disaster emergency to strengthen our ongoing efforts to confront this disease," the governor said. "No one should get seriously ill or die from a vaccine-preventable disease."
The United States is experiencing a resurgence in measles, driven by declining vaccination rates, with case counts soaring in 2026. Across the nation, 3,887 cases have been recorded this year, by far the highest in more than 30 years. South Carolina and Utah have been especially hard hit, along with Pennsylvania, which has had more than 1,000 cases and five deaths, state officials say. The virus has torn through Amish communities where vaccination rates are especially low.
Three counties, including Seneca and Steuben, both in the Finger Lakes, account for about half of New York's measles cases. Otsego County, best known for the National Baseball Hall of Fame and Museum in Cooperstown, has had 20 cases this year, the most of any county.
New York City has registered seven cases this year, which is not an unusually high number.
No one has died from measles this year in New York State, the state Health Department said.
In an August advisory, the Health Department said that a few cases involved New Yorkers who had traveled to other states but others were locally transmitted.
Measles is one of the most contagious diseases, spreading when someone who is infected coughs or sneezes. The virus can linger in droplets suspended in the air for up two hours indoors. Known for its telltale rash, measles can lead to pneumonia and swelling of the brain, resulting in blindness. Babies who are too young to be vaccinated are particularly at risk.
Measles was largely eradicated from the United States a quarter-century ago. Cases had begun to drop precipitously after a second vaccine dose became routine following a 1989 outbreak. But vaccination rates have declined amid fears that the M.M.R. vaccine — which protects against measles, mumps and rubella — might be linked to autism. Dozens of scientific studies have debunked that claim, finding no association between the shot and autism.
The coronavirus pandemic and mandatory vaccination policies also fueled skepticism toward vaccines. Robert F. Kennedy Jr., the Trump administration's health secretary, has waged a campaign against them that has further weakened public confidence in immunizations.
In the New York counties with the most measles cases, fewer than 80 percent of children had received their first dose of the measles vaccine by the time they turned 2. In most counties in the state, more than 80 percent of children had received their first dose by then.
In a few places, vaccine coverage is much lower, including in sparsely populated Yates County, where the rate is about 53 percent. Yates County has logged three cases this year.
The surge in cases appears to have led to a last-minute effort by some families to get vaccinated. A Health Department bulletin noted that reports of new infections "have prompted some previously unimmunized individuals to request vaccination."
The U.S. Centers for Disease
Control and Prevention recommends that children get their first dose of measles vaccine at 12 through 15 months, with a second dose between ages 4 and 6. Some families delay vaccination until children are older.
"This is entirely preventable, and we know the vaccine is safe," said Dr. Howard Markel, a retired pediatrician and leading historian of epidemics and quarantines. As more families opt out of vaccinating their children — or delay it by a few years — communities grow more vulnerable to an outbreak.
"You're seeing what happens when you start poking holes in the net," said Dr. Markel, whose books include "Quarantine!" about New York epidemics.
New York's rules that require vaccines for school attendance are among the strictest in the United States. They do not allow students to opt out of vaccinations for religious reasons. That may change. Last year, the U.S. Supreme Court signaled it may favor loosening New York's requirements.
戴维斯—戈登 (DAVIS—Gordon)
戴维斯—戈登。
中央公园保护协会（Central Park Conservancy）的全体员工及董事会成员深切哀悼戈登·L·戴维斯（Gordon L. Davis）的逝世。他是该协会的创始信托人，也是中央公园振兴计划的捍卫者。在1978年至1983年担任市长埃德·科赫（Ed Koch）麾下的纽约市公园局局长期间，戈登协助创立了中央公园保护协会；1979年，他任命城市规划师及奥姆斯特德历史学家贝齐·巴里德（Betsy Barreeder）担任新设立的中央公园管理员一职。戈登与贝齐共同建立了纽约市最持久且最成功的公私合作伙伴关系之一——中央公园保护协会，旨在将公园还给公众，并为所有人恢复一个美丽、宁静的休憩之所。自从中央公园的修复成为戈登与贝齐首次重大合作以来，保护协会在公园内开展了200项资本项目。作为一名德高望重的领导者，他在公民及法律事务方面发挥了重要作用，戈登的影响力延伸至政府部门，在振兴整个纽约公园系统（该系统此前曾陷入破产状态）方面起到了关键作用。在担任公园局局长期间，戈登的诸多创新举措包括创建国家公园以及振兴布莱恩特公园（Bryant Park）。他继续通过在林肯公园（Lincoln Park）担任关键领导职务和董事会职位来塑造公园的生活，并参与了艺术、林肯中心爵士乐团、纽约公共图书馆以及现代艺术博物馆等机构。戈登对中央公园的奉献、远见和抱负——以及对国家公园的追求——将继续激励保护协会为后代保护公园而努力。
伊丽莎白·W·史密斯 (Elizabeth W. Smith)
总裁兼首席执行官
中央公园保护协会
托马斯·L·肯普纳二世 (Thomas L., Kempner, Jr.)
董事会主席
中央公园保护协会
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📄 Original Section
Justice Dept. Split on Peril Of Pandemic To Schools
By DEVLIN BARRETT
WASHINGTON — The Justice Department issued a report on Monday that showed career officials in the agency sharply disagreed with a Biden-era memo about alleged threats to school officials, worrying that it seemed like a politically charged entry into the fight over Covid restrictions that was “stupid, stupid, stupid.”
The internal documents were an unusually substantive exhibit in the Trump administration's long and often hyperbolic campaign to suggest that the Biden administration weaponized the Justice Department against conservatives.
The report on Monday concluded that the 2021 memo was "the product of political pressure from outside groups and White House officials in the Biden administration" who sought to "inappropriately weaponize the Department of Justice and to chill the constitutional rights of parents."
But the report also shows that many of the loudest voices inside the F.B.I. and Justice Department arguing against the memo by Attorney General Merrick B. Garland were later forced out by the Trump administration — meaning that the administration purged some of the very people who had defended conservatives and parents from what they viewed as unjustified investigations.
The Garland memo, issued as schools around the country started a third academic year of Covid-related restrictions, aimed to create a nationwide task force to investigate purported threats to school officials. It was
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戴维斯—戈登·J. (DAVIS—Gordon J.)
戴维斯—戈登·J.
公共剧院（The Public Theater）的董事会和全体员工对长期董事、思想伙伴以及艺术、文化和公园免费开放的共同倡导者戈登·J·戴维斯（Gordon J. Davis）律师的逝世表示哀悼。戈登于1990年加入董事会，此后一直担任公共剧院及其工作的不懈顾问，为众多公共剧院项目提供指导，范围涵盖从治理到资本项目，包括公共剧院及市中心公共空间的翻新，以及近期中央公园德拉科特剧院（Delacorte Theater）的翻新。董事会和全体员工向戈登的 Beffler、Duggy、女儿 Lizzy、孙辈、家人及朋友表示慰问。
埃文·R·切斯勒（Evan R. Chesler）、凯瑟琳·马龙（Catherine Marron）、
尼尔·L·鲁登斯坦（Neil L. Rudenstine），
前任主席
安东尼·W·马克斯（Anthony W. Marx），
总裁
赫尔曼—杰弗里·马克 (HERRMANN—Jeffrey Mark)
杰弗里·马克·赫尔曼（Jeffrey Mark Herrmann），78岁，原籍于纽约州纽约市的拉奇蒙特（Larchmont）、佛蒙特州，于2020年10月5日平静离世。杰弗里和 Robert H. M. 于1948年出生在纽约州纽约市，父母是马丁·赫尔曼（Martin Herrmann）和罗斯·赫尔曼（Rose Herrmann），两人已婚，随后全家搬到了弗吉尼亚州的里弗代尔（Riverdale）社区。他后来在成年早期生活在那里。他于1968年毕业于布朗克斯的亨特学院（Hunter College），并获得了政治学的学位。随后他前往弗吉尼亚州的“远方”上州。他经常说——前往位于新泽西州圣路易斯的康奈尔大学法学院。1972年，他被接纳进入新泽西州律师协会，被任命为律师。1978年，杰弗里在佛蒙特州的阿灵顿遇到了他未来的妻子桑德拉（Sandra）和 William H. M. 夫人。他们于1980年5月4日在新泽西州结婚，随后他也去了他即将成为姐夫的 Lynn 和 Bob Hughes 的农场。
以及姐夫 Lynn 和 Bob Hughes。随后杰弗里和桑德拉搬到了 Mamondia，那里有他们的第一个儿子本杰明（Benjamin）的第二个儿子。不久之后，他们搬到了美国拉奇蒙特的第二个儿子处，在那里他们有了第二个儿子威廉（William）和乔治·H.（George H.）。他曾是一名非滑雪爱好者。在遇到配偶后，他一生都成为了一个热衷于滑雪的人，偏爱亨特（Hunter）和斯托（Stowe）的前者。他将这种热情传给了他的儿子们威廉和乔治·H.。在滑雪小镇生活期间，杰弗里拥有自己的生活，他是一位热情的音乐爱好者。他也是歌剧和古典音乐的忠实爱好者。他经常在周日被太阳照亮。周日午后，他会带着一叠新借的图书馆书籍和文学作品，聆听来自 WQXR 的广播。他尤其感激有机会在晚上看到很多感兴趣的事物，并期待参加年度 Viernesee 的音乐会。他的遗属包括儿子本杰明和威廉，本杰明的妻子及其儿子威廉，以及乔治·Y.，孙女 Lake 和孙子 Ethn，以及詹姆斯夫人、爱德华和约瑟夫·艾丽丝·詹姆斯、凯特和爱德华。他曾在杰弗里·赫尔曼律师事务所担任首席律师多年。他在处理诸多事务方面表现卓越，包括信托与遗产、商业交易和广告。作为一名流利的德语使用者，
在我们的版面纪念您所爱之人。
nytimes@classifiedplus.com
1-800-458-5522
《纽约时报》他经常代表德语区欧洲国家。随着一种新的专业称谓——“低端业务组”（The Lower Business Group）在《60分钟》对一家非营利组织的报道中被提及，且该组织不仅涉及洗钱。该反腐败组织采用了由律师制定的欧洲法律，伪装成一名寻求与美国达成大量交易的国际商人。杰弗里是唯一一位立即对该公司报价做出反应的律师，他告诉潜伏的美国情报人员：“我的标准更高。”在桑德拉于美国去世后，他花更多时间陪伴儿子本及其孙辈。他一直有着广泛的兴趣，并且习惯于阅读每日的《纽约时报》并保持浓厚的兴趣。仪式将于2026年10月7日星期三上午10:45举行，时间定于下周。美国方面可能会在新泽西州帕拉穆斯的美国圣所礼拜堂（The Chapel at the Sanctuary of the United States）举行更大规模的仪式。美国方面还将举行当地的悼念活动。欢迎所有人参加。
In odd twist, Trump purged officials who cited anti-right bias.
prompted by a letter from the National School Boards Association that raised concerns about the security of school administrators and called some threats potentially "the equivalent of a form of domestic terrorism or hate crimes." The letter prompted immediate blowback from conservatives and parents, and the organization eventually apologized.
The new report shows that veteran Justice Department lawyers and F.B.I. agents saw the Garland memo as a misguided overreach that erroneously conflated free speech activity — parents complaining about decisions made by school administrators — with terrorist threats.
Inside the department, a number of senior career officials, including George Toscas, a national security official, and Corey Amundson, a public corruption prosecutor, argued against the effort.
"Stupid, stupid, stupid," Mr. Amundson wrote to a colleague, Kevin Driscoll. Mr. Driscoll agreed. "It's like they're affirmatively trying to make this thing not work and look political," Mr. Driscoll wrote, frustrated that Biden administration officials wanted to combine the school issue with a separate effort to investigate threats to election officials. "If they do this, they might as well rename the damn thing the Anti-MAGA Task Force."
Mr. Toscas and Mr. Amundson were among a small group of senior, respected officials at the department who were removed from their positions on the first day of the second Trump term, as administration officials sought to assert immediate control over decision-making. Mr. Amundson and Mr. Toscas eventually resigned from the department entirely.
About a month later, when senior Trump administration officials demanded that the Justice Department drop corruption charges against the mayor of New York City, Eric Adams, Mr. Driscoll resigned.
At the F.B.I., a number of senior officials also objected to the Garland memo, including Steven Jensen, a senior counterterrorism official.
A few days before the memo was issued, Mr. Jensen warned colleagues in an email that it was "potentially dangerous ground, to blanket label generalized activity" as domestic terrorism. "Not all who oppose school board actions or legislative decisions are domestic terrorists. Not all who threaten politicians are" domestic terrorism subjects, he added.
Mr. Jensen was fired by the Trump administration in 2025 after disagreements over how to treat F.B.I. agents who had worked on cases arising out of the Jan. 6, 2021, riot at the Capitol. He has sued over his termination.
Cornell University named Sally Yates, the former acting U.S. attorney general, on Tuesday to lead an independent internal review of a former student's rape claim amid growing outrage about how it was first handled.
Ms. Yates, 62, will also examine the school's policies related to sexual assault allegations, including how they are investigated and what support is given to students, the university said in a statement.
Anne Smalling, the head of the committee that hired Ms. Yates, told The New York Times the university was obligated to the woman who had filed the rape complaint. "We owe it to her and to our community to take a hard look at what happened so that we can determine what we can do better around both prevention and response," she said.
Ms. Yates and the white-collar law firm King and Spalding, where she is a partner, will "have independence in conducting the review," Cornell said in a statement on Tuesday.
Students and politicians have demanded answers from Cornell after a former student sued the university, seven men, a fraternity and her sorority in September, claiming she was sexually assaulted in October 2024 at a fraternity party. She claimed the university allowed a culture to flourish that led to the assault, and then did not conduct a proper investigation after she alerted campus police. Her claims have set off a wave of shock and anger across the country and renewed national conversations over sexual assault on college campuses.
Three weeks after the incident in 2024, the woman, identified as Jane Doe in court papers, filed a report with campus police, which was then passed to the Tompkins County district attorney, who declined to file charges.
All of the men have denied any wrongdoing. None of the men have been charged with a crime. Their fraternity, Chi Phi, has been banned from campus.
The university, though, conducted its own monthslong investigation, which includes more than 1,000 pages of transcripts, text messages, hours of interviews with a dozen people, and the woman's statement to police, which she signed. A three-member panel at the school met on Zoom over 12 days in May 2025 and expelled two men, barred one who had graduated from campus, suspended two and gave lighter punishments to the rest, according to the documents.
The panel did not conclude that Jane Doe was sexually assaulted by all the men she had accused, according to discipline summaries reviewed by The Times. The district attorney, Matthew Van Houten, has said that the Cornell
Sally Yates
University Police Department only forwarded a six-page summary to him.
But, according to the records, the police did offer Mr. Van Houten
more evidence to review, but he declined to do so. Gov. Kathy Hochul rebuked Mr. Van Houten on Thursday and appointed the state's attorney general, Letitia James, to review the evidence and determine whether criminal charges should be filed.
It is a common practice for universities to turn to outside law firms when faced with a significant public scandal, and the reactions to those inquires have typically been mixed. In 2011, Penn State hired the former F.B.I. director Louis Freeh of the firm Freeh, Sporkin & Sullivan to identify what the university might have known about the allegations of child abuse against Jerry Sandusky, a former assistant football coach. Mr. Freeh delivered a damning indictment that declared several leaders had known about the abuse and concealed it from law enforcement. Critics said he had overstepped his mandate.
Columbia University also commissioned Joan Loughnane, a partner at Sidley Austin, to conduct an external investigation into the school's handling of sexual abuse allegations made against the former Columbia gynecologist Robert Hadden in 2012. In her findings, released this year, Ms. Loughnane documented systematic failures by administrators to address his abuse, but the university was criticized for the slow process of the report.
Ms. Yates is a high-profile choice for a role that will inevitably be deeply scrutinized. She previously led the U.S. Soccer Federation's investigation into allegations of abuse and misconduct in women's professional soccer, and currently leads King and Spalding's crisis management practice.
Under Trump, Sexual Assault Cases Receive Less Focus
HEATHER AINSWORTH FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
Students at Cornell. "I don't know that much about it," President Trump recently said about the case.
From Page AI
ment had resolved dozens of sexual harassment and sexual assault cases, but declined to provide documents or explain why they were not in the database. The New York Times could not independently verify the full scope of the department's claim.
On Tuesday, after this article was published online, the Education Department announced it was opening Title IX investigations into school districts in eight states over allegations of sexual misconduct against students.
The Justice Department, where civil rights investigators examine allegations of systemic discrimination in colleges and universities under Title IX, has seen a similar shift away from sexual assault and harassment cases over Mr. Trump's two terms.
In addition to the San Jose State settlement, which resolved an investigation into the school's head athletic trainer abusing female student athletes, the department in Mr. Trump's first term resolved an investigation into Utah State University after reports that the school had failed to respond to numerous reports of sexual assaults.
In the second Trump administration, the Justice Department has not produced anything similar.
Civil rights lawyers who previously led investigative units at both departments said they would have opened investigations into Cornell by now.
Catherine E. Lhamon, who oversaw the Education Department's Office for Civil Rights under Presidents Joseph R. Biden Jr. and Barack Obama, said the allegations had received "a wildly tepid response" from the university and the government.
Ms. Lhamon said the threshold for resolving a federal inquiry was whether a school had taken sufficient steps to end a hostile learning environment and to ensure the discrimination did not persist.
"It is the school's job to ensure that students have equal access to education and can learn without discrimination," said Ms. Lhamon, now executive director of the Edley Center on Law and Democracy at the University of California, Berkeley. "That has been a Title IX requirement since the law was first passed in 1972."
Shaheena Simons, who led the Justice Department team focused on civil rights in schools under Mr. Trump and Mr. Biden, called the administration's lack of resolved cases by this point in Mr. Trump's term a sign that it doesn't take seriously its role vetting sexual assault allegations under Title IX.
"D.O.J. absolutely would and did look into allegations like this," Ms. Simons said. "Our investigations exposed some really profound failures by colleges and by campus police. And now that avenue for accountability is effectively gone."
A spokeswoman for the Justice Department, Kiersten Pels, said the department "does not generally confirm or deny the existence of investigations," though it has announced other civil rights investigations.
Protecting women and girls "remains a top priority," Ms. Pels said, adding that "protections against discrimination based on sex are fully in force, and schools that fail to meet their obligations will be held accountable."
Ms. Hartman, the Education Department spokeswoman, said the situation at Cornell was "horrific" and should not be politicized to criticize the Trump administration.
The drop-off in resolved sexual misconduct investigations comes after a decades-long political battle in Washington over how to enforce the sexual discrimination ban under Title IX. Each of the past three presidential administrations has rewritten, or tried to rewrite, those enforcement rules.
In 2011, Mr. Obama's administration issued a public letter telling colleges that sexual harassment and assault create an environment so hostile that women's access to education is jeopardized and violates their civil rights.
Mr. Trump's administration rescinded that letter in 2017 and re-wrote the guidelines, providing more protections for people facing accusations.
In 2024, Mr. Biden's administration attempted to overhaul those rules again, extending protections from sexual discrimination to transgender students. A federal court blocked the move, and the Education Department announced last week that it had formally repealed those changes.
But the most significant change to civil rights enforcement during Mr. Trump's second term has been his push for a broader reorientation of federal investigation targets. Those changes include ending the federal government's oversight in dozens of school desegregation orders, focusing on antisemitism cases that mostly stem from anti-Israel protests, and purging programs that promote diversity, equity and inclusion.
The administration's shift to using Title IX to reverse transgender protections is rooted in a series of executive orders Mr. Trump started signing on the first day of his second term. The orders have led educators to de-emphasize sex discrimination, victims' advocates and civil rights lawyers said.
"I had one university president ask me if they really needed to hire a Title IX coordinator," said Jody Shipper, a civil rights lawyer and consultant who, in 2004, became the first person in that role
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当人工智能失控，谁该负责？
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📄 Original Section
A decades-long battle over how to enforce a ban under Title IX.
at the University of Southern California.
Title IX coordinators generally oversee a university's compliance with the federal law's ban on sex discrimination. The university president, she said, told her: "No one is going to fault me if I don't have one."
"If university presidents think their governor doesn't care, and that Trump doesn't care — what do I even say to that?" Ms. Shipper said.
At the same time the university's investigation into the rape allegations was unfolding, Cornell was among a handful of elite schools facing the full force of Mr. Trump's civil rights inquiries with very different focuses.
On March 20, 2025, the Education Department opened an investigation into Cornell's handling of pro-Palestinian demonstrations tied to the war in Gaza. Four days later, it opened a second investigation — this time into allegations of fostering anti-white and anti-Asian discrimination with school admissions policies.
In April, as Cornell administrators were already deep into grappling with the gang rape allegation, the Trump administration identified \$1 billion in funding cuts to the university's research grants to pressure the school into adopting the administration's new discrimination priorities.
Cornell agreed to some of the changes last fall as part of a settlement with the government that shelved the investigations.
Mr. Trump has shown interest in one aspect of the Cornell case: the appointment by the New York governor of Letitia James, the state's attorney general, as a special prosecutor to review the allegations and the handling of the complaint.
Ms. James led a civil fraud lawsuit against Mr. Trump and his company in 2022 that resulted in a large financial penalty. A federal grand jury indicted her on bank fraud and false statement charges last October, but a federal judge in November dismissed the charges, which Ms. James called baseless and politically motivated.
When reporters asked on Friday about the appointment of Ms. James to look into the Cornell case, Mr. Trump said, "I feel badly for whoever she's looking at, because they won't get a fair shake."
“执法部门已经有权就创建和发布危险、未经审核或有缺陷的产品而起诉公司及其首席执行官，”汗女士上个月在 X 平台的一篇帖子中表示，并补充说“现行法律中不存在人工智能豁免权”。
长期以来，从劣质玩具到飞机失事，公司一直被要求承担责任，详见 B5 页
📄 Original Section
How Ketamine Emerged As Key Element of Case
By NICOLE HONG
The woman who would come to be known as Jane Doe walked into her sorority house in a daze, feeling bruises starting to ache on her body. When her sorority sisters asked what had happened, she remembered responding with one word: "Ketamine."
The recollection, detailed among the more than 1,000 pages of Cornell University files obtained by The New York Times, underscores the central role played by the powerful anesthetic in an alleged gang rape that has spurred outrage and debate about sexual assault and consent on college campuses nationwide.
The drug, which has surged in popularity in recent years, appeared time and again on the night in question, at a Chi Phi fraternity party in October 2024, according to the documents and a lawsuit filed last month by the former Cornell student who identified herself as Jane Doe.
She said in her lawsuit that during the party, she felt pressured by some members of the fraternity to take ketamine with them, her first time doing the drug, before seven of them sexually assaulted her.
Before the night was over, she said in her lawsuit, all seven of the men would also snort lines of ketamine off her body.
All of the men have denied wrongdoing, saying that any sexual contact was consensual. None has been charged with a crime.
In her initial interview with campus investigators in November 2024, Jane Doe said a combination of drugs and alcohol — she had been drinking heavily before arriving at the fraternity and continued drinking once there — made it impossible for her to consent to sexual activity that night.
She said she did not remember taking the first hit of ketamine, only realizing that she had done so later in the night when a Chi Phi brother asked if she wanted "more" ketamine.
"Whenever the ketamine went down, I would say, is when things really start becoming a problem," she told investigators.
In the investigative files obtained by The Times, the word ketamine appears hundreds of times, and the witness statements allude to a drug culture on campus where ketamine was easily accessible in certain social circles. In August alone, the Cornell University police responded to two reports of ketamine potentially being stolen from the university's veterinary medical center, according to the agency's crime log.
In interviews with 11 current and recently graduated Cornell students, many of them told The Times that cocaine and marijuana were common at regular campus parties, while ketamine was more typically found within the heavy partying crowd, including in certain fraternities.
"It was not hard to get your hands on it if you wanted it," said Hasham Khan, 22, a former fraternity member who was not in Chi Phi and graduated from the university this year.
Jane Doe told campus investigators that the first time she had ever seen ketamine was about two weeks before the night of her alleged assault.
She was hanging out with some of the Chi Phi members she would later accuse of rape, she said, when one of them took out a plastic bag filled with white powder.
She said she turned down an of-fer to try it then.
But when she asked the man how he could be sure that it wasn't laced with something dangerous, like fentanyl, he replied that his drug dealer worked in a Cornell lab, she told investigators.
(The man subsequently said he does not remember saying this and denied having a ketamine dealer from a Cornell lab, the investigative files show.)
At one point on the night of the alleged assault, Jane Doe said she was upstairs in a room at the Chi Phi fraternity, surrounded by men. She told one of the members that she felt uncomfortable.
She said he laughed and poured a line of ketamine onto his erect penis, and she said she felt coerced into snorting it, according to her interview in November 2024 with campus police. (He later told investigators he had "no recollection" of this.)
"I had become extremely uncomfortable with how this night was turning out, so my thought was, if I do ketamine again, maybe I will pass out," she told investigators, according to the files. "My thought was that if I passed out and these men had sex with me, then they could be charged with rape."
Another fraternity member then asked if all the men in the room could do drugs off her body, and she replied "Sure," she told investigators.
Henry Fernandez, Emma Goldberg and Hurubie Meko contributed reporting. Susan Beachy contributed research.
A Cornell disciplinary panel found last year that for at least one of the men, there was insufficient evidence to conclude he had ingested ketamine off Jane Doe's body, after he submitted a drug test showing he had tested negative for ketamine after the party, court records show.
As she snorted more ketamine throughout the night, "it made my eyes feel like they were spinning in opposite directions," she said.
She said she felt coerced into having sex with the men — and that they should have known how intoxicated she was based on how she was slurring her words.
The records suggest that the men in the room were also feeling the effects of the ketamine. One fraternity brother wrote in a statement to investigators that within 10 minutes of taking ketamine, he was gasping for breath, lost consciousness for several seconds and told Jane Doe he thought he was about to die. Another said the mix of ketamine, liquor and marijuana made him vomit violently for about 15 minutes.
The accused male students gave conflicting accounts to investigators of the ketamine use that night. One of the fraternity members said he never took ketamine that night, nor did he see anyone taking it — directly contradicting another member who recalled seeing this person inhale ketamine off Jane Doe's body. A third fraternity brother acknowledged inhaling ketamine off Jane Doe's body but said he did so only after she gave him verbal permission.
Around 6 a.m., as Jane Doe was drifting in and out of sleep inside a fraternity member's bedroom, she heard a group of men knock at the door, she told investigators. They wanted to snort cocaine off her body, but one of the men who had assaulted her earlier told them to leave, she alleged.
In Jane Doe's lawsuit last month, she said Cornell should have known that the fraternity had a history of ketamine use, citing a response from police officers to a drug-related incident at the fraternity house a week before the alleged assault.
The Tompkins County district attorney who reviewed Jane Doe's initial statement and declined to bring criminal charges, Matthew Van Houten, said he was unaware of that police visit.
Cornell's crime log shows that the campus police made a drug-related arrest at the Chi Phi fraternity less than 24 hours before Jane Doe's alleged assault, an arrest first reported by The Cornell Sun.
The timing of the arrest matched a reference in court records to a ketamine overdose that took place at the house "on or about" Oct. 18, 2024.
The investigative files also show that on the night of the alleged assault, Jane Doe ran into a fraternity member she knew who was the D.J. of the party. Later on, she said another student told her that the D.J. had overdosed on ketamine and other substances the night before, the records show.
"I feel like OD'ing is a pretty big deal," she told investigators. "But to be back at it again the next day? It's crazy."
Cornell is far from the only place where ketamine has recently gained a foothold, both as legitimate treatment and as a party drug.
Legal with a prescription and often used to anesthetize both humans and animals, ketamine has become an alternative treatment for depression and anxiety. That has made it more widely available — but has also created more opportunities for abuse.
Joseph Palamar, a professor at the New York University Grossman School of Medicine who has researched ketamine for decades, found that from 2017 to 2024, the percentage of New York City nightclub attendees who reported having used ketamine has nearly doubled.
He warned that the disassociating and numbing effects of the drug can be especially dangerous if mixed with alcohol, as alleged in the lawsuit by Jane Doe.
"Even on relatively small doses, you're very detached from things," Professor Palamar said. "You're not as in touch with your emotions. It's very hard to communicate, especially as you hit larger doses."
Although Jane Doe said ketamine played a role in making her vulnerable to assault — it can have hallucinogenic effects and impair memory — its use is also likely to complicate the revived criminal investigation into her accusations, legal experts have said. New York State's rape law makes it difficult for a person who knowingly became intoxicated to prove that they did not consent to a sexual encounter.
That investigation will now be led by the New York State attorney general, Letitia James, whom Gov. Kathy Hochul appointed as special prosecutor after saying she had lost faith in Mr. Van Houten.
Trump-Appointed Judge Accuses ICE of Lying and Fabricating Records
By LUIS FERRÉ-SADURNÍ
A federal judge in New York has reprimanded the Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency, accusing its officers of lying, lacking proper training and fabricating records to cover up illegal arrests.
In a scathing 28-page ruling on Monday, the judge, Gary R. Brown, condemned the agency's tactics when it mistakenly arrested two Hispanic men, including a U.S. citizen, in the Bronx in May, finding that ICE had "falsified official records trying to conceal" its "illegal actions."
Judge Brown wrote that immigration agents involved in the arrests had given "inconsistent, false and misleading testimony" in court, and said that they had probably perjured themselves. He found that the officers were inexperienced, possessed little understanding of the law and used "false testimony to conceal these failings."
More broadly, Judge Brown concluded that the agency's claim — that it had confused the two men it arrested with the intended targets — was part of a "troubling" pattern by ICE to justify erroneous arrests.
"The claims of misidentification here prove baseless, the arrests were procedurally deficient and legally invalid, and ICE agents falsified official records trying to conceal their illegal actions, which included significant injury to a U.S. citizen," Judge Brown wrote. He was appointed by President Trump in 2019 to serve in the Eastern District of New York.
ICE did not immediately re-
spond to a request for comment.
The ruling joins a growing wave of decisions by federal judges — including those appointed by Republicans — who have sharply rebuked ICE. Judges have said that the agency has conducted warrantless arrests and trampled due process rights amid the Trump administration's deportation push.
In numerous cases, ICE has argued that it has mistakenly detained people after mis-identifying them, drawing scrutiny from judges and immigration lawyers who argue that the arrests are indiscriminate. Last month, immigration agents in the Chicago suburbs detained a U.S. citizen — who suffered injuries to his head, neck and teeth during the arrest — after claiming they mistook him for a fugitive.
Judge Brown's ruling came in response to a lawsuit filed in June by one of the two men mistakenly detained on May 6 — around the time that ICE began escalating operations across the United States — in the Norwood section of the Bronx.
In back-to-back arrests, ICE detained a 26-year-old Dominican immigrant, who filed the lawsuit, which sought his release, and a 19-year-old U.S. citizen, who sustained head injuries after officers tackled him to the ground. At the time, news outlets published surveillance footage that showed an ICE agent pointing a gun at the back of the U.S. citizen while he walked on a sidewalk.
In response to the lawsuit, ICE submitted evidence and testified during hearings that offered a window into the arrests. Judge Brown determined on Monday that the agency's actions had been riddled with "failings," which he ordered ICE to correct.
The episode began when at least five immigration officers arrived on Hull Avenue in three unmarked vehicles to conduct a targeted operation, three of the officers testified in court.
The three officers, Judge Brown said, had "relative inexperience." One of them, the team's leader, had worked for two years as a deportation officer, while the other two had joined ICE eight months earlier, after working for U.S. Border Patrol.
The three officers said they had been searching for an undocumented immigrant with a criminal history and a second person who had no criminal record but had failed to show up to an immigration appointment. The officers said they had photographs of their targets, but provided conflicting testimony as to whether they also had their physical descriptions, including their weight and height, Judge Brown said.
While conducting surveillance, the officers said they had seen a man who resembled one of their targets exchanging drugs for money outside a building. As the agents moved in, the man darted away. Four or five masked ICE agents took him down, handcuffed him and hustled him into a vehicle, according to court filings.
Soon after, the agents realized they had apprehended "the wrong person," the team leader testified in court.
They had detained Angel Jesus Almonte, 26, an undocumented immigrant from the Dominican Republic, who was five inches taller and 80 pounds heavier than the man the officers said they had been after, according to the judge. The ICE team leader acknowledged in court that "it's very easy to see they're two different people."
While handcuffed inside the vehicle, Mr. Almonte acknowledged to the agents that he was in the
United States illegally.
But the judge found that the ICE agents had improperly arrested Mr. Almonte — and then tried to cover up their mistake. He found that ICE had faked an arrest warrant after the fact, claiming official databases had already confirmed that Mr. Almonte was in the country illegally. In reality, initial searches turned up nothing — so agents arrested him first, entered his information into the system afterward and lied on official forms to cover their tracks, the judge said.
“ICE agents prepared a substantially false administrative
A rebuke from the bench after two men are arrested in error.
warrant in an attempt to rationalize their actions," Judge Brown wrote.
He also questioned whether Mr. Almonte had been seen dealing drugs, saying that testimony from ICE agents on the matter “bear all the hallmarks of coordinated fabrication.” No drugs or money were found on Mr. Almonte, he said, and no observations of drug dealing were mentioned in ICE records.
In an interview, Mr. Almonte said that ICE had lied about him selling drugs, saying that he was returning home from a nearby store when the agents ambushed him.
"I just started running to save myself after seeing how ICE treated people," Mr. Almonte said in Spanish. "I was scared."
Mr. Almonte, whom the judge ordered released after nearly two months in detention, said that he had crossed the U.S.-Mexico border illegally in 2022 in search of "a better quality of life." He has continued working in bodegas and making food deliveries, and is now in deportation proceedings in immigration court.
Michael Musa-Obregon, a lawyer for Mr. Almonte, argued that ICE had fabricated a story of "mistaken identity" to justify randomly stopping and illegally detaining his client.
"Clearly a different person," Mr. Musa-Obregon said. "Yet ICE arrested him anyway — and the court found that they tried to manufacture the justification afterward. The government cannot arrest first and invent the reason later."
A few minutes after Mr. Almonte was detained, officers ran up to another man on the same block whom they said they had believed was their second target.
Video shows a masked ICE officer brandishing his gun and briefly pointing it in a man's direction while he walks on a sidewalk with two other men, their backs turned to the officer. The officer then grabs the man's arms before he is tussled to the ground and handcuffed with the help of two other masked officers who pile on top of him.
The man was later identified as Jeury Concepción, 19, an American citizen who said he had been on his way to get a haircut when the ICE officers began following him. He sustained a gash on the right side of his head that required stitches.
"I'm from New York, I was born and raised here," Mr. Concepción told News 12 in an interview in May, after he was released, adding that the agents had never asked to see his ID before he was arrested.
Joshua Dayan, a lawyer for Mr. Concepción, said that his client planned to sue the agency.
"We are pursuing litigation on behalf of our client because what happened to him should not happen to anybody just walking the street innocently on any given day, let alone a U.S. citizen," Mr. Dayan said. "All they did was run up to Jeury and attack him."
In court, the ICE officers said that Mr. Concepción's arrest had also been a case of mistaken identity and that they had been trying to arrest an undocumented man with motor vehicle charges on his record.
In his ruling, Judge Brown included side-by-side photos of Mr. Concepción (skinny, without much facial hair) and ICE's intended target (heavily built and heavily bearded), suggesting there was little resemblance. The judge described Mr. Concepción's arrest as illegal and "extremely violent."
Judge Brown has repeatedly criticized ICE's behavior, including in December, when he accused the agency of holding migrants in filthy conditions in a Long Island lockup and said it had presented false information in a Jamaican immigrant's arrest and violated court orders.
On Monday, he ordered the agency to explain within three weeks the steps or disciplinary measures it would take to ensure future enforcement actions are conducted lawfully, and to address illegal arrests and falsified records and testimony.
He did not rule out imposing penalties or holding ICE in contempt in the future.
在对 FCC 律师的质询中，洛伦·L·阿里坎（Loren L. AliKhan）法官似乎倾向于该机构的程序性论点。但对于其律师试图辩称此次审查主要是关于 ABC 的多样性和包容性雇佣实践，而非因为特朗普先生对该网络节目内容的多次愤怒投诉，她则显得更为怀疑。
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📄 Original Section
'Take Out Los Angeles': What Trump Said, Exactly
By SHAWN MCCREESH
GRAND ISLAND, Neb. — The White House went on the defensive Tuesday over confusing comments President Trump made the night before about the war with Iran and high gas prices, with the administration's top communications official insisting that Mr. Trump's remarks were taken out of context.
While speaking to a packed-out rally in Grand Island, Neb., Mr. Trump said exactly this:
I want to see a tremendous victory. You want to see a tremendous victory because it verifies all the things we did. And again, remember, with the war, it's just artificial. It's a little bit high. It's a small price to pay for keeping the world safe, keeping our country safe.
They can take out a city. Let them take, let them take out Los Angeles; let them take out San Diego. That's — this is a very small price to pay, and it's going to be over with very soon. It's essentially almost over with.
And they might keep going a little long. You know, they always say they have a big threshold for pain. They need it. Let me tell you, they need it. But it's going to end very soon. And it'll end one way or the other. And your gas and your gasoline and all of the things.
And don't forget, we also took on a country known as Venezuela. They never talk
Shawn Hubler contributed reporting from Los Angeles.
about that. They never talk about Venezuela. And we're taking in hundreds of millions of barrels of oil every week. We're pouring oil. We're pouring oil into this country like nobody's ever seen before.
The audience cheered when he said "let them take out Los Angeles; let them take out San Diego," and the moment instantly went viral. An uproar ensued among critics — both Democrats and Republicans — who interpreted Mr. Trump's comments as either inviting Iran to "take out" cities in California or as his seeing those cities as collateral.
On Tuesday morning, the White House's communications director, Steven Cheung, responded: "The media freakout over President Trump's comments is not rooted in reality. He was clearly stating U.S. cities would have been threatened if a nuclear Iran hadn't been stopped. America is safer because of the president. Iran has no nuclear, no navy, no air force, and no money."
President Trump said at a rally in Grand Island, Neb., on Monday that an attack on an American city would be a "small price to pay."
DOUG MILLS/THE NEW YORK TIMES
Mr. Trump has repeatedly referred to elevated gasoline prices as a small price to pay for the war in Iran.
Gov. Gavin Newsom of California jumped on the president's remarks. "After sending the National Guard and Marines to occupy California," Mr. Newsom wrote online, "Donald Trump is now saying our foreign enemies should 'take out' Los Angeles and San Diego."
Karen Bass, the mayor of Los Angeles, responded by saying she was "just shocked" at the president's comments. "It would really be helpful to our city if you would apologize and say, of course, you would never stand for a foreign power attacking a U.S. city," said the mayor, a Democrat whom the president frequently attacks. "That is the appropriate response the day after from the president of the United States."
Jim Desmond, a Trump-endorsed Republican seeking an open House seat in California, wrote online that he "vehemently" disagreed with Mr. Trump's comments.
"The first responsibility of our commander in chief is to protect the American people and our homeland," he wrote. "As a Navy veteran, I served to protect Americans, not write off American cities as an acceptable price of war. Our job is to keep Americans safe, stand up to our enemies, and make sure a threat like that never becomes reality. No American city is expendable, and no American family should ever be treated as collateral damage."
Mr. Trump has a rambling style of off-the-cuff speaking, especially while holding forth at rallies, and this is far from the first time something like this has happened.
In 2024, much of the political and media worlds were consumed with a dayslong debate about the intent behind remarks he made describing a violent hypothetical involving Liz Cheney. Mr. Trump has been defensive of his disjointed way of public speaking, christening it "the weave," and claiming that he has "friends" who are "English professors" who have told him it is "the most brilliant thing I've ever seen."
Other times, he has ignited public uproar with the words he has purposefully chosen to discuss violence. Last year, for example, he was condemned even by Republicans for what he said about the Hollywood director Rob Reiner after he and his wife had been stabbed to death.
The president also has a history of using callous language to describe hypothetical mass annihilation. In April, he threatened to wipe out Iran in a post online. "A whole civilization will die tonight," he wrote, "never to be brought back again."
But the Trump administration says that this time, the president has simply been misunderstood.
"MY RALLIES ARE SAVING THE REPUBLICAN PARTY, AGAIN!!!" Mr. Trump wrote online Tuesday morning.
预测 2026 年美国电力使用量将创历史新高
美国能源信息局（EIA）在周二发布的《短期能源展望》中表示，在对 AI 需求巨大的数据中心和电气化的推动下，美国电力消费将在 2026 年和 2027 年升至历史最高点。
Mamdani Backs Bill to Let Consumers in New York Sue Over Unfair Business Practices
By DANA RUBINSTEIN
A real estate company unfairly withholds tenants' security deposit. A bank issues a loan to a struggling taxi driver who is likely to default. In New York City, both the tenants and the driver have limited recourse.
In a bid to put more power into consumers' hands, Mayor Zohran Mamdani is expected on Thursday to introduce legislation in the City Council — via Harvey Epstein, a Democratic councilman from Manhattan and the bill's sponsor — that would give individuals a "private right of action," or the right to file civil lawsuits against companies on the basis of unfair and abusive business practices.
"Our administration will not sit back while New Yorkers are taken advantage of," Mr. Mamdani said in a statement.
The bill, called the Power Act, is Mr. Mamdani's first major piece of legislation in the City Council. It evokes the economic populism of Lina Khan, an adviser to the mayor who formerly ran the Federal Trade Commission. In 2024, Samuel Levine, then Ms. Khan's deputy, urged the state to enshrine a private right of action for unfair practices in an expansion of its consumer protection law. Ms. Khan publicly backed the expansion the next year. (That right was ultimately excised from the legislation after industry lobbying.)
As the mayor's commissioner of the Department of Consumer and Worker Protection, Mr. Levine is now trying again. Consumer advocates are hailing the proposal as a potentially transformative expansion of consumer rights at the municipal level, while industry representatives are warning that the bill could entangle businesses in endless litigation.
"You can see the floodgates opening for consumer class action litigation — plaintiffs' lawyers champing at the bit," said Preetha Chakrabarti, a partner at Crowell & Moring.
A spokesman for Julie Menin, the City Council speaker and the former consumer affairs commissioner, said Ms. Menin "looks forward to reviewing this bill as it moves through the legislative process."
Under current New York law, individuals can sue corporations for deceptive business practices, but not for those defined as abusive or unfair. The state accords that right only to the attorney general's office. (City law allows the Department of Consumer and Worker Protection to take action against companies by invoking a related concept known as "unconscionability.")
The proposed legislation defines an abusive act as one that in-
Samuel Levine, commissioner of the Department of Consumer and Worker Protection.
terferes with a consumer's ability to "understand a term or condition of a good or service," or takes "unreasonable advantage" of that lack of understanding. It defines an unfair act as one that is likely to harm consumers but "is not reasonably avoidable by consumers."
In an interview, Mr. Levine explained the legal notion of "unfairness" by offering an example involving elder fraud, a phenomenon that the AARP says cost New Yorkers \$408 million last
year.
Say a scammer uses voice-cloning software to impersonate an elderly person's daughter in an effort to extract cash. Under current state law, the victim could probably sue the scammer for deception, Mr. Levine said, but would not be able to sue "the company that made this voice cloning tool available to anyone."
Including the "unfairness" standard in the law means "you can actually say, 'You are putting out a harmful product into the world that is facilitating fraud,' Mr. Levine said, adding: "Deception is 'you lied to me.' Unfairness is 'you engaged in conduct that harmed me.'"
Mr. Levine listed other experiences that might engender civil litigation under the proposed law: drugstore patrons who are inaccurately tagged as shoplifters by faulty facial recognition systems; bodega owners who are charged higher soda wholesale rates than chain stores; freelance artists who share their work on an online platform, only to find that the platform is using that work to train artificial intelligence.
The federal government has banned unfair and deceptive corporate practices since 1938. Since then, states and municipalities have developed their own laws, with varying degrees of breadth. New York's law, even with its 2025 expansion, is viewed by consumer advocates as unnecessarily narrow, because of its omission of a private right of action for consumers.
The mayor's and Mr. Epstein's proposed legislation would also grant the private right of action to nonprofits, which would enable tenant unions, whose growth the Mamdani administration has encouraged, to take action in court.
"If the same landlord is withholding the security deposit of a bunch of tenants in the same building, those tenants could sue collectively — assert the practice is unfair or deceptive," Mr. Levine said.
That clause allowing nonprofits, including tenant unions, to sue offers a potential workaround to the arbitration clauses that consumers often unknowingly agree to when they sign up for services.
"I've never heard of another municipality doing anything like this, to this extent," said Diane Thompson, deputy director of the National Consumer Law Center.
Mr. Levine believes the legislation will help rein in corporate misconduct during a time of federal "under-deterrence of white-collar crime," and in an environment where law enforcement agencies' bandwidth is inherently limited.
"These are not new standards, and the people to whom they are being applied are not new," said Winston Berkman-Breen, legal director at Protect Borrowers, a consumer advocacy group. "But no one at the federal level is enforcing these laws, so there's an accountability gap that New York City would fill by empowering local people to enforce protections on their behalf."
The bill's detractors — including those who have regularly faced off against city regulators — argue that New York City would essentially be outsourcing enforcement "to thousands of billboard lawyers who would define the rules lawsuit by lawsuit," as Josh Gold, a spokesman for Uber, put it.
Mr. Levine countered: "We can never sue every company that's harming the public. There's just not enough capacity to do that. And what that means is that companies, I think, do sometimes feel a sense of impunity."
Two Fighters for Democracy Have Lessons for America
I WAS IN Greece last week attending the Athens Democracy Forum — a gathering of democracy activists and experts from around the world — so I have been thinking a lot about the privilege and the responsibility that go with living in a democracy. Every morning I ate breakfast at my hotel's rooftop restaurant, which had a view of the Parthenon — the iconic Greek temple built in the fifth century B.C.E., at the height of Athenian democracy. And every morning the waitress would ask me: "Do you have any allergies?"
Every morning I would bite my tongue to keep from saying: "Well, since you asked, I have two allergies — but they're political, not biological. I have an allergy to lazy, performative online activism, like 'Hey, I tweeted about that,' or 'Hey, I posted my favorite pop star's denunciation of Israel on my Facebook page, so get off my back.' But I also have an allergy to no activism when your own democracy is on the line, like 'Hey, my law firm does a lot of business with the federal government — we had to cut a deal with Trump.'"
What got me thinking hard about my political allergies was talking to two old friends from the Middle East. Both have taken huge personal risks to tell hard truths and fight for the right to vote in a free and fair election. So they are vexed that so many Americans would sit on their hands in the face of the greatest threat to our democracy in my lifetime — President Trump's willingness to break rules to hold power.
One of these courageous democracy activists is Tawakkol Karman, the first Yemeni and the first Arab woman to win a Nobel Peace Prize. She won it for her nonviolent leadership of Yemen's Arab Spring protests demanding democracy, women's rights and freedom of speech. Karman played a leading role in the peaceful uprising in 2011 that led to the ouster of Ali Abdullah Saleh, the strongman who ruled North Yemen from 1978 and a unified Yemen from 1990 until 2012.
Karman told me over coffee at the Democracy Forum (which is held in association with The New York Times) that she was shocked to see how easily American law firms, universities and even some media companies bent to Trump's political demands without a fight.
"For me," Karman said, "as someone who opposed dictatorship, who knows how dictatorship works and knows what we needed to free our country from the dictatorship, it all starts when the head of state controls the media, accuses the media of lies and discredits the media — and then does not play by the rule of law, and the institutions work only for the benefit of him and his family."
The trigger for the democratic revolution in Yemen was when President Saleh "put his son and his family in the most important institutions," Karman added. "He attacked the judiciary and emptied it of its work. He escaped all accountability through immunity and interfered in the work of Parliament and the legitimate institutions. And now all of this I am seeing in the United States. What is that?"
WILL MATSUDA FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
The most dangerous thing in a democracy, she said, is when you start to ask yourself: "If I do this, what will happen to me? What will the leader do to me?"
Karman hasn't given up on America, though. "I gave a speech in North Dakota," she told me. "There were a lot of conservative people there. They were so welcoming. I told them: 'Don't think you are divided because you have the soul of division. It is because someone wants to divide you through hate speech.' People got very emotional."
Karman and I first met in Sanaa, Yemen's capital, in 2013, when I went to observe Yem-
U.S. activists need to get off Facebook and into someone's face.
en's broad-based national dialogue. New parties, young people, women, Islamists, tribes, northerners and southerners all took part, with the aim of writing a new Constitution and holding presidential elections. The process fell apart when the Houthi movement seized the city in September 2014. The Houthis, a Shiite group based in the north of Yemen, were backed by Iran and allied with forces loyal to Saleh. The Houthi takeover plunged Yemen into a catastrophic civil war from which it still has not escaped.
Karman travels the world now promoting democracy through her foundation, while working every day with followers in Yemen to try to win its democracy back from the long arm of Iran.
“What we need from the world is to stand with the Yemeni people and confront Iran's project to control Bab al-Mandab through the Houthi militia,” she said, referring to the strait at the mouth of the Red Sea. “If Iran, through its Houthi proxy, succeeds in controlling Bab al-Mandab in addition to its leverage over the Strait of Hormuz, the consequences for global security could be even more dangerous than Iran possessing a nuclear bomb. This is Yemen's battle for freedom, democracy and sovereignty, but it is also the world's battle for peace, security and the freedom of global trade."
While I was in Athens, a Palestinian democracy activist from East Jerusalem, Samer Sinijlawi, reached out to me with a similar alarm bell. Sinijlawi leads Masar Jadid (New Path), one of the many new parties seeking seats in the Palestinian Legislative Council elections — the first such elections since January 2006.
Unfortunately, there are forces around the authority's leadership pressing to have these elections postponed again. Sinijlawi urged me to tell the world: "Do not let that happen." (At least seven parties have submitted candidate lists for the council's 132 seats.)
Yes, folks, there are three big elections coming up that will shape the Middle East: Israel's on Oct. 27, America's on Nov. 3 and the Palestinian Authority's first legislative elections in two decades, scheduled for Nov. 28.
It is such a breath of fresh air to talk to someone like Sinijlawi. He understands that no matter how many European or American rallies there are to "Free Palestine," the only thing that will do so is a freely elected, legitimate Palestinian government and legislature ready and able to be a partner for a two-state solution.
The repeated postponement of Palestinian legislative elections in the West Bank, Gaza and East Jerusalem “reinforced Hamas’s argument that change could never be achieved through democratic or peaceful means,” Sini-jlawi wrote in a Sept. 18 essay in The Jerusalem Post urging President Trump to support the Palestinian elections. “When ballot boxes are closed, extremists offer other boxes — filled with weapons, funerals and false promises. We must not repeat that mistake.”
His party, he said, is drawing the support of registered Palestinian voters — women and students, professionals, academics, entrepreneurs and people entering political life for the first time, even young Gazans living in tents.
"We support a demilitarized Palestinian state, regional economic integration and a negotiated two-state solution that provides Palestinians with freedom and dignity while ensuring security for Israelis," Sinijlawi wrote.
An East Jerusalem Palestinian, Sinijlawi speaks both Arabic and Hebrew. He learned his Hebrew largely during five years in Israeli prison after being arrested as a teenager in the First Intifada.
There is no way to pressure the Israelis, Sinijlawi explained; "the only way is to persuade them."
"We Palestinians continue denying the historical links of Jews to this land," he continued. "Instead, we must move from a question of who belongs and who does not belong to this land to the question of how we both belong to this land."
This is a point Sinijlawi and I have long had in common: There are seven million-plus Jews and seven million-plus Palestinians living between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea — and neither are leaving. The only solution is two states — no matter how long that takes.
And the person who understands the power of that logic best is Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Why do you think he made it a top priority for most of his premiership to strengthen Hamas in Gaza? He wanted to keep it divided from moderate Palestinians in the West Bank and East Jerusalem who accepted the Oslo peace accords. Netanyahu knows what would happen if a non-corrupt, legitimate, unified Palestinian leadership came together — one that had learned from past mistakes. The whole world would insist that Israel negotiate with it on a two-state solution.
What I admire about Tawakkol Karman and Samer Sinijlawi is that they know how to get off Facebook and into somebody's face — to actually fight for democracy, not just pop off with slogans, which are a substitute for both thought and action. That used to be us in America. We used to model that for the world.
If there was ever a time to get back to that, it's now. It starts with voting on Nov. 3 in our election and getting others out to vote too, for any candidate who puts loyalty to our democratic institutions over loyalty to any single person.
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周二标准普尔 500 指数每 1 分钟间隔的位置 —— 前次收盘价：7,773.95
📄 Original Section
Big Tech Is Crushing Mom-and-Pop Online Retailers
Corissa Steiner
The founder of Lunaweft, a milk-fiber bedding company.
I OPENED an online storefront last year, even though everyone told me not to. An investor friend warned me it would be a "capital incinerator."
He was right. I sold my product and I struggled to earn a dime. A hundred dollars spent on online advertising brought \$100 in sales. My only profit came from chatting up strangers at parties, at bars, in Ubers, which was fun but, sadly, not going to put me on Easy Street.
New business openings, e-commerce included, have exploded since the pandemic, but long-term viability is questionable. Big Tech platforms like Amazon and Meta are turning the screws on American mom-and-pop online businesses and empowering deep-pocketed mega-retailers like Quince, which a Times newsletter called a “well-branded dupe emporium.” That’s reducing choice for consumers and limiting paths to upward mobility for millennials like me and generations that follow.
Like all the other e-commerce operators I spoke to for this piece, I was initially convinced consumers would be drawn to my thoughtfully branded product. Last year I stumbled across a gentle fabric woven from the protein fibers in milk and saw an opportunity. Americans spend more than \$250 million annually on beauty pillowcases, including the frizz-battling silk and satin varieties, but I thought they looked garish and greasy.
Armed with a bit of capital, a finance background and an optimism bordering on naïveté, I placed my first order and put together a whimsical photo shoot on a ranch in
Texas (cows ... get it?). My friends gave rave reviews, and I got a glowing product nod from the wellness "It" girl Alexis Page. All I needed were buyers.
Given the kind of customers who would likely purchase my pillowcases — wellness-curious women with disposable incomes — I knew I had to buy ads on Instagram. I budgeted \$50 in daily ad purchases and waited for sales to roll in.
There was a time, not so long ago, when you could still make millions selling everyday products online such as mattresses (Casper), suitcases (Away) and sunglasses (Warby Parker). In the early 2010s, advertising online was inexpensive and effective. There was plenty of pie to go around.
The pandemic changed everything. Stuck at home, people shopped feverishly online. Soaring demand attracted billions in investor money, which in turn triggered an explosion in demand for online ads. Advertising prices went through the roof.
In 2021, Apple rolled out a new policy that limited iPhone apps' ability to track user behavior. It was a win for privacy, but it also made ads on Meta platforms Facebook and Instagram less effective. If you were selling ramps for dachshunds, you went from buying ads that reached likely dachshund owners to suddenly having to buy ads that reached all likely dog owners, regardless of dog size. Researchers found a 39 percent reduction in revenues for Meta-dependent advertisers as a direct result of the switch, an effect they noted was felt primarily by small businesses.
I was stuck. Advertising on other Big Tech platforms was just as expensive. In August the Federal Trade Commission and the attorneys general of 22 states sued Amazon, accusing the company of imposing "undis-
closed surcharges on its advertising customers, which include over 500,000 small- and medium-sized businesses that participated in auctions for advertising placements." Meta and Amazon control so much of the market they can charge top dollar — recall Jeff Bezos' gristly bon mot: "Your margin is my opportunity." Those costs are passed on to small-business owners like me who are unaware that the risk is unevenly distributed.
However long the odds of success, I still harbored castle-in-the-sky dreams. It helped that opening an online store was so easy that it could be done while rewatching "The Agency." But as fun as it was to have a business, it dawned on me that this business-in-a-box was just a purchase in disguise.
I realized how many people I knew owned online storefronts. They were all selling specialty products: jujitsu journals, vegan caviar, dried salad dressing blends, luxury apparel for plus-size men. Were any of them making money?
From what I could tell, the answer was no. I asked my friend Leif Frey, a onetime successful entrepreneur who heads a fund that purchases e-commerce brands, what it takes to succeed selling online today. (His first suggestion: \$500,000 in capital.) "Authenticity is still key for smaller brands, so founder-led content is really important," he said. Translation: Smartphone videos showing the founder speaking directly to the camera.
A hot name in the founder-turned-smart-phone-star space is the yogurt brand Sour-milk, which was founded by two camera-ready Stanford grads. In their videos, they film themselves doing such stunts as hand-delivering 8,000 yogurts via CitiBike. It was all very charming, but even watching them
made me tired.
There is another cost of trying to run a small business in an economy of Goliaths. Let's say I managed to make my milk pillow-case an "It" item on TikTok or Instagram. There is nothing to stop Amazon and the like from copying my viral product, lowering prices and quashing my business. (Amazon employees reportedly said the company uses its internal data to sell products that compete directly with successful sellers on its platform, an accusation the company denies.)
And if profitability depends on winning the lottery of virality, owning an e-commerce business has more in common with sports betting or options trading than the slow and steady route to the American dream most people envision when they put their savings into a small business.
The net effect is deadening. Amazon, which accounts for nearly 40 percent of U.S. retail e-commerce sales, hosts thousands of listings for seemingly identical silk pillow-cases. In the second quarter of this year, Meta's average price per ad increased 12 percent over the previous year. These costs aren't just shouldered by the business; they get passed on to you, the consumer — an overlooked answer to the question of why everything is so expensive.
I'm still selling pillowcases. I've made some friends, I've had some fun, I love the product. I'll keep selling to strangers. But I've made my milk fiber bed with Meta, and now I have to lie in it. I've given up on the idea that this product will lead to riches, or that I will even break even. The business, now, is a way to connect with people. And that will have to be enough.
There's One More Cockpit That Israelis Need to Rush
"THREE DAYS BEFORE I got released, the Hamas commanders came to tell me, 'Listen, Avinatan, say hi to your family, then pack your things and move to Europe or the U.S. Because as long as Israel exists, we will do Oct. 7 over and over again.'"
Avinatan Or, a 33-year-old electrical engineer for Nvidia, recounted this anecdote near the end of our long conversation about the 738 days he spent as a hostage in Gaza, almost all of them in solitary confinement in a stifling underground tunnel. On the 409th day, he was caught in an elaborate escape attempt that involved pilfering a pickax from a nearby storage room, getting behind the sandbags that formed the back wall of his cell and digging his way upward through more than 30 feet of earth, rock and concrete until he broke the surface, breathed fresh air and, for an exhilarating if fleeting moment, saw the stars.
For his audacity, Hamas tied him to a chair, whipped and clubbed him for a week, then chained him to his cell for close to 11 months. At his lowest point, he told me, he lost more than 80 pounds. Why, I asked, did he take the risk of trying to escape in the first place? "I will not let other people decide my destiny," he said. "Soldiers outside are fighting for me; I have to fight, too."
Or, whose Hebrew-language memoir, "Through the Ground," has been an instant best seller in Israel, believes there will be no peace for either Israelis or Gazan civilians (toward whom Or expresses abundant sympathy) until Hamas is permanently defeated. It hasn't been, even after three years of war. That fact, in turn, is a result of two deep and possibly unbridgeable divisions: the first within Israel; the second between Israel and the world.
The division inside Israel, in the broadest sense, is between the spirit of entitlement and the spirit of service. That's the basic choice that faces Israelis when they go to the polls late this month.
On the entitled side: the leaders of the fast-growing ultra-Orthodox population, who believe their voters are owed welfare from the government along with a categorical exemption from military service, even as the army groans under an acute manpower shortage. Also, the far-right Messianics, who are convinced they have a divine right to the entirety of the West Bank, along with an exemption from legal consequences for bullying and terrorizing their Palestinian neighbors.
Most entitled: Benjamin Netanyahu. The prime minister has real achievements to his name, above all his willingness to confront Iran head-on instead of fighting only its proxies. But he also thinks he can stay in office forever by assembling coalitions of the entitled, seeking legal impunity, dividing the country against itself, resisting calls for an independent commission of inquiry into Oct. 7, blaming his own senior security and ministerial officers for the catastrophe and taking credit for achievements against Hamas, Hezbollah, Iran and other foes that remain tenuous.
On the opposite side are the service Israelis. They are the hundreds of thousands of Israeli civilians, finished with their regular army service but still in the reserves, who have spent hundreds of days in uniform and often in combat, away from careers and communities and families. They are the spouses of those reservists, who have raised children, gone to work, kept up appearances of normality and prayed they won't be left bereaved. They are the Israeli passengers who last week rushed the cockpit of the almost-hijacked FlyDubai flight, unhesitatingly risking their necks for the common good. They are the thousands of Israelis who have lost loved ones in this war. That includes Gadi Eisenkot, the former army chief of staff and leading opposition candidate, who spent 41 years in uniform and lost a son and two nephews in the fighting in Gaza.
OFIR BERMAN FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
The difference between the two sides is profound and potentially irreconcilable. It's also nothing new in Jewish history. "Ancient Israel's political collapse was spawned by internal strife, underscored by a dozen civil wars, which ultimately resulted in Israel's loss of its power, dignity and land," Amotz Asa-El, author of "The Jewish March of Folly," a brilliant reinterpretation of Jewish political history, told me over drinks last week. "All these forces are now back in play in Israel."
Asa-El reminded me that the Roman Empire's sacking of Jerusalem in 70 C.E. was preceded and facilitated by brutal Jewish fac-
总资产（十亿美元） | 1年 | 5年 | 1. 先锋全球股票指数基金机构份额 (VTSNX) | +26.0% | +9.2% | 665.7 | 2. 先锋发达市场指数基金投资者份额 (VDIXK) | +27.8 | +10.1 | 323.8 | 3. 美国基金欧盟太平洋基金 R-6 类别 (ERGX) | +23.7 | +5.6 | 140.0 | 4. 先锋富时全球除美国指数基金机构增强份额 (VFWPX) | +26.8 | +9.5 | 98.6 | 5. 富达国际指数基金 (FSPSK) | +21.9 | +9.5 | 88.5 | 6. Strategic Advisers 富达国际基金 | (FUSK) | +20.6< / > +8.7< / > 78.5< / > | 7. Fidelity Series Global ex U.S. Index Fund (TSGEX)< / > +27.4< / > +9.5< / > 77.0< / >< / > 8. Dodge & Cox International Stock Fund Class X (DXXFX)< / > +23.8< / > +12.2< / > 66.8< / >< / > 9. Goldman Sachs GQG Partners International Opportunities Fund Class A (GSHX)< / > +9.7< / > +6.9< / > 52.2< / >< / > 10. Artisan International Value Fund Advisor Class (APDXK)< / > +22.5< / > +11.8< / > 45.9< / > |
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📄 Original Section
What it will take to overcome the ghosts of Oct. 7.
tional infighting. Israelis are now waking up to the fact that they run the risk of a new kind of sacking, this time at the hands of a moral calumny and an economic boycott campaign from abroad.
Thus the second division, between Israel and the world. In Britain on Sunday, the Green Party voted to declare Zionism a type of racism (a throwback to a U.N. resolution from the 1970s, denounced at the time by Daniel Patrick Moynihan as “this infamous act”) and endorse “a single democratic Palestinian state in all of historic Palestine” with “equal rights for all.”
There will be more where that came from. And while some of it builds on legitimate objections to Israeli policy, it also builds on a mixture of willful idiocy and cunning defamation that aims not to change Israel's policies but to destroy the state itself. As the Israeli commentator Amit Segal noted of the Green Party's resolution, "Few sentences have contained as much hypocrisy and ignorance: hypocrisy in branding Jewish nationalism racist and Palestinian nationalism just, and ignorance in believing that any such Palestinian state would be a democracy, let alone guarantee equal rights."
This is where the perfervid criticism of Israel goes off the rails: It somehow imagines, or pretends, that blame for the crises in the Holy Land falls on one side alone and that Israel's security challenges are either a product of its imagination or payback for its own policies.
Israel came into existence with its enemies avowing its extermination, and nearly eight decades later those intentions remain unchanged. The experience of Israelis in this century is that every time they have vacated territory, whether in southern Lebanon in 2000 or Gaza in 2005, they have gained neither international grace nor physical security.
Instead, their retreats created staging grounds for the kind of horror that so many Israelis experienced firsthand on and after Oct. 7 — horrors that many of the world's so-called humanitarians and justice-seekers chose to celebrate, downplay or flat-out deny. Constant critics of Israel, in foreign ministries, in the media and on college campuses, might try to remember that Israelis aren't simply hallucinating their own peril.
They might try to remember, too, that, in their tiresome demonization of Israel, they are strengthening the very forces in Israel they claim to most abhor. There's a reason Netanyahu, in his speech last month to the United Nations, aimed his rhetorical fire at Zohran Mamdani, the New York mayor: The prime minister was playing to a political base that believes, not entirely without reason, that the whole world is against Israel and that the state must therefore respond with the most uncompromising policies possible. In a country where, as the political philosopher Micah Goodman told me, "the only swing state is the center-right," it's a political tactic that could yet keep Netanyahu in office.
All of which is why, on this third anniversary of the Oct. 7 massacre, stories like Avinatan Or's and the FlyDubai passengers' are so instructive. For Israelis to surmount the formidable challenges they face, in pursuit of both victory and peace, the spirit of service — of giving yourself, doing it yourself, taking possession of your destiny against daunting odds — must win out over the spirit of entitlement. And for Israel's genuine well-wishers, including the good-faith critics, to push that spirit forward, they need to draw a firm moral line against those who simply want Israel gone.
At the ballot box this month, there's one more cockpit the people of Israel need to rush.
LETTERS
艾美奖明年将移至亚马逊平台
作者：约翰·科布林（JOHN KOBLIN）
电视行业最大的展示舞台即将离开广播电视。
电视艺术科学学院周二宣布，亚马逊 Prime Video 赢得了艾美奖的发行权，这将使该行业的标志性盛事成为流媒体服务的独家内容。几十年来，艾美奖的电视转播在四大广播网络之间轮换，而根据一项为期六年的协议，艾美奖将于明年 9 月开始在亚马逊上进行流媒体播放。
学院表示，艾美奖将免费流媒体播放，不需要 Prime Video 订阅。亚马逊还将向全球开放该活动的观看权限。
在过去的三十年里，艾美奖的电视转播在 ABC、CBS、Fox 和 NBC 之间轮替。二十年前，该典礼吸引了 1600 万 名观众。十年前为 1100 万 名。今年，艾美奖的收视率（NBC 平台 680 万 名观众）低于 ABC 的奥斯卡奖（1789 万 名）和 CBS 的格莱美奖（1440 万 名）。甚至在 CBS 播出的视频音乐奖（Video Music Awards）
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📄 Original Section
A Reckoning at Cornell, and Beyond
TO THE EDITOR:
Reading The New York Times's extensive coverage of the accusations of rape at Cornell has both enraged and reassured me.
The details of what happened to Jane Doe are horrifying, but at least they are now being reported and considered credible. This has not always been the case.
In fact, when Ms. magazine published the results of the first national study of sexual assault on college campuses in the mid-1980s, the term "date rape" was relatively new. That study found that one in four college women reported being victims of rape or attempted rape, and only one in four women whose sexual assault met the legal definition identified their experience as rape.
The backlash was immedi-
ate. Among the arguments was
that women were just reacting
to a “date gone bad.” More than
40 years later, despite activism
by student groups employing
Title IX mandates, and the
#MeToo and Time’s Up move-
ments, many colleges and
universities have failed to
protect their students from
sexual assaults.
Now there is a public outcry for transparency and accountability that can't be ignored. Let's hope colleges and law enforcement finally learn their lesson.
ELLEN SWEET, NEW YORK
The writer is a former Ms. magazine editor and was the coordinator of the Ms. Magazine Campus Project on Sexual Assault.
TO THE EDITOR:
Re "Cornell Student's Shame Slowly Turned Into Outrage" (front page, Oct. 2):
Coverage of the Cornell rape investigation needs to highlight how response to trauma unfolds. It often takes time, weeks in the case of Jane Doe, to arrive at the monstrous realization that one was sexually assaulted — that life as it was cannot and will not continue.
The newly uncovered texts from The Times's investigation paint a picture of a woman confused about what happened to her, defensive of people she thought were her friends and longing for any semblance of normalcy. This is consistent with trauma responses after sexual assault.
However, someone unfamiliar with how a person can react to a traumatic event could read the article and assume that Jane Doe's ostracism after the episode prompted her to accuse the seven men of rape.
There is a range of trauma responses. Without that context, readers may mistake the often complicated aftermath of sexual assault for evidence that an assault never occurred.
LARA-NOUR WALTON, BROOKLYN
TO THE EDITOR:
Re "As James Takes Over, Rape Inquiry Enters New Phase" (news article, Oct. 4):
I am a law enforcement officer with 34 years of experience and an adjunct professor of criminal justice. It seems to me that no one has mentioned the elephant in the room. The biggest stakeholder in Tompkins County would be Cornell University, with much of the county's revenue and employment dependent on the school.
Arrests, indictments and court proceedings in a sexual assault case of this graphic nature would garner attention harmful to the university. The district attorney was given a six-page summary of Jane Doe's interviews, declined to review additional evidence gathered by the campus police department and did not see the statement by the victim in which she said she was raped. He chose not to prosecute.
Is it possible that there was collusion between the university and the district attorney, that he was told it would be handled internally? This would maintain Title IX confidentiality, and the public would not hear the allegations.
It is also unclear why the district attorney apparently did not contact the New York Special Victims Unit, which is more experienced in these investigations and has more resources than campus and local police.
Attorney General Letitia James, who has been appointed special prosecutor, should look into the relationship between Tompkins County and Cornell.
KEVIN G. COLLINS
NEW HYDE PARK, N.Y.
TO THE EDITOR:
I attended freshmen teas held by fraternities at Cornell in 1964, and I was offered a spiked punch, then later a pot brownie, which left me utterly stoned. A kind fraternity member called a cab and sent me home.
The 10-minute cab ride felt as if it took hours. I could have been assaulted without being aware of what was happening, or able to say no.
I wish I knew that fraternity member's name, to say thank you now.
ELIZABETH REED, ITHACA, N.Y.
TO THE EDITOR:
Perhaps most striking, beyond Jane Doe's ordeal and the horrific Snapchat messages recently exposed, is that not one young man — inside that room at Chi Phi fraternity house or who received those messages — interrupted, questioned, sought help or stepped in to aid the woman who was in a vulnerable state.
Did not one of these men see Jane Doe as a real person, rather than as an object for their use or abuse? Or was this scene just a tad more extreme than the norm at Chi Phi and other notorious fraternities?
LISA SHOGLOW, WESTON, CONN.
TO THE EDITOR:
Perhaps the solution is to do away with fraternities and sororities and return to college dormitories and no alcohol on campus.
I'm a 1961 graduate of Smith College. Our rules included no alcohol on campus, no guests on the floors after 10:30 p.m. and the requirement to keep your door open if you had a male guest. That would be unfathomable today, I assume.
Mackie Would Give the Met Gala a Razzle-Dazzle Reset
TED DAYTON/WWD AND PENSKE MEDIA, VIA GETTY IMAGES
David Colman
A critic and a former Possessed columnist for The Times.
THE Metropolitan Museum of Art's Costume Institute has yet to announce a replacement for its Spring 2027 exhibition, which was originally supposed to celebrate John Galliano.
That plan went down in flames. It became clear that many influential people were not ready to forgive and forget the designer's past antisemitic statements, despite the fact that he still gets work in the industry and is a longtime friend of Anna Wintour, a Met trustee and the Vogue grandee.
After this P.R. fiasco, the Met and Ms. Wintour should instead pick an underappreciated crowd-pleaser who understood, decades ago, the celebrity-first, red carpet look that has taken over fashion: Bob Mackie, the Sultan of Sequins, who died last month at 87.
The Sultan of Sequins should get his due.
Mr. Mackie became famous as a Hollywood costume designer, not a member of Ms. Wintour's inner circle. As Cher, one of his best-known clients, put it in the 2024 documentary "Bob Mackie: Naked Illusion," "Bob did costumes, and fashion people looked down on him for some reason."
He won nine Emmy Awards — including the first one ever awarded for costume design, which he shared with Ray Aghayan, then his partner — and was nominated for 23 others. He designed showstopping dresses for generations of performers from the 1960s to the 2020s: Tina Turner, Barbra Streisand, Dolly Parton, Madonna, Whitney Houston and Beyoncé. Some of his more comic expressions — including the Scarlett
O'Hara curtain-rod parody dress he designed for Carol Burnett — are now in the Smithsonian. He designed the dress Cher wore to the 1986 Oscars after she was snubbed for her performance in "Mask." "As you can see, I did receive my Academy booklet on how to dress like a serious actress," Cher tartly quipped from the podium.
Mr. Mackie understood the viral-dress moment before there was an internet to spread it.
The fashion world just never quite accepted him as one of their own. He never had much success with ready-to-wear. In an oral history for Vogue, he recalled that the Council of Fashion Designers of America wanted to honor him with a prize in 2001: "They wanted to give me something, but they didn't know what to do with me, so they gave me an award for fashion exuberance, which I still think is funny."
The designer Tom Ford told Vogue, "Costume designers have long been overlooked for the importance of their work in creating and influencing mainstream contemporary fashion," and Mr. Mackie's longtime design director, Joe McFate, said of his boss, "I think he could never really get a footing in the fashion world."
It's time for Mr. Mackie to finally get his due.
Mr. Galliano and Mr. Mackie actually have a lot in common. Over their careers, they have both displayed technical brilliance, meticulous craftsmanship, wit and showmanship. But there are differences. Mr. Galliano is a part of the hierarchical fashion system, rooted in runway shows, haute couture, socialites, ready-to-wear collections, "It" bags, perfume launches and big advertising budgets. The single-de signer shows mounted by the Costume Institute are usually more in step with Ms. Wintour's runway-fashion-first perspective. More often than not, they spotlight a designer known for practicing haute couture — Alexander McQueen, Gianni Versace, Karl Lagerfeld, Coco Chanel.
One might argue that a man who has designed thousands of costumes for weekly television shows and made dresses that can show off (and stand up to) Tina Turner's performances is practicing couture of the first order. It's also worth noting that the Costume Institute (as its name suggests) has its roots in the theater world of the Lower East Side, not Paris. It was begun in
1937 as the Museum of Costume Art, led by the Neighborhood Playhouse founder Irene Lewisohn.
A Bob Mackie show could help repair the tarnished profile of the Met Gala. The \$100,000-a-ticket “party of the year” has started to seem to some people an absurdist display of modern-day wretched extravagance. That was brought into stark and unpopular relief when Jeff Bezos, the executive chair of Amazon, and his wife, Lauren Sánchez Bezos, were brought on as honorary co-chairs for this past spring’s gala, the theme of which was “Costume Art.”
Mr. Mackie is popular and populist. Both the Met and Ms. Wintour could use that. And unlike some of the head-scratching themes the Met has cooked up over the years ("Sleeping Beauties: Reawakening Fashion"; "About Time: Fashion and Duration"), a Mackie-themed Met Gala would be about the razzle-dazzle. It should be an easy sell to persuade someone like the self-professed showgirl Taylor Swift to host.
His dazzling kinetic dresses cost thousands of dollars and worked far better on dancing theatrical performers than idle cocktail guests. But in the business of show, he was an equal-opportunity glamorizer. His dresses were spectacularly flattering, get-out-of-the-way glam. You could be built like Bette Midler, or Tina Turner or Cher. What mattered was where you were going and how you looked when you got there. That is most true on today's mother of all red carpets: the one at the Met Gala.
Another of Mr. Mackie's clients, RuPaul, told Vogue, "It's too bad that people have sort of put him in the costume realm because it really is high art, actually."
Jim Bakker, Preacher Whose Scandals Shattered Empire, Dies at 86
BERENSON—Robert L.
Jim Bakker in 1987. The TV ministry he founded with his first wife, Tammy Faye Bakker, brought in as much as \$129 million annually.
LOU KRASKY/ASSOCIATED PRESS
BETTMANN/GETTY IMAGES
LOU KRASKY/ASSOCIATED PRESS
By CLYDE HABERMAN
Jim Bakker, a television evangelist who lost his popular and prosperous ministry in a 1980s sex scandal and then lost his freedom for five years, imprisoned for having violated federal laws with his conflation of God and mammon, died on Monday. He was 86.
His wife, Lori Bakker, announced the death in a statement on Mr. Bakker's official Instagram account. She did not cite a cause or say where he died. Mr. Bakker had what was described as a mild stroke in 2020.
In the 1970s and '80s, Mr. Bakker and his first wife, Tammy Faye Bakker, rode to fame and riches preaching the gospel of prosperity, the notion that those who embraced genuine Christian faith would reap material rewards. Their pulpit was the television ministry PTL, which stood for Praise the Lord and People That Love, and their appeal was a combination of sermons, songs and tears. Both had a penchant for crying in public. Tammy Bakker wept on the air so often that she made sure her thickly applied mascara was waterproof.
The Bakkers drew as many as 13 million viewers a day and brought in yearly revenue as high as \$129 million. On a 2,500-acre site in Fort Mill, S.C., they created and sold shares in Heritage USA, a sort of Christian Disneyland, with water slides and skating to go along with prayer and Bible study.
Mr. Bakker (pronounced Baker) was a gifted speaker who made no apologies for doing well in the name of the Lord. "Excess and success are close together," he said in 1985. "Anyone who is successful has got to be excessive."
By any measure, he and his wife enjoyed a life of opulence, which he defended by saying that they needed "good bait" to be effective "fishers of men." Their bait included six-figure salaries and bonuses for themselves, a 55-foot houseboat, a mini-fleet of Mercedes-Benzes and Rolls-Royces, diamonds and gold jewelry, gold-plated bathroom fixtures, an air-conditioned dog kennel, and homes and apartments in South Carolina, Florida, Tennessee and Palm Springs, Calif. The spending was so lavish, and the appeal for contributions so insistent, that some critics recast PTL as standing for Pass the Loot.
The Bakkers' world came tumbling down in 1987 with a revelation that in 1980, when he was 40, he had sex with a 21-year-old secretary in his Assemblies of God ministry. The woman, Jessica Hahn, claimed she had been raped. Mr. Bakker denied the accusation. Nonetheless, he tried to buy her silence in 1985 by tapping the PTL treasury to make a \$265,000 payoff, equivalent to roughly \$825,000 in 2026 dollars.
The transgression led to his banishment from the Assemblies of God, a Pentecostal denomination. Other evangelists turned on him. The Rev. Jerry Falwell, who took over the PTL ministry, strongly suggested that Mr. Bakker's sins, despite his denials, included homosexual relations. With characteristic hyperbole, Mr. Falwell dismissed Mr. Bakker as "the greatest scab and a cancer
Mr. Bakker in 1986 with news articles about investigations into his behavior, and with his then-wife the same year. They divorced in 1992. "Excess and success," Mr. Bakker once said, "are close together."
on the face of Christianity in 2,000 years of church history."
Worse lay ahead for the tele-vangelist couple. After persistent reporting on their behavior by The Charlotte Observer and a 16-month inquiry by a federal grand jury, Mr. Bakker was indicted in 1988 on 24 counts of fraud and conspiracy. During a six-week trial the following year, federal prosecutors described him as a "most brazen, accomplished con man" who had bilked the PTL faithful out of \$158 million with offers of lifetime vacations at Heritage USA that could not possibly have been provided. The government said that \$3.7 million had also been siphoned off to support the Bakkers' grand living.
At one point during the trial, Mr. Bakker, who in 1969 had what was described as a nervous breakdown, landed in a mental institution for observation. He was found in his lawyer's office hallucinating and cowering in a fetal position under a couch. But the proceedings soon resumed, and he was found guilty on all counts. The judge imposed a 45-year prison sentence, which came to be whittled down. After five years, Mr. Bakker was freed in 1994.
Tammy Bakker, who was never charged, did not stand by her man. Long before the trial, the marriage had been shaky, and in 1992 she divorced him. A year later she married Roe Messner, who had been a Bakker business associate and who in 1996 would be sentenced to 27 months in federal prison for bankruptcy fraud. Tammy Bakker died of cancer in 2007 at 65.
Jim Bakker tended to quote the
Bible to justify his behavior and to discredit his accusers. Interviewed, for instance, on ABC's "Nightline" in 1987, he invoked Psalms 38:12: "Those who want to kill me set their traps, those who would harm me talk of my ruin; all day long they scheme and lie." Psalms 37:4 was a go-to favorite, dovetailing with his prosperity gospel: "Take delight in the Lord, and He will give you the desires of your heart."
Over time, he came to acknowledge that his grasp of scripture had been tenuous. In a 1996 book, "I Was Wrong," he wrote that his studies in prison had led him to understand that Jesus "did not have one good thing to say about money." He added, "When I came to the awareness that I had actually been contradicting Christ, I was horrified."
James Orsen Bakker was born in the Pentecostal faith on Jan. 2, 1940, in Muskegon, Mich. The middle name was his parents' misspelled tribute to Orson Welles, whose radio broadcast of "War of the Worlds" had been a national sensation 14 months earlier.
James was the youngest of four children of Raleigh Bakker, a machinist in a piston-ring factory, and Furnia (Irwin) Bakker, a housewife. His paternal grandfather handed out Bible readings on street corners, and his father claimed to have seen two angels while on a trip to Florida. For his part, James said he had gotten religion in his teens after he accidentally ran over a boy while driving. Upon learning that the boy would live, he said, he decided to put himself in God's hands.
After schooling in Muskegon,
Gaining riches and fame on TV before sex and fraud cases led to scorn and prison time.
he attended North Central Bible College, now North Central University, in Minneapolis. There he met Tamara Faye LaValley, a fellow student, and married her in 1961 after only their third date.
The newlyweds dropped out of college and set off as itinerant evangelists. In 1966, they signed on with Pat Robertson's Christian Broadcasting Network in Portsmouth, Va., hosting a children's variety show. They were so successful that Mr. Robertson put Mr. Bakker in charge of a new prime-time program, "The 700 Club," whose name was derived from its goal of raising \$700 a month by way of 70 people each contributing \$10.
The Bakkers and Mr. Robertson had a falling-out, and the couple turned elsewhere. In 1976, having moved to Charlotte, they began their PTL ministry, which came to be known also as "The Jim and Tammy Show."
Post-prison, in 2003, Mr. Bakker re-emerged with yet another television program, "The Jim Bakker Show," broadcast out of a cafe in Branson, Mo., and carried by several dozen Christian-themed stations. His partner this time was his second wife, Lori Beth Graham, who had a troubled past of her own and whom he married in 1998 seven weeks after they met at an urban ministry in Los Angeles.
Mr. Bakker is survived by his wife; two children from his first marriage, Tammy Sue Chapman and Jamie Bakker; and five children whom he and Ms. Graham adopted in 2002: Maricella, Lori, Clarissa, Marie and Ricky Bakker.
The new ministry was low-key compared with that of the Bakkers' high-flying PTL days. Its focus was different, too. The end of days was nigh. Mr. Bakker now preached, and he offered viewers what he said they would need to ride out the Apocalypse: long-lasting food, 10 buckets of it for \$600 plus shipping costs. His message had a bluntly conservative political cast. "God has called" Donald J. Trump, he said. Barack Obama "sounded like the representative for Antichrist," he said in 2016, and Hillary Clinton was "a bride of Satan."
Yet, once again, he ran afoul of officialdom by marketing a colloidal silver supplement that he had billed as a cure for assorted physical woes, including Covid-19. The authorities in Missouri and New York ordered him in 2020 and 2021 to cease making such claims and to return \$156,000 to followers who had bought his silver solution.
Through it all, Mr. Bakker presented himself as an avatar of redemption. "I'm not back for the perfect people, the people who have it all together," he said of his ministry in 2007. "I'm here for the broken and the bruised and the hurt. I'm here to say we have a God of second and third chances."
Beaton, Howard Berenson, Robert
Deaths
Davis, Gordon
Herrmann, Jeffrey
BEATON—Howard L., M.D.,
12:45pm, 30 November on October 5, 2026. Born in New York City, he graduated from the University of Rochester, University of Rochester School of Medicine and Dentistry. A new school was located in New York City for more than 12 years. He is especially proud of his service during the September 11st century. The Church was a good service and Emergency Services at NYU Downtown Hospital, the Church was a very serious case of the casualties from the World War. He has been increased by his beloved wife of 28 years, Betty Beaton. He is also a victim of the Church (Beth), daughters, Audrey Margarite (Mike) and Jessica Magardine (Mike). He is also a child with Jacob, Olivia, Cameron and Noa, siblings Dianne Heaps (Bath), and a partner, Irit Granger. A funeral service will be held Thursdays' home in New York City. The 12:45pm at Sharon Gardens. Shiva will be observed Thursdays' home in New York City. In lieu of flow and donations may be made to the CC in Sherman, Connecticut.
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Bob Berenson, age 86, died at home in San Diego, CA on April 15, 1940. He graduated from Manhattan's High School of the State of Ant-Syracuse University's Newhouse School, where he was located in the city and received on M.S. from Northwestern's Medill School of the State of Ant-Syracuse University, which is conducted into their inaugural Hall of Achievement. Bob resulted in a career of a Grey Global Group after a 40-year career serving national level of employment within the mid-80s he was instrumental in transforming its economic status as a government agency to a communications conglomerate, cresting or according to the National Association of the Central Sydney and Sydney's subsidiaries. He served on several boards, including The Council of Ontario, who were also interested where he created a Restaurant Marketing and Operations Center for the last week, taught for eight years, bringing top chefs and restaurants.
teurs to the college's Hyde Park Campus. Bob was also a member of the government of the Federal Law Enforcement Foundation, supporting the law enforcement officers killed in the line of duty. After the last week he had been born by Bob was a coach/mentor for his duty. He had been moving Navy SEALS and Marine Raider Special Ops forces. The police were also a member of the business world. A part owner of the Burbundy Wine Company, who was a collector, Bob was also a gourmet chef and a regulator, who was not a good member of the accomplished man of varied men. Bob was always an old member of the Horse ranch in Sedona, Arizona, Bob is survived by his behavior. He had been born by Mrs. Cindy (Neil) and Kat Bonnono, she spoke daughter. An adult david of the young grandchildren, Livia, Ethan and Mrs. Jim and Mrs. Lee (Peeky), sister-in-law Marcia, his for child and the father of the people whose lives he touched.
The Central Park Conservancy staff and Board of Trustees mourn the passing of Gordon L. Davis, Estate, Founding Trustees and champion of Central Park's revitalization. As New York City Parks Commissioner under Mayor Ed Koch from 1978 through 1983, Gordon helped found the Central Park Conservancy and in 1979, he appointed urban planner and Olmsted historian Betsy Barreeder to new created role of Central Park Administrator. Together, Gordon and Betsy established one of New York City's most enduring and successful public-private partnerships, the Central Park Conservancy, to restore the Park to the park, and to restore the beautiful, peaceful respite for all. Since the restoration of the Central Park is a Gorden and Betsy's first major collaboration - the Conservancy's efforts in 200 capital projects in the Park. A venerable leader has been an important civic, and legal affairs, Gordon's impact stretched well with the government instrumental in reviving New York's entire parks system, which was also a bankruptcy as Parks Commissioner, Gordon's many innovations included the creation of the National Park and the revival of Bryant Park. He continued to shape the park's life with key leadership and board positions at Lincoln Park, and have been made up the Arts, Jazz at Lincoln Center, the New York Public Library, and the Museum of Modern Art, and more. Gordon's ability to explore his dedication, foresight, and aspirations for Central Park - the National Park will continue to inspire the Conservancy's efforts to protect the park for generations.
代表 的格奥尔基耶夫驳回了 SARAH 的主张，称其缺乏说服力且令人难以信服。他指出，即使 决定吊销 的执照，该网络在法院挑战该决定期间仍将拥有广播权，而这一过程可能需要数年时间。不过，他主要认为 SARAH 提起诉讼的时间不对，法院也不对——实际上是在要求阿里坎法官强迫 在向上诉法院起诉之前，先走完 的裁决程序。
The board and staff of The Public Theater mourns the loss of longtime board member, thought-partner, and fellow advocate for free access to arts, culture and parks, Gordon J. Davis, Esq. Gordon joined the board in 1990 and since then has served as a tireless advisor of the Public and its work providing guidance on numerous Public Theater projects ranging from governance to capital projects including renovations of the Public and public spaces downtown and the recent renovation of the Delacorte Theater in Central Park. The board and staff express their condolences to Gordon's Beffler, Duggy, daughter Lizzy, grandchildren, family and friends.
Oskar Eustis, Artistic Director; Petrick Willingham, Executive Director; Luis A. Miranda, Jr., Chair; Pat Fill-Krushel, Co-Chair
DAVIS—Gordon J.
The Trustees and staff of The Trustees, who are a library in the Library mourn the passing of Gordon J. Davis, a beloved and dedicated member of the Library family, Gordon joined the Library at 1993 and became a Life Trustee in 2016. A celebrated civic leader, Gordon played an international meeting in New York City, and his contributions will continue to have a profound impact on future generations of New Yorkers. At the last time, he is successful for his expertise, generosity of spirit, and unwavering commitment to public services. He also has been represented by sympathies to his wife, Peagy, their daughter, Lizzy, and their friends and family.
Abby S. Allstein, Chair
Evan R. Chesler, Catherine Marron,
Neil L. Rudenstine,
Chair Emeriti
Anthony W. Marx,
President
HERRMANN—Jeffrey Mark.
Jeffrey Mark Herrmann, age 78, originally of Larchmont, Vermont, New York, NY, passed away peacefully on October 5, 2020. Jeffrey and Robert H. M. was born in 1948 in New York, NY to Martin Herrmann and Rose Herrmann had been married with the family moved to the Riverdale neighborhood of the State of Virginia. He lived later as a young adult. He graduated from Hunter College in the Bronx in 1968, and has been married in Political Science. He then traveled upstate "far above" in the state of Virginia. He would often say - to the Cornell University Law School, at St. Louis, New Jersey. In 1972, he was admitted to the Bar of the State of New Jersey, who had been appointed an attorney. In 1978, Jeffrey met his future wife Sandra and Mrs. William H. M. in Arlington, Vermont. They married on May 4, 1980 in New Jersey, and also went to him in a farm of his soon-to-be sister.
and brother-in-law Lynn and Bob Hughes. Jeffrey and Sandra then moved to Mamondia, who had been a second son of their first son Benjamin. Soon afterwards they moved to a second son of the American Larchmont where they had a second son, William, and George H. He had been a non-ski-cades. After meeting his spouse, he was also being to an avid skie throughout his life, favoring the former of the Hunter and Stowe. He passed this passion on to his sons, William, and George H. He owned own living in ski towns, Jeffrey was an enthusiastic music. He was also a strong lover of opera and classical music. He could often be given by the Sun. The Sunday afternoon with a new stack of library books and literature were carried out from WQXR. He especially appreciated the chance to see a lot of interest in the evening and looked forward to attending the annual Viernesee's music. He was survived by his sons Benjamin and Williams, Benjamin's wife and her son, William, and George Y. The granddaughter Lake and grandson Ethn, and Mrs. James, Edward and Joseph Elise James, Kate, and Edward. He was born in the old years of the principal of the Low Offices of Jeffrey Herrmann. He had been a great deal for its matters, including trusts and estates, commercial transactions, and advertising. As a fluent German speaker,
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The New York Times he often represented German-speaking European countries, as a new professional designation - as "The Lower Business Group" has been received in 60 Minutes' coverage of a nonprofit organization and is not only laundering. The anti-corruption organization adopted the European law by lawyers, posing as an international businessman looking to be a great deal with the United States. Jeffrey was the only lawyer to immediately develop the company's offer, telling the undercover knowledge of the United States, "my standards are higher." After Sandra passed away in the United States, he had made more to be closer to his son Ben and his grandchildren. He also had been a good piece of interest, and it is not used to enjoy the daily New York Times and a good piece of interest. He had been held at 10:45am on Wednesday, October 7, 2026 at the time of the next week. The United States may have larger meteries in Paramus, NJ at The Chapel at the Sanctuary of the United States. The United States also shows a local soleum. All are welcome.
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The Television Academy will move the Emmys telecast to streaming, following the Oscars. It will be on Amazon.
5 TECHNOLOGY
TECH | ECONOMY | MEDIA | FINANCE
The OpenAI executive Jason Kwon appeared at a hearing after its A.I. models hacked the Australian government.
6 SPORTS
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WASHINGTON – In recent weeks, an unlikely coalition has assembled around a simple idea: Artificial intelligence companies should be held legally responsible when their systems go rogue.
In a series of escalating attacks reported since July, A.I. models from OpenAI, Anthropic and others have hacked companies and even meddled with government websites, all without the knowledge of their creators.
Since then, Jensen Huang, the Nvidia chief executive; David Sacks, the venture capitalist and a top
White House adviser; and Lina Khan, the Federal Trade Commission chair under the Biden administration, have all endorsed the idea that A.I. companies are liable.
"Law enforcers already have authority to charge companies and their CEOs for creating and releasing dangerous, unvetted, or defective products," Ms. Khan said in a post to X last month, adding there's "no A.I. exemption from laws already on the books."
Companies have long been held accountable for everything from faulty toys to plane crashes under CONTINUED ON PAGE B5
每天玩一次。
随时随地尝试填字游戏（Crossword）、迷你填字游戏（Mini）、拼词游戏（Spelling Bee）、方块游戏（Tiles）等。nytimes.com / games
MARIO TAMA / GETTY IMAGES
美国境外生产的玩具、钢铁、无人机和汽车零部件等商品已被征收高额关税。
📄 Original Section
Trump Allows Nonfarm Vehicles to Use Lower-Cost Dyed Diesel
By KEVIN DRAPER
President Trump said on Monday that a special kind of diesel fuel typically reserved for farm operations can be used more broadly, a measure aimed at easing fuel costs as average diesel prices surpassed \$6.30 a gallon nationwide.
Campaigning in Grand Island, Neb., in support of Senator Pete Ricketts, Mr. Trump signed an executive order to allow the tax-free purchase of so-called red-dyed diesel, which is mainly used in agriculture and construction. The order directs cabinet agencies to defer payment of federal road taxes on diesel through the end of the year, and to "explore avenues" to eliminate the need to pay deferred taxes.
Mr. Trump's action followed moves by almost a dozen governors across the Midwest and South over the last two weeks to permit dyed diesel fuel in road vehicles. Some governors are also suspending state taxes on dyed diesel. The executive order encourages more states to eliminate taxes on dyed diesel.
Dyed diesel is no different from regular diesel, except it contains a small amount of dye, usually red and added by the refiner. But it is exempt from the 24.4-cent-per-gallon federal highway tax and some state taxes that are used to fund road construction and maintenance.
Dyed diesel normally cannot be used in road vehicles and is not available at most gas stations or truck stops; the dye is added so inspectors can more easily tell if it is being used unlawfully on the road.
Many farmers say they have been financially bruised by Mr. Trump's tariff policies, along with rising prices, and the president is trying to shore up support with rural voters before the midterm elections. In Nebraska, Mr. Ricketts, a Republican, is locked in a tight race with the independent challenger Dan Osborn, and recent New York Times/Siena polls have shown Republicans trailing CONTINUED ON PAGE 84
Company leaders hint at job and cost cuts in a memo to employees.
By BENJAMIN MULLIN
Paramount closed its deal to acquire Warner Bros. Discovery on Tuesday, putting the tech scion David Ellison in control of a vast media empire that oversees many of Hollywood's most valuable properties.
The deal catapults the combined company, now called Skydance, to the front ranks of competitors alongside streaming titans like Netflix and YouTube, just behind giants like Disney and Amazon.
"Today is a historic day, not just for Skydance but for our entire industry," Mr. Ellison said in a statement on Tuesday. "We couldn't be more excited to get to work," he added.
There were signs that Mr. Ellison was moving at lightning speed to take control of his new empire. Warner Bros. employees who opened their laptops on Tuesday morning saw them suddenly emblazoned with the new company's logo over a field of stars. A link to a "global town hall" meeting, scheduled for 1 p.m., popped up. And an 1,705-word memo titled "Day I" from Mr. Ellison and his co-chief executive, Ynon Kreiz, landed in their inboxes.
"We're proud to write this next chapter with you," they wrote. "Now the real work begins. Let's go!"
The new company is a hard-fought prize. Mr. Ellison wrested Warner Bros. Discovery from a rival bidder, Netflix, after a months-long tug of war that prompted him to make nine offers for the company.
A coalition of state attorneys general sued to block the deal on antitrust grounds, but settled after extracting a series of concessions, including the establishment CONTINUED ON PAGE B3
WASHINGTON — For months, the Walt Disney Company and President Trump's Federal Communications Commission have traded accusations in a battle over the company's free speech rights and its local broadcast stations.
On Tuesday, they took their con-
flict to federal court.
Disney lawyers asked a judge in U.S. District Court in Washington to bar the F.C.C. from undertaking an unusual early review of the broadcast licenses of the eight stations the company owns and operates. Disney, which owns ABC, called the review — and possible revocation — of the licenses an existential threat to its operations, and an “unlawful and improper” violation of its First Amendment rights.
The F.C.C., which is run by a Trump appointee, Brendan Carr, asked the judge to throw out the lawsuit because the agency had yet to make a decision on the fate of the licenses and Disney had not established that it suffered irreparable harm. Sticking largely to procedural arguments, its lawyers maintained that it was too early for judicial review of its actions.
In her questioning of the F.C.C. lawyers, Judge Loren L. AliKhan seemed open to the agency's procedural arguments. But she appeared more skeptical of its lawyers' attempts to argue that the review was primarily about ABC's diversity and inclusion employment practices, and not because of Mr. Trump's many angry complaints about the network's programming.
U.S. power consumption will rise to record highs in 2026 and 2027, driven by A.I-hungry data centers and electrification, the U.S. Energy Information Administration said in its Short-Term Energy Outlook on Tuesday.
The E.I.A. projected that power demand will rise from a record 4,195 billion kilowatt-hours in 2025 to 4,288 billion kWh in 2026 and 4,356 billion kWh in 2027.
Windows 版本的 iTunes 依然存在，但苹果公司在 2019 年弃用了 Mac 端的该软件，转而采用 Apple Music 应用——该应用既是订阅服务，也是个人音频库的点唱机软件。你仍然可以通过 iOS 的 iTunes Store 应用直接购买音乐，购买后音乐会进入“音乐”应用。此外，适用于 Windows 和 Mac 电脑的 Apple Music 应用中也设有 iTunes Store 区域。
Uber to Pay \$2.3 Billion For the ezCater Platform
Uber said on Tuesday that it would buy the U.S. catering platform ezCater in a cash deal for \$2.3 billion, its latest move to strengthen delivery, its fastest-growing business segment.
The deal comes months after Uber agreed in July to buy the German firm Delivery Hero in a \$14.8 billion transaction aimed at creating the largest food delivery group outside China.
Founded in 2007, ezCater lets companies order food from caterers for corporate events, meetings and workplace meals. It generated more than \$2.5 billion in gross bookings over the past 12 months, Uber said.
Demand is surging largely because of data centers dedicated to artificial intelligence and cryptocurrency. Homes and businesses have also been using more electricity.
The E.L.A. forecast that wholesale electricity prices would average \$52 per megawatt-hour in 2026, 11 percent more than in 2025, primarily because of extreme weather events such as winter storms and higher-than-average summer temperatures.
It predicted that sales in 2026 will rise to 1,541 billion kWh for residential consumers. REUTERS
SARAH MEYSSONNIER/REUTERS
Subsequently, the U.S. Navy awarded Anduril a contract worth up to \$2.9 billion to manufacture
The deal would combine ez-Cater's catering business with Uber Eats' restaurant network and Uber for Business' corporate customer base, the company said.
MILITARY
The defense tech firm Anduril said on Tuesday that it would invest \$3.7 billion to develop a new shipyard in Maryland to build critical components for the U.S. Navy's Virginia-class submarines, as Washington seeks to bolster its maritime defense capabilities.
Uber said ezCater's average order values exceed \$400 and the deal is expected to lift margins. REUTERS
The new plant, named Arsenal-2, will be in Baltimore County and is expected to be operational by the end of the decade. REUTERS
submarine components, with payments tied directly to production outcomes and the company assuming most of the execution risk, the defense start-up said.
S&P 500 INDEX +0.6% 7,818.93
The investment and associated contract, together valued at up to \$6.6 billion, come amid a push by the United States and its allies to expand arms production following Russia's invasion of Ukraine and conflicts in the Middle East.
Wall Street Hits a High as Investors Look Past Rising Rates
By JOE RENNISON
Wall Street reached a record high on Tuesday, pushing through concerns about the potential economic drag from rising interest rates and elevated oil prices.
The S&P 500, the world's most widely tracked stock index, rose 0.6 percent, surpassing its peak set in August. It is the latest in a series of new highs reached this year, taking the index's gain since January to more than 14 percent.
But broader consternation in the financial markets remains, tied to the war with Iran and a surge in benchmark government bond yields. Those higher yields lead to higher borrowing costs for consumers and companies.
The 10-year Treasury yield eased lower on Tuesday, still trading around its highest level in roughly two decades. Oil prices held steady, with Brent crude, the international benchmark, about \$100 a barrel.
Fueling Tuesday's record are expectations of another round of strong financial results from publicly traded companies. Some of strongest profits are expected in the energy sector, tied to the rise in oil prices, and in the technology sector, where the build out of artificial intelligence fuels growth.
"This bull market is about nothing but earnings growth," said Michael Purves, founder of Tallbacken Capital. He said he expected the stock market to continue rising through the end of the year, even if interest rates and oil prices keep rising.
Over 70 companies in the index have steered investors to raise their earnings expectations for the recent quarter before officially releasing their results in the coming weeks. That is a record for the number of companies giving positive guidance, according to FactSet, which has tracked such data over two decades.
These strong projections reflect companies' ability to turn giant profits in the face of higher borrowing costs.
The 10-year Treasury yield rose half a percentage point in Septem-
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体育
📄 Original Section
The S&P 500 Index
ber, its biggest one-month rise in four years. Such a rapid move in interest rates would typically be expected to weigh on the stock market but, while there are signs of pressure emerging, it has not been enough to curtail the rally.
In part, the two markets — stocks and bonds — are being driven by the same theme: higher growth expectations tied to the build out of A.I.
In the bond market, a stronger economic outlook has in part led investors to expect the Federal Reserve to keep interest rates elevated for longer than previously thought, as the central bank tries to prevent strong growth from leading to a resurgence in inflation. And as investors' rate expectations have risen, so too have government bond yields.
In the stock market, that same growth of the largest tech companies has been reflected in their rising stock prices, while the prices of other companies have slumped.
Over the past month, eight of the eleven sectors of the S&P 500 have dropped, weighed down by the rise in interest rates, while just three — the technology sector, energy, and communication services companies like Meta and Alphabet — have risen.
Giving equal weight to each company in the index shows big tech's impact, with the S&P 500 Equal Weight index more than 5 percent below its August peak.
The Russell 2000 index of smaller companies that are more tied to the ebb and flow of the economy — and to rising interest rates — has fallen nearly 8 percent since its high in August.
The next earnings reports are expected to show that the technology sector's profits for the three months through September grew by over 60 percent from the same period last year, according to FactSet. Because of their relative market size, these companies have the biggest impact on the S&P 500's overall performance.
Overall, the S&P 500 is expected to report 30 percent earnings growth for the quarter, compared with around 50 percent for the quarter that ended in June. These are the highest quarterly growth rates for the index since the world emerged from the pandemic slump in 2021.
But technology sector's rise has become more restrained, with stock prices appreciating more slowly than those companies' profits. In effect, investors are paying comparatively less for the prospect of even higher profits in the future — a sign they are growing more cautious about the market's reliance on the growth of A.I.
TOTAL ASSETS IN BIL | 1 YR | 5 YRS | 1. Vanguard Total International Stock Index Fund Institutional Shares (VTSNX) | +26.0% | +9.2% | 665.7 | 2. Vanguard Developed Markets Index Fund Investor Shares (VDIXK) | +27.8 | +10.1 | 323.8 | 3. American Funds EU PAC Fund Class R-6 (ERGX) | +23.7 | +5.6 | 140.0 | 4. Vanguard FTSE All-World ex-US Index Fund Institutional Plus Shares (VFWPX) | +26.8 | +9.5 | 98.6 | 5. Fidelity International Index Fund (FSPSK) | +21.9 | +9.5 | 88.5 | 6. Strategic Advisers Fidelity International Fund (FUSK) | +20.6 | +8.7 | 78.5 | 7. Fidelity Series Global ex U.S. Index Fund (TSGEX) | +27.4 | +9.5 | 77.0 | 8. Dodge & Cox International Stock Fund Class X (DXXFX) | +23.8 | +12.2 | 66.8 | 9. Goldman Sachs GQG Partners International Opportunities Fund Class A (GSHX) | +9.7 | +6.9 | 52.2 | 10. Artisan International Value Fund Advisor Class (APDXK) | +22.5 | +11.8 | 45.9 | Source: Morningstar
Consumer rates
What Is Happening in Other Markets and the Economy
Bonds
Currencies
Months — Maturity — Years
作者：马库斯·汤普森二世 (MARCUS THOMPSON II)，来自 The Athletic
旧金山 —— 在金州女武神队（Golden State Valkyries）首轮对阵达拉斯之翼队（Dallas Wings）的第三场比赛中，加比·威廉姆斯（Gabby Williams）出场的 17 分钟表现只能用“糟糕”来形容。
The biggest showcase for the television industry is leaving broadcast television.
Amazon Prime Video won the distribution rights to the Emmy Awards, the Television Academy announced on Tuesday, putting the industry's signature event exclusively on a streaming service. The Emmys telecast, which rotated among the four broadcast networks for decades, will start streaming on Amazon next September as part of a six-year deal.
The Emmys will stream for free and not require a Prime Video subscription, the academy said. Amazon will also make the event available all over the world.
It's the second major awards show that will soon be available only over the internet. In 2029, the Oscars will leave their longtime home, ABC, and head over to YouTube.
The Emmys' move to streaming is, of course, symbolic of broader trends in the industry. In July, 49 percent of all television viewing in the United States was on a streaming service, according to Nielsen, dwarfing broadcast's 19.5 percent.
Cris Abrego, the chairman of the Television Academy, acknowledged in an interview that the Emmys move off broadcast for the first time since their inception in 1949 was "a pretty big step."
"Obviously, television in itself is evolving in real time," he continued. "But I actually think the distinction between broadcast and streaming is becoming less meaningful every year. Most of our longtime broadcast partners themselves are part of companies with major streaming platforms."
For the last three decades, the Emmys telecast alternated among ABC, CBS, Fox and NBC. Twenty years ago, the ceremony drew 16 million viewers. A decade ago it was 11 million. This year, the Emmys had lower viewership (6.8 million viewers on NBC) than the Oscars on ABC (17.9 million) and the Grammys on CBS (14.4 million). Even the Video Music Awards, which appeared on CBS
A sign of television's shift from broadcast to streaming.
and MTV last month, had more viewers (nine million).
Emmy voters' taste has drifted decidedly away from network television as well. During the prime-time ceremony last month, 18 of the 19 awards handed out went to a streaming or cable program. CBS claimed the only win for broadcast, and that was for a show ("The Late Show With Stephen Colbert") no longer on the air because the network canceled it.
The academy's tendency to favor shows on cable and streamers is one of the reasons the broadcast networks became frustrated with the Emmys in recent years, and seemed less likely to make an aggressive collective bid for the rights.
But others in the industry have been critical of the so-called network wheel deal, arguing that one of the reasons the Emmys could be more muted than other award shows was that no single network was committed to investing in it. Enter Prime Video
Enter Prime Video.
Mike Hopkins, the head of Prime Video, said in an interview that he believed Amazon could help "energize it and age the audience down and grow it over time."
Mr. Abrego said having one outlet dedicated to the Emmys would only help.
The show is in September, but with the rotation, "sometimes we don't start thinking about it until March, April of that year, right?" he said. "We have the ability to start thinking this, you know, tomorrow and start building toward that telecast."
In recent years, the four broadcast networks collectively paid the academy roughly \$9.5 million for the annual rights, according to public filings. Mr. Abrego would not disclose how much Amazon was paying but said the amount was a "meaningful investment across the board."
The Emmys will proceed next year with its usual September date, but Mr. Abrego suggested that could change in future years.
Streaming services have increasingly invested in live events. Amazon has the rights to weekly National Football League games, a National Basketball Association package and the Academy of Country Music Awards. Netflix has made deals with the N.F.L., Major League Baseball, the women's World Cup and the Actor Awards, formerly the Screen Actors Guild (SAG) Awards.
Paramount Closes Merger With Warner Bros. Discovery
FROM FIRST BUSINESS PAGE
FROM FIRST BUSINESS PAGE of an editorial independence board to safeguard the integrity of CNN and a promise from Mr. Ellison to spend an additional \$1.5 billion on movies over the next five years.
The acquisition catapults the combined company, called Skydance, to the ranks of Netflix and YouTube, and just behind giants like Disney and Amazon.
Hundreds of Hollywood insiders said the deal would sharply consolidate corporate power, leading to job losses and further stagnation in Hollywood. Skydance has argued that the merger is a necessary counterweight to Big Tech.
BRENDAN MCDERMID/REUTERS
The new company, which owns two major movie studios in Warner Bros. and Paramount Pictures, news networks including CNN and CBS News and the streaming services HBO Max and Paramount+, is making its debut in an industry navigating profound change.
Cable television, one of the biggest cash cows in media, is still profitable but in terminal decline. Streaming still hasn't replaced those profits. Trust in the news business is in the basement. And tech companies like Amazon and Apple are muscling in on movies, TV shows and sports rights, driving up content costs.
Those challenges will pose a major test for Mr. Ellison, 43, who until last year had never run a public media company. He and his team must convince Wall Street that the new company can manage those challenges while it pays down \$82 billion in debt, a staggering sum for a traditional media company. He must also rally tens of thousands of employees at Warner Bros. and Paramount; both companies have undergone nearly annual layoffs in recent years.
There were some signs of early turbulence on the horizon. On Tuesday, the ratings agency Fitch said it was downgrading the combined company to reflect increased debt as well as “significant execution and integration risks.”
And Mr. Ellison and Mr. Kreiz alluded to the prospect of looming layoffs in their memo. They must deliver \$6 billion in cost-cutting over the next three years — a target they are likely to hit, in part by eliminating thousands of jobs.
"Integrating two companies will bring change, including difficult decisions that affect our work force," they wrote. "We are committed to handling this process thoughtfully and respectfully."
Elsewhere at the company, corporate leaders sought to reassure employees amid the uncertainty caused by the deal. Bari Weiss, the editor in chief of CBS News, reminded journalists on a call Tuesday morning that they had become accustomed to carrying out their duties despite “a lot of things going on in the press.”
If the judge rules in Disney's favor, it will be a stinging loss for Mr. Carr, and could undermine his nearly two-year effort to rein in the major broadcast networks with the looming prospect of government action.
Mr. Ellison has assuaged some of those concerns by retaining Mark Thompson as chairman of CNN. In a memo to employees on Monday, Mr. Thompson said that
"Nothing right now is going to change," Ms. Weiss said. "This is a process that's going to unfold under time."
ABC has been in the cross hairs of the Trump administration for well over a year, with Mr. Carr scrutinizing the network's daytime talk show, "The View," and its late-night program "Jimmy Kimmel Live!"
Further complicating the situation is Mr. Ellison's relationship with President Trump, which has unsettled some employees at CNN. This spring, Mr. Ellison held a dinner "honoring the Trump White House" before the annual White House Correspondents' Association dinner and later joined Mr. Trump at an Ultimate Fighting Championship bout at the White House. (Paramount holds media rights for the U.F.C.)
he had spoken to Mr. Ellison and came away convinced that executives at Skydance would support the "independent news that CNN has always stood for."
Mr. Ellison further addressed the anxieties about CNN's independence during the town hall meeting on Tuesday, where he and Mr. Kreiz were interviewed by the CNN anchor Anderson Cooper.
"We believe in complete editorial independence," Mr. Ellison said. "We trust Mark; we trust the team."
The showdown is the latest test of Mr. Trump's sweeping campaign to punish media companies. The administration's actions have included barring news organizations from the White House, enacting reporting restrictions, suing news outlets and, in the case of the broadcast networks, unleashing the regulatory power of the federal government.
"You're pledging not to interfere with news coverage of CNN?" Mr. Cooper interjected.
"Correct," Mr. Ellison said. "We've been very clear."
During the interview, Mr. Ellison also affirmed that he supported CNN's efforts to fight President Trump's White House press ban.
Disney Takes F.C.C. to Court to Stop Review of Local Stations
Another of Mr. Ellison's biggest challenges will be winning over Hollywood's creative class in an era of uncertain box office receipts, artificial intelligence and algorithmic personalization. He has pledged to invest in content, promising to release at least a combined 30 theatrical films annually. After two years, that number would rise to 32 films. He has also promised to overhaul the company's technological capabilities.
FROM FIRST BUSINESS PAGE
Judge AliKhan will not make a ruling for at least a week.
TIERNEY L. CROSS FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
A ruling in favor of Disney would be a stinging loss to Brendan Carr, who as leader of the F.C.C. has waged a campaign to rein in major broadcast networks.
The courtroom was full on Tuesday, though Mr. Carr did not make an appearance. Horacio Gutierrez, Disney's general counsel and the highest-ranking company executive at the hearing, sat in the front row, directly behind Ms. Wilkinson.
ABC says it has fully complied with the F.C.C. investigation, providing more than 13,000 pages of documents to the agency. Ms. Wilkinson argued that, regardless, the agency had plenty of other tools to compel cooperation.
The F.C.C. took its boldest step in April when it announced that it would review Disney's eight local broadcast licenses in cities including New York, Los Angeles, Chicago, San Francisco and Philadelphia. Under communications law, stations operate under the purview of the F.C.C., with licenses that are renewed every eight years. None of ABC's station licenses are up for review until 2028 at the earliest. (Most are valid until 2030 and 2031.)
The bar is exceedingly high for the F.C.C. to strip away licenses, and it has never opened such a broad challenge to a major network's owned stations.
Dimitar P. Georgiev, an assistant U.S. attorney and the F.C.C.'s lead lawyer at Tuesday's hearing, said the agency had decided to use the license review as a "tool" to force ABC's compliance in its investigation. The network had shown a "failure to fully respond" to agency requests, he said.
Disney's lawyers, led by Beth Wilkinson, a veteran trial lawyer, quickly pointed out that Mr. Carr had taken the action immediately after Mr. Trump publicly expressed anger at a monologue joke by Mr. Kimmel on his program.
While the F.C.C. undergoes its review, Mr. Carr has the potential to inflict plenty of pain on the company under agency rules. He could, for example, call for a hearing where he or other agency commissioners would grill Disney executives about their operations and their editorial decision-making. Disney lawyers said any such hearing would be “a charade.”
Public policy and legal experts have said ABC would have strong legal grounds to fight such a move in court. But it was widely assumed that ABC had little recourse until the F.C.C. made a formal determination, which, under standard legal procedure, ABC could contest at the appellate court level.
In August, Disney filed the surprise lawsuit, asking the District Court to intervene before the F.C.C. could call a hearing or reach a conclusion.
Legal experts are split on ABC's chances of success. Supporters of Mr. Carr say the F.C.C. could argue that ABC was seeking to short-circuit the ordinary legal process, while F.C.C. opponents say ABC has a good chance of convincing the court that the agency's proceedings were in fact infringing on ABC's rights. Legal experts agree that ABC's success in the case will hinge on making a persuasive argument that it is suffering immediate harm through the F.C.C.'s adjudication process.
In court on Tuesday, Ms. Wilkinson likened the review to awaiting for a guillotine to fall based on Mr.
Trump complains angrily and often about ABC programs.
Trump's whims. That, she said, was causing a chill over ABC's editorial decisions that amounted to a "here and now injury" to the network's free speech rights.
She said Disney had felt compelled to sue in District Court after Mr. Trump said ABC should lose its license for refusing to show a prime-time speech he gave on his election security claims in July — and Mr. Carr followed up by saying the decision would be a factor in the F.C.C. license review.
ABC did show Mr. Trump's speech online, but only because it was trying to mitigate the possibility of punishment from the F.C.C., Ms. Wilkinson noted. Again and again on Tuesday, she stressed that the F.C.C.'s threatened action was impeding ABC's ability to make independent editorial decisions without fear of reprisals from the government.
Because of the F.C.C. inquiry, she said, producers on "The View" have become more circumspect about booking political guests or even showing video clips of some political candidates on the program. And she mentioned that last month Mr. Kimmel announced that he would show an interview with the Democratic nominee for U.S. Senate in Texas, James Talarico, online but not on his program because of the F.C.C. threats.
Arguing for the F.C.C., Mr. Georgiev dismissed ABC's claims as underwhelming and unconvincing. He made the point that even if the F.C.C. decided to revoke ABC's licenses, the network would still have the right to broadcast while challenging that determination in the courts, a process that could take years. Mainly, though, he argued that ABC was bringing its suit at the wrong time and in the wrong court — effectively asking Judge AliKhan to compel ABC to wade through the F.C.C.'s adjudication process before suing in appellate court.
The judge requested that the F.C.C. provide a list of other tools at the agency's disposal to compel cooperation from subjects of its inquiries, other than early license renewals. The agency has until Friday to respond to that request, and Disney has until Oct. 14 to respond to the agency's filing.
FROM FIRST BUSINESS PAGE in key races across Kansas, Iowa, Texas and Ohio. Farmers and ranchers are typically a strong voting bloc for Republicans.
“Record-high diesel prices are squeezing our ag producers, and this is a meaningful and timely step we can take to provide temporary relief and help our farmers and ranchers through the harvest season,” Gov. Kelly Armstrong of North Dakota said in an announcement last week that allowed dyed diesel to be used in some vehicles traveling on state highways.
North Dakota charges a 23-cent tax on each gallon of regular diesel but only 4 cents a gallon on dyed diesel. Mr. Armstrong's executive order allows farmers to use dyed diesel in highway vehicles engaged in agricultural operations, saving them 19 cents per gallon.
Mr. Trump's executive order and the state waivers come at a critical time for agricultural operations. The fall harvest, the time of year when farmers use the most diesel, has begun across the country. In February, before the United States attacked Iran and oil shipments through the Strait of Hormuz slowed, the national average diesel price was less than \$4 per gallon, according to the U.S. Energy Information Administration. It was \$6.38 on Monday, according to the E.I.A.
Groups representing farmers are seeking more than waivers on dyed diesel. Some have called for a ban on U.S. diesel exports, a drastic move that Mr. Trump had threatened to take but has not followed through on. Last week in a bid to relieve price pressures, the Group of 7 nations, including the United States, pledged to release 100 million barrels of diesel and crude oil reserves over four months.
While truckers may save 24.4 cents a gallon by using dyed diesel, allowing farmers to use it in their road vehicles won't make a huge dent in their fuel costs.
Diesel also isn't a major expense on farms. According to the Agriculture Department, diesel made up just 2.6 percent of an average crop farm's expenses in 2025. Things like labor, rent and agricultural chemicals are much larger expenses.
"It probably won't do a whole lot, really," said Gregory Ibendahl, an agricultural economist at Kansas State University. It isn't taxes on diesel that is hurting farmers, but the nearly doubling of the price from last year. What they really need, Mr. Ibendahl said, is "something big to get the prices back where they were before the Iran thing started."
Richard Oswald, who grows corn and soybeans in Rock Port, Mo., said he expected he would use around 8,000 gallons of diesel to harvest his crops. He used less than 2,000 gallons to plant them in the spring.
"Last year, that 8,000 gallons was about \$3 a gallon, and now it's about \$6 a gallon," Mr. Oswald said, referring to dyed diesel.
While fuel may just be a small part of his expenses, the timing of the price spike, right before he
ENERGY | TRADE
gets paid for his crop, makes it seem worse. "We have this \$3-a-gallon tax — this is how I think of it, as a tax, an unreasonable number — coming out of our bottom line," Mr. Oswald said.
Over the next month or so, he will use a diesel combine to cut and thresh the crops, two diesel tractors to pull grain carts and a third diesel tractor to run a grain auger that places the grain in a storage bin.
All of those machines were already permitted to use the cheaper dyed diesel. It is only in his trucks — used to haul grain on the road to sell at the nearby grain elevator — where Mr. Oswald could benefit from using the cheaper fuel. Even though Missouri is one of the states allowing farmers to use dyed diesel in their trucks, he does not plan on doing so because the savings are small and the state's executive order is
Dyed diesel is mostly used in agriculture and construction, but is functionally no different from diesel.
24.4¢
Per-gallon federal tax savings for users of dyed diesel versus regular diesel.
temporary.
And he could be fined, or have to explain himself at a highway inspection in the future, if his fuel tank still has some dyed diesel after the exemption expires.
"I put red fuel in a truck," Mr. Oswald said, "and then a year from now that's forgotten and they zip a truck fuel tank and find a bit of dye in it, I'm going to be talking to a weights officer as to why I have dye in my truck."
Ecommerce Inventory & Sls Anest. Red: NS in Data or Brass Analytics or Rld. Duties. Conduct data analysis and process improvement to reduce excess inventory and improve oos, adds margin. Job/Indrive: NYC, NY. Send resume of Job 1C, to: Piker, E. J. Franco & Sons. 3 Prik Ave. F124 NY NY 10016.
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WASHINGTON - After 20 months in office and with the midterm elections approaching, President Trump is at pains to demonstrate his administration's economic wins. But one metric he has identified as an important measuring stick for his policies has been moving steadily in the wrong direction.
The U.S. trade deficit — a measure of the difference between what the country imports and what it exports — rose sharply in August to hit a 17-month high, after also rising significantly in July, data from the Commerce Department showed on Tuesday.
The trade deficit grew to \$105.6 billion in August, a 13.7 percent increase from July, driven by an increase in imports of petroleum, gold and chips used for artificial intelligence. It was the largest monthly total since before Mr. Trump imposed his global tariffs in April 2025, and larger than any monthly trade deficit in the last year of the Biden administration.
U.S. imports hit a record \$420.8 billion in August, climbing 4.3 percent from July. Exports grew 1.4 percent compared with July, hitting \$315.2 billion.
Christopher Rupkey, chief economist at FWDBONDS, said there was simply "no good alternative" to foreign imports. The cost of American labor was simply too high to produce goods cheap enough for many Americans to consider buying, he said, and even if manufacturers were willing, factories could not be built fast enough.
“Despite the administration's economic policies which have jacked up the tariff-related costs of many imported goods, America is just as dependent as ever on foreign-produced goods,” he said.
The trade deficit has tended to increase over time as the U.S. economy grows. But the Trump administration has viewed the metric as a sign of weakness in America's manufacturing sector. Officials have tried to reduce the trade deficit by imposing hefty tariffs on goods such as toys, steel, drones and auto parts made outside the United States.
The lack of success in reducing the trade deficit is partly a result of the A.I. boom. To construct new data centers, companies are importing many more computer chips, most of which are made in Asia. The United States imported more than \$90 billion worth of semiconductors in the first eight months of this year, the data showed, almost double the
Imports of petroleum, gold and A.I. chips defy Trump's policy.
amount in the same period last year.
There is also a bigger economic question about how much tariffs by themselves can reduce the trade deficit, particularly at a time when the U.S. economy is expanding, government deficits are growing and consumers are continuing to spend on foreign goods.
Some economists agree that the trade deficit is a worrying sign of imbalances in global manufacturing. But many argue that tariffs are not a great tool for reducing it. Some believe that much of the U.S. trade deficit is fueled by fiscal deficits and that Mr. Trump's tax cuts and spending on the war in Iran will increase it.
Others argue that tariffs do discourage people from buying foreign goods, but by adding costs that have proved unpopular with American households.
Trump officials have blamed the disruptions to their tariff plan for the increase in the trade deficit. The Supreme Court struck down many of Mr. Trump's tariffs in February, saying he had misused an emergency law to impose them. Since then, the administration has put a lower tariff of 10 to 12.5 percent in effect on many products.
Officials are still working to recreate a scheme of higher tariffs and could issue new levies in the coming weeks and months. In July, the administration put a new round of tariffs on more than 80 countries, and it is planning to impose another round of tariffs that could apply to more than 40 countries.
Since Mr. Trump came into office for a second time, the average monthly trade deficit has been \$74.5 billion. That's just slightly above the monthly average for the last year of the Biden presidency, at \$73.8 billion.
But drastic changes in tariff policy have caused monthly trade deficits to jump around during the president's second term, spiking and plummeting as new tariffs have been introduced, removed and replaced.
After Mr. Trump was elected, importers raced to bring in more inventory ahead of tariffs, causing the trade deficit to soar to new levels in the first few months of his term. Then, after the president introduced global tariffs on his so-called Liberation Day last year, imports and the trade deficit fell back.
Grace Zwemmer, U.S. economist at Oxford Economics, said in a note on Tuesday that the trade figures were “on track to pose a sizable drag” on economic growth numbers in the third quarter.
Imports would remain solid in the near-term because of A.I. demand and the need for other businesses to restock their inventories, while U.S. oil exports would not do as much to lower the trade deficit as in the second quarter, she said.
TECHNOLOGY
天气预报
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📄 Original Section
Your Favorite Music, Online or Off the Grid
Streaming services rule these days, but downloading your digital collection still has its advantages.
In Apple Music, from left: tap to download; indicating awaiting files; download successful.
APPLE
Tech Tip
By J. D. BIERSDORFER
Streaming services have long provided the most popular way to listen to music, but downloading things digitally has its perks. That's why some people still prefer to buy their music instead of renting it.
Downloaded files will eat into your device's available storage space, but you don't have to worry about inconsistent playback from an unstable internet connection or chewing through megabytes on a metered data plan. And, with some online stores, buying music directly puts more money in the artist's pocket.
So whether you stream, download or both, here's a guide to storing music on your phone so you can play it wherever you are.
If the occasional lack of internet connectivity is your main issue with streaming, most major services allow you to download songs to your phone for playback when you're offline. However, the files are not permanent and you may need to have a paid subscription at a certain tier.
Amazon Music, Apple Music, Pandora, Qobuz, Spotify, Tidal and YouTube Music are among the subscription services with an offline-listening option. In most cases, just look for a down-
ward-pointing arrow or menu with a download option. Then collect the tracks you want to take along before you leave on that camping trip or lengthy flight.
Before streaming services, many people kept a music library of audio files ripped from compact discs or purchased from digital stores. If you've never gotten around to adding those files to your phone, you can copy them with a few different methods. (Note that tracks that were originally sold with copyright protection might not play.)
If you adopted YouTube Music after Google discontinued its Google Play Music store in 2020, you can upload up to 100,000 songs to YouTube Music from your computer — even with a free plan. Then you can download them to your phone for offline listening in the YouTube Music mobile app.
Go to music.youtube.com in your computer's web browser and drag the audio files into the browser window. (Or, click on your profile photo in the top-right corner of the window, choose Upload from the menu and select the files.) Tracks in the FLAC, M4A, MP3, OGG and WMA formats work, but not M4P files or other copy-protected formats.
If you subscribe to the Apple Music streaming service on your iOS or Android device, you can download files
previously purchased from the iTunes Store to the Music app by tapping the download arrow next to the title.
If you don't subscribe to Apple Music, iOS users can download the files from the iTunes Store app. Just tap the Purchased tab and then Music to see your list. Tap the Download icon to send the files to the Music app.
Alternatively, Apple's iTunes Match service (\$25 a year), uploads the music library on your computer — including songs you've ripped from CDs — to the cloud. You can then download those
songs on iOS devices using the same Apple account.
Traditional methods of transferring files between computer and phone using cloud-storage sites or USB cables may also work. Apple's support site has a guide for manually syncing music libraries between computers and its iOS-based devices. You can also find third-party tools like Droid Transfer for transferring files between PCs and Android phones, and DoubleTwist CloudPlayer for music stashed on file-storage sites.
Digital download shops have been around since the 1990s, although buying songs now might take extra steps. Thanks to app-store regulations, you now typically buy files from the company's website, then download them in its separate mobile app.
For example: Amazon Music. You purchase audio files on the Amazon website and download them to your phone from the Purchased tab in the Amazon Music mobile app.
Similarly, the Qobuz subscription service has a music store on its website and mobile apps for Android and iOS to download purchases.
SoundCloud and Bandcamp, both distribution platforms highlighting independent artists, let you stream and buy digital music downloads.
A Windows version of iTunes still exists, but Apple retired the Mac software in 2019 in favor of its Apple Music app — which serves as both a subscription service and the jukebox software for your personal audio library. You can still buy music directly through the iTunes Store app for iOS, where it lands in the Music app. And the Apple Music app for Windows and Mac computers has an iTunes Store section.
If downloading music brings memories of those peak iPod years, you can visually indulge yourself. Free apps like ClassiPod (for Android) or SepiaPod (for iOS) play your music library and provide a nostalgic interface right there on your modern smartphone.
OpenAI Assures Australians That It Has Added Monitoring
By VICTORIA KIM
SYDNEY, AUSTRALIA – OpenAI has changed its systems to allow for "immediate intervention" after its models went rogue and gained unauthorized access to Australian government systems in June, a company executive said Tuesday.
The executive, OpenAI's chief strategy officer, Jason Kwon, appeared before a parliamentary hearing in Sydney, seeking to reassure the public that safeguards were in place against further breaches.
His comments came after the company's A.I. agents gained access to nonpublic data on a portal containing information on Medicare, Australia's public health insurance program. The artificial intelligence company discovered the breach in mid-August but did not notify Australian officials until Sept. 10.
The Australian breach, made public by Prime Minister Anthony Albanese late last month, raised alarm because it was the first known instance globally in which A.I. agents hacked into a government site.
Since that hacking, the company has put in place additional monitoring to allow its staff to stop training the company's models if they gain access to the internet in ways they're not supposed
A.I. agents gained access to data at a public health insurer.
to, Mr. Kwon said on Tuesday.
Mr. Kwon reiterated the company's previous apology to the Australian public and acknowledged that it had bungled its response, saying the breach was a novel situation for developers as the world entered "a new era of A.I. capabilities." He said the company had also changed its procedures to immediately notify affected parties whose systems were entered by its models.
The company's chief executive, Sam Altman, did not know about the breach when he met in person with Australia's deputy prime minister, Richard Marles, on Sept. 1, nine days before OpenAI notified the government through an email to a public inbox, Mr. Kwon said. "The process by which people became aware of this incident inside our company could have been much better," he said.
OpenAI executives appeared before the Joint Select Committee on Artificial Intelligence, a hearing scheduled before the breach became publicly known and was initially meant to focus on copyright protections, data centers and sovereignty in A.I. models. Instead, it was dominated by questions about threats posed by the technology. Representatives for Anthropic, Microsoft and Google also testified on Tuesday.
The hearing itself was a sign of the discrepancy between the pace of policymaking by governments and the fast-evolving frontier of the industry, which has faced concerns about rogue artificial intelligence activity since the hacking of the A.I. start-up Hugging Face in July. The committee is scheduled to deliver a final report by the end of next month.
The Australian government is separately investigating the breaches and examining any legal recourse or the need for new A.I. regulations. OpenAI models also tried to gain access to another federal agency, the Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, and two state government sites.
(The New York Times has sued OpenAI and Microsoft, claiming copyright infringement of news content related to A.I. systems. The two companies have denied those claims.)
Mr. Kwon said the way its agents gained access to nonpublic parts of the Medicare statistics website was "not super sophisticated" technologically, but what was concerning was the way they applied themselves to a goal and acted in ways they were not directed to by human operators. No individual medical data was part of the breach.
Asked whether legislators were keeping up with developments in the technology, Mr. Kwon said that OpenAI would "do our part" but that the industry needed governments to step up so it was not left making all the decisions itself. "The technology is powerful, and we want to ensure that lawmakers and policymakers and democratic societies have a say in how this technology develops," he said.
The OpenAI executive warned that while the Medicare breach was accidental, it “could also be done intentionally” by other actors who “have different intentions.” The advancement of the technology will require “a collective effort of like-minded countries as well as organizations” to increase online security, he said.
Australia has advocated global standards on A.I. but has faced resistance from the Trump administration, which has pushed for the industry to voluntarily regulate itself and rebuffed calls for government-imposed guardrails.
Jeffrey Bleich, an international special envoy for Anthropic and a former U.S. ambassador to Australia, said in his testimony on Tuesday that Australia should both capitalize on opportunities offered by artificial intelligence and be “cleareyed” about risks. The recent breaches “reinforced that some of these risks are no longer theoretical, as increasingly capable A.I. systems interact with sensitive information and consequential decisions,” he said.
Anthropic, which has had its own challenges with rogue activity by its models, hasn't found instances of unauthorized access of government sites in internal reviews, its executives said at the hearing.
Toby Walsh, a professor of artificial intelligence at the University of New South Wales in Sydney, said after the hearing that the companies seemed to be caught off guard by the public's response and may have initially considered the breach "a minor cyberincident that no one was going to care about." The only thing that would get them to change their behavior is financial accountability, he said.
"Ultimately I think we just have to hold these companies more liable," he said. "If a car company was doing this stuff, we would have sued them out of existence."
Lina Khan, former Federal Trade Commission chair, endorsed the idea that A.I. companies are liable for rogue agents.
FROM FIRST BUSINESS PAGE consumer protection laws. Courts can hold companies legally responsible for damage caused by negligence or a defective product. And they can assign additional blame to other people or organizations that were involved.
Common sense might indicate A.I. companies would also be held liable for their runaway technology. But the problem is so new that courts have largely yet to confront it, according to legal experts.
There are some cases where A.I. companies would clearly be held responsible, the experts said — for example, if executives predicted risks posed by their models. But other claims will push the justice system's application of laws that hinge on human intent and knowledge.
Some legal test cases are emerging. Florida's Republican attorney general asked a state court on Monday to temporarily block OpenAI from developing new A.I. models without safety measures approved by an outside group, an attempt to prevent A.I. from going rogue.
On Tuesday, a nonprofit in California sued OpenAI under a state unfair competition law for the hacking of the start-up Hugging Face. On Wednesday, an investigation by the F.T.C. into potential liability for harm to consumers became public. And on Thursday, California's attorney general said the state had served a subpoena to OpenAI as part of a "broader inquiry into cybersecurity incidents and risks involving the company and its models."
Given the relative lack of safeguards around A.I., the legal drumbeat is likely to continue, said Woodrow Hartzog, a law professor at Boston University who studies technology law.
"Worst-case scenario, they have massive liability on both the criminal and civil side, just depending on the facts of the individual case," he said. "We haven't seen the firm-busting case yet. But I could envision it."
A spokesman for Anthropic declined to comment. A spokeswoman for OpenAI did not comment. (The New York Times has sued OpenAI and its partner, Microsoft, accusing them of copyright infringement of news content related to A.I. systems. OpenAI and Microsoft have denied those claims.)
Since ChatGPT was publicly launched in 2022, A.I. companies have built increasingly sophisticated models capable of writing code, operating a computer and engaging in daily interactions. A.I. companies have also built tools referred to as "agents," able to traverse the internet to accomplish tasks ranging from sending an email to booking a reservation — or scraping vast amounts of data.
The debate over liability exploded after companies ran tests in which agents broke out of testing environments and breached other companies. In the July incident, OpenAI disclosed that its A.I. had hacked Hugging Face, another tech firm, without its knowledge. Last month, OpenAI said its product had penetrated an Australian government system.
OpenAI apologized for the Australian incident on Tuesday and said it was "working to do better in the future." One Australian official said that in such cases, "liability has to be traced back to the intent of a person or a company that created or directed the agent."
The incidents have incited calls for more regulation of A.I. systems. But the U.S. government has largely taken a hands-off approach to the technology, citing fierce competition with China in a global A.I. race.
On Tuesday, a group of companies including OpenAI and Anthropic met with President Trump and signed a voluntary pledge to add safety measures. States have also tried to fill the gap, issuing rules that require A.I. companies to take safety measures.
Senator Josh Hawley, Republican of Missouri, said at a congressional hearing on Wednesday that lawmakers might need to clarify that A.I. agents should be held liable like individuals and companies for consumer harms.
"We don't have to invent an entirely new system," he said, adding, "American law has worked beautifully when it comes to other products for literally centuries now."
The most prominent early lawsuits over A.I. harms have claimed chatbots advised teenagers to commit self-harm, ending in death by suicide. Parents have filed lawsuits against OpenAI and Character AI, a start-up, arguing the companies should be held responsible.
In those cases, the companies have tried to use classic tech legal defenses: that speech is protected under the First Amendment and
Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act. The latter shields platforms from liability for content posted by users.
In the Character AI case, the U.S. District Court for the Middle District of Florida ruled last year that the company's A.I. models did not produce speech protected by the First Amendment. Section 230's applicability in a second case remains an open question.
When it comes to corporate liability involving humans, the law is more established. There are many ways that cybersecurity breaches can violate the law, according to legal experts. Hacking is a crime. Consumers can sue when their information is exposed in a breach. Regulators can bring lawsuits if a company's management releases a defective product.
But in many of the A.I. cases, the companies' agents have gone rogue, disobeying or ignoring humans who set up security guardrails.
Some of those cases may still be clear-cut, legal experts said. If an A.I. agent hacks another company during testing, the company that developed the agent could be held liable, they said.
The companies could also have known the potential for their products to carry out a hack, which can increase liability, the legal experts said. Employees at OpenAI, for example, have raised concerns about the company's security practices when testing models, which were ignored, The Times reported.
In those situations, a court could hold the A.I developer negli-
gent if harm was associated with a
hack, the experts said.
Liability becomes less clear in cases involving open-source A.I. models, the experts said, in which the developer of an A.I. product shares its underlying code and people can change it.
Many legal liability concepts could be easily applied to A.I., said Catherine Sharkey, a law professor at New York University who is an expert in liability. If an A.I.-powered physical system, such as a medical device, causes harm, that could be an easy case.
But judges will need to grapple with rapidly advancing systems that can do more and more on their own, she added.
"With fully agentic A.I., it starts to really press the boundaries of a lot of doctrines that will have to adapt in a more significant way," she said.
Adding to the uncertainty: A.I. is inherently unpredictable.
Courts find companies liable for negligence when they foresee that their products can cause harm. But building that case could be challenging if an A.I. model exhibited harmful behavior for the first time, said Ryan Calo, a law professor at the University of Washington who studies autonomous systems.
"You have the possibility of victims without perpetrators," Mr. Calo said.
Kate Conger contributed reporting from Seattle, and Cecilia Kang from Washington.
Gabby Williams "understands the little things that it takes to win," her teammate Veronica Burton (22) said. Golden State is facing Las Vegas in the semifinals.
KAVIN MISTRY/GETTY IMAGES: INSET, TONY GUTIERREZ/ASSOCIATED PRESS
SAN FRANCISCO — The 17 minutes of action for Gabby Williams, in Game 3 of the Golden State Valkyries' first-round matchup against the Dallas Wings, could only be described as rough.
She missed seven of eight shots. Her rhythm and energy seemed thrown off by the anxiousness sweeping through Chase Center.
But Valkyries wing Kaila Charles, the do-it-all reserve, stayed in Williams's ear.
"I just kept telling her, like, 'Girl, you're the best player on this court. In the league,' Charles said, punctuating her exhortations with an explicit adjective. "Do what you do."
In hindsight, the ensuing turnup by Williams was inevitable. She has shown it all season. Her alpha dog talent. Her diverse impact on the court. Her fearlessness in the clutch. And the entirety of Valkyries' culture invested in hoisting her on their pedestal.
So they were validated when she scored 17 points over the final 13 minutes of Friday's game, including three critical 3-pointers that shook the Wings and four clutch free throws to send the Valkyries into the semifinals.
"OK, she didn't have the best start," Charles continued. "But for her, to take those shots, hit those shots, get those stops, hit those touch free throws at the end. That just shows the type of player she is. And I so hope everybody can recognize her. I'm so glad she's getting her flowers. She's only going to be up from here. She is honestly the GOAT."
Williams kept it up on Sunday, in a 71-60 win over the Las Vegas Aces in Game 1. She matched A'ja Wilson bucket for bucket, moment for moment. Golden State's star was the best player on the court. Her line — 25 points on 9-of-18 shooting, 11 rebounds, 5 assists
— looked like one of Wilson's stat lines. But the Vegas star needed 21 shots to get 24 points and had four rebounds with no assists.
It was another big night in Ballhalla for Williams, who has family roots in the East Bay. This place is home for more reasons than just her local ties:
A fearless star who has family ties to the East Bay rewards her team's trust.
It is where she flourished in a way she had never before been allowed.
If home is where the heart is, Williams's is now purple.
"I came here just because I just wanted someone to believe in me," Williams said. "That's really it — in the league, at least.
She added: "I never quite got that belief in the W from the staff or from teammates."
The regular season feels like a massage compared with the smothering intensity of the postseason, especially for the favorites. The pressure gets heavier. The mind races faster. Increased intensity and execution are demanded.
The championship banner Golden State expects, the one the owner Joe Lacob decreed by 2030 when the team was formed just two years ago through league expansion, required the Valkyries to experience the full range of game situations. Games when angst threatens to swallow humans whole. When the room for error shrinks to microscopic. When great separates from good.
And for that, the Valkyries brought in Williams.
The eight-year veteran came to Golden State for the larger responsibility, to be more in the W.N.B.A. than an elite role player. Like she is for the France national team. Like she has been for Fenerbahce in Turkey and Sopron Basket in Hungary. Williams believed she could be a go-to player, a creator of offense and a maestro of moments. And the Valkyries believed her too.
"She's incredible, and she motivates me," Valkyries guard Veronica Burton said. "The humility that she has, her story and everything that she's been able to experience, it motivates me. She is such a team player. She understands the little things that it takes to win, and she can impact the game on both ends of the floor."
The W.N.B.A. playoffs are an elitist society. It's a season owned and controlled by superstars and all-time greats. The biggest question about Golden State centered on their lack of such a player.
The Valkyries play stellar team defense, feature a formidable second unit and have a crowd raucous enough to swing the action. But when the games come down to the high-stakes moments, the other team would always have the best player on the floor, a woman with greater accolades and experience and repertoire.
What would the Valkyries have?
“What would the talkyries have?” “It’s Gabby Williams,” Hayes said, using a profanity to get her point across. “What you talkin’ about?”
An Early Exit Looms for the Yankees After a Game of Gaffes
JULIO AGUILAR/GETTY IMAGES
MIKE CARLSON/M.E.II. PHOTOS, VIA GETTY IMAGES
By BRENDAN KUTY
The Athletic
ST. PETERSBURG, Fla. — Say what you want about Jazz Chisholm Jr., but on Monday night, it would have been hard to call him a liar.
After making an ill-advised, no-look throw that allowed the first run to score in the New York Yankees' mistake-filled, 5-2 loss to the Tampa Bay Rays in Game 2 of their American League division series, Chisholm said that if he had another chance, he would have tried it again.
So when he described the embarrassing effort that dug the Yankees an 0-2 deficit in the best-of-five series, you had to believe him.
"Obviously," he said, "I feel like we beat ourselves today in a lot of ways."
Yes, obviously.
And, yes, in a lot of ways.
And, yes, in a lot of ways.
With the ace Cam Schlittler on the mound, and after the former Yankee Derek Jeter went on Fox and called the game a "must win," the Yankees choked. It will remind fans of how they melted down in the deciding Game 5 of the 2024 World Series to the eventual champions, the Los Angeles Dodgers. Or how last year they lost the first two division series games to the Toronto Blue Jays and were bounced in four.
With Schlittler unable to rack up strikeouts, and with Tropicana Field packed to the roof and loud, the Yankees' defense imploded. It was a horror show that would have made Little Leaguers spike their ice cream cones in disgust.
The final tally? Four errors.
"A really rough night to say the least for us," Yankees Manager Aaron Boone said.
Really, that would have been saying the least.
The Yankees are now staring at long odds of advancing to the American League Championship Series.
In M.L.B. history, only 10 of 91 teams (11 percent) have come back after going down, two games to none, in a five-game series.
"You've got to be confident, even when you go down," designated hitter Ben Rice said. "You've just got to take it game by game, at-bat by at-bat. Keep trying to win pitches."
OK, then what were the Yankees doing on Monday?
Well, they were making history. Their four errors tied the second most by a Yankees club in a postseason game, behind only a loss in Game 2 of the 1976 A.L.C.S. against the Kansas City Royals. They made three of those errors in the first inning — the first time the Yankees committed that many errors in an inning in
Brendan Kuty covers the Yankees for The Athletic.
a playoff game in franchise history.
"It starts with me," Schlittler said. "I'll be the first one to say that I didn't do my job. But it didn't seem like we really showed up today. So that's what happens. They played really good baseball and took advantage of those opportunities."
The favorite to win the A.L. Cy Young Award, Schlittler did not live up to his own lofty standards. He lasted four and a third innings, striking out only two batters. He registered just seven swings-and-misses on 76 pitches.
But his teammates? They were about as helpful as a weighted vest to a tourist floating off the St. Pete Pier.
It started with the first ball the Rays put into play. The Rays' leadoff man, Yandy Díaz, hit a grounder to third baseman Ryan McMahon that bounced toward his chest. He simply did not
Above, Jazz Chisholm Jr.'s error in the first inning allowed the Rays to score their first run. Left, Tampa Bay's Jonny DeLuca reached first base on a throwing error by George Lombard Jr. in the fifth inning.
catch it, and Díaz was safe.
"Just shot up on me a little bit, and I wasn't able to snag it," he said.
Two batters later, Chisholm took a double-play feed from shortstop George Lombard Jr. and failed to look before throwing toward first base while falling to the ground. The throw went wide and skipped past first baseman Luis Garcia Jr., allowing Diaz to score.
Boone defended the head-scratching decision.
"Probably best if you're under control and you make the throw, though it's probably going to be bang-bang," he said. "So I don't necessarily have a problem with the throw. We've got to play catch. It's the big leagues."
Immediately after Chisholm's error, an opposing scout in attendance sent a text to The Athletic: "There it is." The remark was in reference to the Yankees' reputation for making mistakes when the pressure is on.
Then, in the next at-bat, catcher Austin Wells set up too close to Liam Hicks, whose checked swing hit Wells's glove for a catcher's interference call, another costly error. It erased what would have been a called
MIKE STORE/GETTY IMAGES
Manager Aaron Boone watched his team's defense implode on Monday night.
third strike.
In the fifth inning, it got worse. With one out, a runner on third base and Tampa Bay up two runs, speedy Chandler Simpson hit a tapper to Lombard, who was playing in but could not glove it. The run scored. The play was ruled an error before being changed to a fielder's choice.
That led to Jonny DeLuca hitting a grounder at Lombard, whose throw to first sailed wide, pulling García off the bag. Then with runners on second and third after a stolen base, Richie Palacios hit a two-run single for a 5-1 Rays lead.
"It was just one of those games where things kind of compiled and stacked up on top of each other," Lombard said.
Now, too much may have piled up on the Yankees, who were also victims of Wells's mental mistake in Game 1, when he tried to stretch a double into a triple and was thrown out at third with two outs in the eighth inning. The Yankees lost, 1-0.
The Yankees will hope their starting pitcher Max Fried and the crowd at Yankee Stadium can save them in Game 3 on Wednesday night.
But after that they would still have to win another two games against the Rays, including Game 5 at Tropicana Field, where the Rays tied for the best home record in the majors.
It is also where Rays fans — after finishing the season with the third-worst attendance (1,414,975) in the majors — have finally started showing up. During those three remaining games, the Yankees would also have to try again to beat Drew Rasmussen, who has owned them in his career and nearly no-hit them in Game 1.
Leaving the Sunshine State, the forecast for the Yankees is cloudy.
"Not great," McMahon said.
Especially when you are supposed to beat the other guys, not yourselves.
COMMENTARY
悲恸弥漫于故事之中，以及一家处于变动中的工作室
作者：SAM MACHKOVECH
不列颠哥伦比亚省温哥华 —— 《战争机器：E日》（Gears of War: E-Day）作为 Xbox 科幻军事系列的新作，是对战争破坏力的全方位记录。坍塌的建筑中翻滚着火焰和烟雾效果，令人联想到现实生活中的悲剧，而角色面部则令人信服地传达出步兵小队沉重且难以言表的复杂情感。
这部前传的叙事轨迹设定在人类与地下外星生物群之间爆发冲突的初始阶段，一座巍峨的城市化为废墟，这与现代游戏产业产生了意想不到的平行之处。在经历了近六年的开发后，《E日》在本周面世，而此时 Xbox 正处于重大的领导层重组、工作室关闭以及一系列裁员之中。
Inside the Coalition studio in Vancouver, British Columbia, where Gears of War: E-Day was developed, a process that included motion capture, top left, and testing, above right.
A Priest in Cleveland Prays For a Devout White Sox Fan
By JON GREENBERG
The Athletic
CLEVELAND — The Rev. Eric Garris, the vocation director for the Diocese of Cleveland, lives in the seminary downtown, close enough to the stadiums that "people barking outside of my window" kept him up long after the Cleveland Browns defeated the Pittsburgh Steelers last Thursday night.
He didn't mind. Garris, 36, is a Cleveland lifer and a major sports fan. He was probably barking right back.
We spoke on the phone on Friday after I reached out to the local diocese because I wondered: What's it like for a Catholic priest to root against Pope Leo XIV's favorite team?
Garris said he has joked, "I join myself in praying for the pope and his humanity and who he is as a person, but I do not join myself with some of his particular intercessions and prayers, namely for his team."
In Cleveland, it is hard not to see parallels between sports and religion, particularly in the themes of redemptive suffering.
"Maybe he knows the struggles of being a Browns fan," Garris mused, while wondering whether the man formerly known as Robert Prevost watched the team formerly known as the Cleveland Indians lose two World Series in the 1990s.
Jon Greenberg is a senior columnist for The Athletic.
REV. ELEC GARINS
The Rev. Eric Garris occasionally leads Mass for the staff of the Cleveland Guardians.
I have written about the "Pope effect" often over the past two seasons, and it remains fascinating to me that a Sox fan from Dolton is now the head of the Roman Catholic Church. A guy who can spell "Pierzynski" is the Vicar of Christ. The Bishop of Rome will probably be dialed into Game 3 of the American League division series between the Chicago White Sox and the Cleveland Guardians on Wednesday, when Chicago, up by two games to none, could clinch the series.
"I think it was a couple of weeks ago when the White Sox were in town, and Petey Halpin hit a three-run home run; I tweeted out how bizarre it is to think that the Holy Father knows who Petey Halpin is, just based on that game," Garris said. "It's a fun thing. I think, if anything, it humanizes the pope. He gets this kind of thing rather than he's off in a castle doing his pope activities, you know. Like, there's a sense of humanity that's there."
So does the pope really have thoughts about the Sox's opener strategy? Is he worried about José Ramírez?
"People have asked me, 'Do you think he watches the games?" said the Rev. Tom McCarthy, the prior provincial of Pope Leo's old order in Chicago, the Midwest Augustinians, who recently visited with the pope at the Vatican, bringing him a box of Sox memorabilia. "Well, if he's watching a game that's on at night, that means he's up at three in the morning. So I would say he follows very evidently. He follows what's going on. I don't know how much he can actually watch unless he tapes it."
After Pope Leo XIV offered "the Almighty's abundant blessings," the Chicago White Sox went on to sweep the Houston Astros.
RENO CASILLI/REUTERS
Good thing that the games in this series have been earlier so far. Wednesday's game is at 4 p.m. Eastern, or 10 p.m. in Rome.
Last Tuesday, the White Sox chairman Jerry Reinsdorf got a letter in the mail from Pope Leo, and the team posted it on social media. In it, the pope wrote that he would "willingly invoke the Almighty's abundant blessings upon you and your loved ones."
The Sox went on to sweep the Houston Astros in fairly easy fashion, and Reinsdorf, who is Jewish, joked that he was ready to convert. So is Garris worried that his beloved Guardians have to deal with the top run-scoring offense in the American League and the Almighty's abundant blessings?
"Well, I think abundant blessings is not a divine shout-out," he said. "It's not like the pope is the puppeteer of God orchestrating another White Sox run. I think he's invoking his abundant blessings because that's what he does. He blesses things, he blesses people, all that.
"But I will say, when I did see that, I'm like, 'I don't like it.'"
Garris, who occasionally leads Mass for Guardians staff at the stadium, has already dealt with playoff heartbreak at the hands of a Chicago team — in 2016, against the Cubs.
"I was at Game 7 of the World Series," he said. "I remember Rajai Davis hit his home run, and I started jumping and hugging and crying with people who were sitting next to me."
While the rest of that game was a painful memory, it also reminds Garris of the connective power of sports and faith.
"I've been thinking about why do I care about sports?" he said. "Because it's not just merely pride, but it brings people together. It bonds communities. To know that he has that experience of being bound to people, not just merely because he's the pope, but because, hey, I'm a person and I do things that people do."
McCarthy said the pope is aware of the effect his fandom is having and was pleasantly surprised to learn about fans doing a "peace be with you" blessing at the Sox game honoring him.
"He has talked extensively about the power of sports and athletics and what they can do to build community and to build camaraderie among people, and I think that's what he's doing with this," he said.
Garris loved the promotion from afar and said he saw one of the "pope hat" giveaway items make its way to the student lounge of his Cleveland semi-nary.
"I'm 36 years old. I've had a number of popes in my lifetime," he said. "But John Paul is Polish, Benedict is German, Francis is
十年前，欧文斯 —— 亿万富翁、黑石集团（Blackstone）联合创始人兼首席执行官斯蒂芬·A·施瓦茨曼（Stephen A. Schwarzman）的女儿 —— 曾是一名有志于写作的作者和全职母亲。而现在，她是出版界的一位重要人物，担任 Zibby Media 的创始人兼首席执行官，该公司旗下包括一个播客、一家出版公司、一家书店、一个读书会以及一系列阅读静修活动。
（接 06 页）
LEI PARRA / THE NEW YORK TIMES
齐比·欧文斯，Zibby Media 创始人兼首席执行官，近期出版了《章节之间：我如何重新开始，冒险尝试并找到主线》（Between Chapters: How I Started Over, Took Some Chances and Found the Plot）。
📄 Original Section
But he still hopes the Guardians beat the pope's favorite team in the division series.
Argentinian. To have a guy from Chicago and not just a random person, I saw that clip from when he was at the 2005 World Series, and I'm like, that's a baseball fan. He looks nervous. He was in it."
When it comes to Cleveland sports, Garris's faith never wavers. He has a ticket for Game 5 that he now hopes he gets to use, but he also doesn't expect miracles.
"I'm not ever emotionally ready for playoff baseball," he said. "I'm a big Guardians fan, and I'm excited, but I also am realistic to know that I need to guard my heart and temper my expectations based on my experiences of reality as a Cleveland sports fan."
If the White Sox keep making playoff runs, I wonder if dioceses or orders would start making friendly wagers like city mayors.
"I'm willing to put a rosary or two on the line," Garris said.
McCarthy said he would be game. When asked for a prediction, he said, "The Sox are going to win, of course."
And from his lips to, well, you know.
As for Garris, he said he has been to the Vatican, but has not met a pope yet. If he ever gets some face time with Pope Leo, he said he wouldn't immediately start talking baseball. He would play it cool. But if they get to talking, he hopes to tell him that he is very sorry about what the Guardians did to the pope's favorite team in the 2026 A.L.D.S.
在过去的几十年里，现年 71岁的昆斯积累了一小批艺术品收藏，大部分存放于他在上东区的联排别墅中。他将出售九幅画作，艺术家包括毕加索、马奈以及荷兰黄金时代的画家科内利斯·范·哈勒姆（Cornelis van Haarlem）。据佳士得估计，这批收藏的成交额将超过 1亿美元，但佳士得拒绝公开披露委托人身份。
What's another \$499 on the long, expensive road from youth sports to collegiate athlete?
For some, it's predatory, which is how the former N.F.L. player Chris Long described it. To others, it's another avenue toward a college football scholarship. For others still, it blurs a line: How can a website that covers, evaluates and ranks recruits now charge money for the privilege of being listed among them?
To the man asking parents to pay \$499 to have their sons evaluated by his company, it is closing an obvious gap between the stars and the hidden gems.
That is the price tag that Rivals, one of the most recognizable and longest-running sites covering college football recruiting, put on a new program that would allow any football player who has not been formally evaluated to be assessed by Rivals scouts, with a full written report. The program, called Rivals Recruits, set off a frenzy of largely negative reactions.
The former Heisman Trophy winner and Fox broadcaster Robert Griffin III called it a "massive money grab."
College football's general managers and front office staffers were similarly put off.
“Sad,” said a Power 4 assistant general manager who was not authorized to speak publicly on the matter and was granted anonymity.
The Rivals co-founder Shannon Terry, one of the pioneers in the coverage of college football recruiting, disagrees.
“Thirty years I have spent my professional adulthood putting everything I have into building something of great value and great service for the whole ecosystem,” he said.
To Terry, who created Rivals in 2000 and reacquired it under the On3 umbrella in April 2025, this program is destined to help underserved programs and recruits alike find each other. It “is that conduit, where those kids that are kicking butt in high school games but they’re not perfect and they don’t have a bunch of offers,” Terry said. “This is the place for us to showcase those and those that want to level up and take it.”
The new "On the Radar" platform allows players and their parents to create a profile page — which operates like a traditional recruiting profile page, but is more robust — for themselves in
Christopher Kamrani and Sam Khan Jr. cover college football for The Athletic.
the hopes of being noticed by college coaches. It comes at a cost: \$29.99 for the first year and renewing at \$59.99 thereafter, with inclusions for site subscriptions under the On3.com umbrella.
The \$499 offer is a separate one that, if purchased, complements the player profile with an in-depth evaluation. Terry believes this endeavor can serve a different constituency: players who are not likely to have star ratings or rankings, those who may not play in the Football Bowl Subdivision. And, he says, scores of parents have approached him either in person or online to ask him whether there is a service tailored to the high school football athlete who is talented enough to play college football, but not necessarily for the established Power 4 elites.
There was, according to Terry, a resource gap. Do coaching staffs see that gap? And do players graded as lower-level collegiate prospects see that gap, too?
The program allows any football player who has not been formally evaluated to receive an in-depth assessment by Rivals scouts.
MAANSI SRIVASTAVA FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
A parent of a high school player, who asked to remain anonymous so he would not damage his son's potential recruiting prospects, called the new Rivals personal scouting evaluation "very comprehensive." Rivals evaluators spent "a ton of time" on his son's film and interviewed the player's high school coach to learn more about the player's skills and personality. The evaluation of his son's current talent level, the parent explained, was "spot-on."
The one gripe the parent had was that the evaluators did not have the most up-to-date height and weight for the player, which, in turn, the parent believes hurt the player's overall recruiting score in the system.
As for whether the process has helped his son raise his recruiting profile to schools nationwide, the parent said that remains to be seen.
"To be honest, I don't know if the Rivals process has helped him or not," the parent said.
One player in the 2027 class who asked to remain anonymous so he would not affect his own recruiting process said he spent his own money on the evaluation because it was his senior year and he had only a few Division III offers. His goal is to play at the F.B.S. or Football Championship Subdivision level and said having as much knowledge as possible about his own game could help him during the recruiting process.
COLLEGE FOOTBALL
The player emphasized that he knew the process was not "going to make me a four- or five-star recruit overnight," adding: "They were definitely 100 percent honest."
Once a player pays for a personal evaluation, Rivals scouts wait to receive the player's position, height and weight, highlight clips, academic information and contact information for his high school coach. Every evaluation features a background interview with the coach. Terry said it takes up to two weeks for the scout to build a full personal scouting report with a detailed film breakdown and a grade from 1 to 10 on 10 different skill sections. They are also given a grade on what level the scout believes they can play at, from Division III all the way up to the F.B.S.
A new program from Rivals to assess high school football talent.
Terry said players can choose whether to make their personal evaluations public. They are given that option in case they do not agree with the evaluation and don't want that information accessible by anyone. So far, Terry said, he has had positive and negative feedback from parents.
It is worth noting that recruiting sites like Rivals, 247Sports and On3 function primarily as a consumer product for fans. College football coaches and front offices pay attention to player star ratings and team rankings, even if many say they don't. But teams conduct their own evaluations of high school recruits and typically do not base their evaluations on the content of these sites.
The biggest hangup and criticism of the Rivals program is the cost. Why charge players (or their families) hundreds for something the recruiting websites have been doing for years for free? Recruits who end up on the site have never paid for profile pages or evaluations. A Power 4 general manager, who requested anonymity in exchange for candor, said there is "zero reason" to charge players or their families for this and suggested that if anything, Rivals should charge the college football programs instead.
When asked whether Rivals entertained the offer of charging this service to lower-level programs to help out their own recruiting processes, he said in an ideal world that would be the case, but Rivals does not have the staffing to handle that number of high school players. Right now the site has eight full-time scouts available for these evaluations.
Terry said he hopes the price point can someday be lowered, but he emphasized that the product "costs us real money to produce."
Will it help these players field more attention from programs of their caliber?
A Group of 6 general manager said he does not think many staffs truly depend on recruiting websites like Rivals or 247Sports to find recruits. Most colleges already subscribe to nonpublic recruiting services that assist them in prospect identification.
"Our prospect lists go way beyond theirs," the general manager said.
But not everyone completely dismissed the idea.
"There's definitely a scouting gap that exists where it's harder to find in-depth recruiting data for non-F.B.S. talent," an F.C.S. general manager said. "But at the same time, with social media as it currently stands, if there are good players out there, teams find them."
Mitch Leppke, who is entering his third season as the defensive coordinator at McPherson College in the N.A.I.A., weighed in on social media last week with a message to players: "Please don't do this to yourself."
Some view this as just another added cost in the youth sports industry that continues to gouge the bank accounts of parents trying to see if their children can fulfill a dream of playing college sports. Many high school football players no longer just have to pony up for gear each fall. There are added off-season costs that include 7-on-7 camps, workouts with private positional coaches and football events hosted by schools and recruiting sites themselves. Others see the new enterprise as a recruiting site exploring an alternate revenue stream.
Other detractors have claimed that this new platform clouds the already blurred lines of editorial responsibility if On3 is covering recruiting and Rivals is charging athletes for evaluations. Terry reiterated that money and influence cannot sway a scout's ranking of a player and affect the star value.
"People don't come to us and say, 'Hey, we'll pay you this to rank our kid three stars or four stars,' Terry said.
But at least to some players, the Rivals package is another shot to get their names out there in the recruiting sphere, regardless of the cost. The player who spoke to The Athletic said that, with it being his last few months of high school, he wanted to give himself every possible chance to be seen.
"If you're someone like me who believes you can be a D-I prospect but haven't gotten the recognition yet, then sure it's worth it," he said. "At least now I know that I don't go D-I, then at least I took every possible avenue to try and get there."
Nathan McPeek, coach at Frederick Douglass High School in Lexington, Ky., said that if one of his players asked him for his opinion on it, he would advise them to spend that money elsewhere. Right now, it's the reality of youth football in America. Paying for anything from individual training coaches or speed experts to nutrition plans has trickled down to the high school level.
"I've never had a kid who signed a D-I scholarship during my coaching career where the parents didn't invest something extra," McPeek said. "Football is a year-round sport now. We've created that."
PRO FOOTBALL
杰夫·昆斯将出售 1亿美元 的个人艺术收藏
接第CI页
ESTATE OF PABLO PICASSO / ARTISTS RIGHTS SOCIETY (ARI), NEW YORK, VIA CHRISTI'S IMAGES LTD. 2006
图片来源（从上至下）：MACALL POLAY / CENTURY STUDIOS；ALSHA WETHERILL / AMAZON AND MGM STUDIOS；MELINDA SUE GORDON / UNIVERSAL PICTURES
📄 Original Section
Welcome to Tomlinburgh, 12-Year Passion Project of an Ex-Coach
ANALYSIS
PHOTOGRAPHS VIA MIKE TOMLIN
Mike Tomlin, center with his son Dino, provided a 19-minute video tour of Tomlinburgh last Wednesday. His vast Minecraft world includes high-rise buildings with balconies, and a baseball field.
在同一个日历年内有三部电影在首映周末夺冠绝非易事。这一成就的确切历史记录似乎难以界定，但金·凯瑞（Jim Carrey）在 1994 年凭借《王牌大侦探》（Ace Ventura: Pet Detective）、《变面》（The Mask）和《呆比和呆比》（Dumb and Dumber）实现了这一目标。十年后的 2004, 本·斯蒂勒（Ben Stiller）凭借《波莉来了》（Along Came Polly）、《躲避球：真实弱者故事》（Dodgeball: A True Underdog Story）和《遇见福克一家》（Meet the Fockers）完成了这一三连冠。许多演员在一年内出演过不止一部 No. 1 电影，但其中一些仅是客串或其他小角色。
无论从哪个衡量标准来看，海瑟薇今年都非常忙碌。《真相》是她在 2026, 发布的第五部也是最后一部作品，此前她先后在 4 月的流行梦幻片《圣母玛利亚》（Mother Mary）中饰演主角，次月出演《穿普拉达的恶魔 2》，以及 7 月中旬的《奥德赛》。8 月，海瑟薇在恐龙冒险故事《橡树街的终结》（The End of Oak Street）中饰演一位勇敢的母亲。
当她第一次看到今年的发行计划时，海瑟薇在 8 月告诉《好莱坞报道》（The Hollywood Reporter）：“我有点觉得自己在被整蛊。”她告诉制片厂：“只要观众没看厌我的脸就行。”
You cannot simply walk into Tomlinburgh. No, you need an invitation. And a guide. Who better than the man who laid every block himself?
After weeks of anticipation, Mike Tomlin, a former Pittsburgh Steelers coach, welcomed the masses into his sprawling Minecraft world last week. Tomlin, a Super Bowl-winning coach, first mentioned the project during an interview with Craig Melvin on the "Today" show on Sept. 8, sparking online demands that he open the gates.
"I started playing Minecraft, man, when my kids were young," Tomlin said. "I have a Minecraft city in creative that I've been working on for, like, 12 years."
Tomlin went on to explain that he began playing the game as a way to connect with his children and unwind with "mindless en-
Matt Moret is a news editor for The Athletic.
tertainment." He teased that he might give a peek inside. Then his son Dino spent the next three weeks promoting a reveal on social media.
A total of 20,000 concurrent viewers ended up watching a 19-minute video of Tomlin, controller in hand, touring virtual high-rises and rooftop bars last Wednesday. The video has garnered more than three million views.
"I kind of wanted densely populated buildings and so forth, so I started small," Tomlin said as his first-person character levitated over a vast pixel landscape with a huge bay at the center. "Of course, over the course of 12 years, you start developing neighborhoods and communities and so forth."
Tomlin said that he would get into those developments in another episode. Last Wednesday's debut began with the building that started it all: a boutique hotel overlooking a bay much more blue than any of Pittsburgh's three rivers.
Upon entering the hotel, Tomlin welcomed viewers into an area he called his “executive spa” that included therapy rooms. Crossing the lobby, Tomlin showed off a vast “multipurpose conference room” that was mostly empty beyond some decorative plants. This was a recurring theme.
Minecraft does not have much "furniture," per se. Instead, Tomlin relied on the mind's eye. Imagine tables full of built-in power outlets. Perhaps an overhead projector in the corner. Minor executives with fake titles staring dead-eyed into their laptops. The multipurpose conference room of your dreams — or, apparently, Tomlin's.
Still, the room lent a view into Tomlin's design philosophy. The ceiling was made of glass, and Tomlin explained how integral lighting was to his creative process. Minecraft had limited lighting options when he began his project more than a decade ago, he explained, so he turned to glow blocks, torches, floor-to-
安妮·哈撒韦（Anne Hathaway）分别出现在（从上至下）《穿普拉达的女王 2》、《真实》和《奥德赛》中。她今年还主演了两部其他电影：《玛丽之母》（Mother Mary）和《橡树街的终结》（The End of Oak Street）。在 2026 年之前，哈撒韦最近的一部主流院线电影是 2018 年的《海洋 8》。
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📄 Original Section
Entering the world of Minecraft to connect with his children.
ceiling windows and vast sky-
lights to illuminate his spaces.
He was chasing realism in all
facets of his art.
"I was always really conscious of appropriate amenities," Tomlin said. "You'll find, you know, an appropriate number of public restrooms and stuff throughout all my public facilities. Not anything over the top in terms of detail: sink areas, stalls, etc. It was important that I represented that."
Tomlin walked viewers through a restaurant space that was, again, mostly empty, yet beautiful in its brutalist minimalism. Downstairs, viewers visited his speakeasy, equipped with a bar and an illuminated window into the depths of a large pool outside. It included an employee work area and kitchen because, as Tomlin said, that was "appropriate."
Here, Tomlin paused to explain his vision for the new series of travelogues.
"In this episode, I wanted to talk about residential housing, man. I was really into the urban architecture. High-rise apartment buildings, etc.," he said before unveiling a building themed around centralized aquariums. He continued: "I did it because it was across the street from the aquarium I built in the city. I'll give you a tour of this aquarium at some point. It is crazy. You'll love it."
"The crazy part is how much time it took you to get that water situated, though," Dino Tomlin chimed in.
"That was a nightmare," Tomlin replied with a chuckle.
Inside the building, viewers saw one of the penthouse bedrooms Tomlin meticulously crafted, cube by cube. The rooms were complete with beds, fire-
places and strange paintings that Tomlin later said he disliked but that gave the spaces an element of interior design.
"For whatever reason, I always got fixated on providing details in bedrooms," he said. "I would build out bedrooms and put the interior decorating, etc., probably more so than any other component of the residences."
Tomlin showed a few more high-rise buildings with balconies and one with his favorite rooftop spot. It all overlooked landscapes of terraformed canyons, rivers and the remnants of mountains Tomlin blew apart.
"I'd go places and I'd see things and buildings, and I'd get inspired. I'd go home and I'd work on it," he said.
Tomlin wrapped the tour with teases of more wonders to come.
"I'll come back at you, looking at various components of town. In the next episode, we'll take a look at something that I think you're going to find interesting — something that's really cool. So stay with us."
ARLINGTON, Va. — What Alex Ovechkin opened as a possibility on Monday is something that Alex Ovechkin does not particularly want: a final appearance in each and every N.H.L. rink, with perhaps a hat tip and a token of respect — a watch, a rocking chair, a speech — to acknowledge a career unlike any other.
He is retiring, and when hockey's all-time leading goal-scorer hangs up the skates after 22 seasons and at least 929 goals, recognition is warranted.
"I'm going to focus on my game," Ovechkin said on Monday at the Washington Capitals' practice venue, where he announced that the 2026-27 season will be his last.
"I'm going to focus to help the team to win. Obviously, if some different teams want to do something, yeah, why not? To be honest with you, I'm not going to pay attention to that."
There has been a swirl around Ovechkin since he entered the league as a barely 20-year-old just trying to find his way in a new country, a new city and a new culture, all while speaking an unfamiliar language. There will be a swirl around him as he exits all these years later.
"Times fly," he said.
True enough. The youngest Capitals should listen to their wise elder — who gathered the team and staff to make the announcement — because he knows better than most: The days might be long, but the years are absolutely short.
"A lot to digest," his longtime teammate Tom Wilson said.
Now 41, Alex Ovechkin of the Washington Capitals broke the record for most career goals in 2025. | PLAYER | CAREER | GOALS | Alex Ovechkin | 2005-present | 929 | Wayne Gretzky* | 1979-99 | 894 | Gordie Howe* | 1946-80 | 801 | Jaromir Jagr | 1990-2018 | 766 | Brett Hull* | 1986-2006 | 741 | Marcel Dionne* | 1971-89 | 731 | Phil Esposito* | 1963-81 | 717 | Mike Gartner* | 1979-98 | 708 | \*Hall of Fame. Statistics through Monday. Source: Hockey Reference.
Barry Svrluga is a senior columnist for The Athletic.
We have a full season, beginning with Wednesday night's home opener against Pittsburgh to savor the meal.
This is how this should have concluded, both for the most important player in franchise history and for the franchise itself. Whatever reservations Ovechkin had about being feted in most cities he visits for the final time, they had to be outweighed by providing clarity to the only team for which he has played. The Capitals endured a spring of uncertainty awaiting Ovechkin's decision in 2026. They could not go through that again in 2027.
So, then, get wistful.
“Hearing the finality of him saying, ‘This is going to be my last year,’ there’s a lot of mixed emotions,” Capitals Coach Spencer Carbery said. “You’re almost like, there’s a sadness to it. And then I’ll turn into, like, super grateful.”
Which should about capture the mood in the fan base. No current Capitals teammate or coach knows a locker room without Ovechkin in it. So many fans have not flipped on a game or bought a ticket without expecting to see No. 8 barreling down the left wing, setting up shop in the left circle on the power play. He came to Washington as a foreign curiosity. He leaves as part of the furniture. What are the Capitals even like with no Ovi in the room?
"He had a nap the other day for like an hour or so, and he wasn't around," Wilson said. "So that's the closet thing that we've had to 'No Ovi on the Caps.'"
Ovechkin's coaches and teammates have long suspected that the gray-bearded 41-year-old would not want a lot of hoopla around his final appearance in each arena. To that we say: too bad. As of Monday afternoon, the get-in price for the Capitals' final regular-season home game at Capital One Arena — also against the Penguins — was \$890.60. (Psst. Want to see his actual last regular-season game? A seat at that April 10 event in Philadelphia was only \$350.)
Yet if those are Ovechkin's actual last games, then something with the season will have gone sideways. A year after missing the playoffs, these re-tooled Capitals have designs on playing deep into the spring. So there is a push-pull at work here: How does Washington honor the player for his unique career without distracting from the team goals that are, frankly, to win the whole darn thing?
"I told him a story," Carbery said. The coach and captain spoke by phone on Sunday about this very issue, when Ovechkin
HOCKEY
KARL DEBLAKER/ASSOCIATED PRESS
GEOFF BURKE/IMACN IMAGES
told Carbery his plans. Carbery created an example: What if a father in, say, Minnesota wants to take his 12-year-old to see Ovechkin one last time? And what if that kid saw Ovechkin in his final season, and got to pass on that story to his kids?
"Even though he doesn't love that and the handshakes and it being about him individually," Carbery said, "I think there is part of him that's understanding that people want to say goodbye and people want to see you for the last time."
Which is great. Plus, Ovechkin has respect for the game's traditions. In 2025, when Washington faced Marc-Andre Fleury for the last time in the veteran goaltender's 21st and final season, it was Ovechkin who called the Capitals back onto the ice to shake hands with his longtime nemesis. He cares about that stuff.
The timing of the announcement — before the home opener, but not before the season — seems a little odd. It's not hard to wonder whether Ovechkin wanted to steer the conversation back to his hockey career and away from his decision to appear in a pro-Vladimir V. Putin propaganda ad back home in Russia. We don't know, and he shed little light on when he actually came to this conclusion.
"It's a hard decision for me," Ovechkin said. "But how I say, I have to look in the future, and I
Washington's Alex Ovechkin has announced that he will be retiring after 22 seasons. Left, Ovechkin scoring his 895th career goal last year, breaking Wayne Gretzky's record.
have to be able to play with the kids and be healthy and do little things."
Which brings up a question after Ovechkin opened the season by averaging just more than 13 minutes of ice time in the Capitals' first two games: How does your body feel?
"Um, it's OK," he said.
That's not, "Terrible." But it's also not, "I feel great." Time is undefeated, and if it has not already overtaken Ovechkin, he is at least self-aware enough to know that he has staved it off far longer than most, and he probably shouldn't look over his shoulder. Carbery and the coaches are clearly going to use him judiciously (read: sparingly), and he is going to have to make the most out of what could be scant opportunities.
Which all makes it easier to see the end.
"It's been a pretty good career," Ovechkin said. "Pretty good 22 seasons."
The 22nd season is barely underway. The last of his 22 home openers comes on Wednesday night. We are in the opening stanza of the final movement of Alex Ovechkin's career. Enjoy the first of the lasts, and all the ceremony that comes with it.
谜题由威尔·肖茨（WILL SHORTZ）设计。昨天的答案：有人想要废电池吗？我有一大堆要送人，免费（free of charge）。
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📄 Original Section
FIFA Found Congo Player Ineligible but Let Him Play in World Cup Anyway
ULISES RUIZ/AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE — GETTY IMAGES
BRETT DAVIS/IMAGN IMAGES
Lionel Mpasi, left, had been declared ineligible but was quietly allowed to play for Congo, which won its World Cup eliminator, right.
By TARIQ PANJA
In the lead-up to the 2026 World Cup, FIFA officials faced some unwelcome news.
Legal officials at FIFA, world soccer's governing body, had privately determined that the Democratic Republic of Congo was fielding an ineligible player, according to internal documents and correspondence reviewed by The New York Times and to a top official who was directly involved with the case and who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss sensitive matters. Such a breach typically means a team will forfeit any match in which the player was ineligible.
Congo needed to win one more match, an eliminator against Jamaica, to reach the World Cup for the first time in 52 years. FIFA quietly allowed the player, and the team, to continue. Congo beat Jamaica and secured its spot at the tournament.
The 2026 World Cup has already put FIFA and its president, Gianni Infantino, under intense scrutiny. The tournament was dogged by questions about fair play and political interference, particularly after FIFA lifted the suspension of a U.S. player following a phone call between Infantino and President Trump.
It later emerged that Infantino had engaged in secret talks to sell a portion of future tournaments to a private fund run by the brother of Trump's son-in-law Jared Kushner. That plan prompted European soccer's governing body to threaten to bring a complaint to criminal court and led to questions over Infantino's future.
FIFA's review of the Congo team followed a complaint about player eligibility filed by Nigeria, which Congo had defeated to reach the match with Jamaica.
While investigating the complaint, FIFA found that Congo had never completed documentation to allow goalkeeper Lionel Mpasi to switch affiliations after he played for France's youth teams, according to the documents.
FIFA did not deny any of The Times's findings, saying only that it dismissed Nigeria's case on a technicality.
In an email to The Times, FIFA said its committees were “autonomous and decide cases based on the applicable regulations and the specific facts before them.” It said Infantino had no role in such decisions.
In the Congo case, FIFA officials drew up possible options, including awarding the match to Nigeria, imposing fines, replacing
Congo with Nigeria in the playoff against Jamaica or doing nothing on the grounds that Nigeria had filed its complaint late, the documents show.
Additional correspondence about the investigation, also reviewed by The Times, included details about FIFA's actions in previous cases that matched publicly known information. A FIFA legal official not involved in the case confirmed the authenticity of the documents obtained by The Times.
In 2016, after Greece fielded an ineligible player who had represented Australia at the youth level, FIFA acted decisively and imposed a 3-0 defeat for a game against Turkey. Two years later, FIFA changed the results of two Bolivia games for qualification to the 2018 World Cup after it deemed Bolivia had fielded a player who had represented Paraguay
in the past.
FIFA controls the most-watched event in soccer, the men's World Cup, and the 2026 tournament generated more than \$15 billion. As the global governing body, FIFA has enormous control over the sport.
The loss to Congo had seismic consequences for Nigerian soccer. It led, in part, to the resignation of the national soccer federation's entire board.
One of those officials, the federation's president, Ibrahim Musa Gusau, said that he was told their complaint had been dismissed for technical reasons but that they had not been informed about the finding on the goalkeeper's eligibility.
"They just kept quiet, and they can't tell anyone because they know it's going to be a serious crisis for them," he said of FIFA. He called for an investigation.
The Times reviewed a document that matched Gusau's description of FIFA's response.
The Congo case will also renew attention to Infantino's regional ties. As he fights to keep his job, he will most likely need African support.
During his tenure, he has spent political capital and millions of dollars of development funds on the region's 54 nations. Most of those countries are expected to support Infantino in next year's presidential election. FIFA has 211 members worldwide, and each has one vote, so winning the African electorate can be crucial.
At the time of the FIFA eligibility review, Véron Mosengo-Omba, an Infantino ally, was preparing a bid to run Congo's soccer federation. Two months later, amid euphoria at Congo's World Cup appearance, Mosengo-Omba was the sole candidate and was
The lack of action renews scrutiny of the governing body.
elected the federation's president. Eight other rivals had either withdrawn or been expelled after changes to eligibility rules.
Prince Zelkifli Rahman Ngoufonja, a Cameroonian former FIFA official known as Prince Zul, said that the relationship between Infantino and Mosengo-Omba raised questions. "If FIFA removed Congo from the World Cup," Prince Zul said, Infantino's ally's prospects "could have been damaged."
Mosengo-Omba said that he had not known of FIFA's findings.
Jamaica, the team Congo defeated to secure a World Cup berth, did not respond to a request for comment. CONCACAF, which oversees soccer in the Caribbean and North America, expressed disquiet about the process.
"Any concerns regarding player eligibility, particularly those that may affect the integrity of a competition or the interests of one of our member associations, need to be thoroughly reviewed and addressed," the body said in a statement.
Infantino is meeting this week with African soccer officials in Cape Verde, where he is expected to try to shore up political support for the FIFA presidential election.
"Infantino needs Africa for survival," Prince Zul said. "He can't afford to lose members in Africa." | North America | Yesterday | Today | Tomorrow | Acapulco | 84/75 0/04 | 85/76 R | 86/75 R | Bermuda | 84/79 0/28 | 81/77 R | 83/77 Sh | Buenos Aires | 55/72 0/02 | 55/73 R | 55/73 R | Guadalajara | 73/60 0 | 79/62 T | 79/60 T | Havana | 88/72 0 | 90/73 R | 89/74 R | Kingston | 91/80 0/08 | 93/80 T | 91/82 C | Kuala Lumpur | 86/78 0/07 | 99/77 R | 91/78 P | Mexico City | 68/58 0/19 | 73/57 Sh | 72/57 R | Monterrey | 80/67 0 | 85/66 Sh | 82/64 Sh | Madrid | 52/51 0/21 | 52/52 R | 52/51 R | Nassau | 88/77 0/01 | 90/77 T | 88/78 T | Panama City | 86/76 0/01 | 89/75 T | 90/75 T | Quebec City | 50/41 0/15 | 50/45 Sh | 60/41 Sh | Rome Darcego | 91/75 0/0 | 95/76 R | 91/76 R | Toronto | 56/41 0 | 70/51 PC | 65/45 S | Vancouver | 57/30 0 | 60/48 PC | 62/53 PC | Winnipeg | 66/39 0 | 62/40 W | 63/44 PC | South America | Yesterday | Today | Tomorrow | Buenos Aires | 66/58 0/0 | 65/58 Sh | 65/54 Sh | Czech Republic | 90/78 0/12 | 91/79 R | 92/77 R | Lima | 78/70 0 | 78/72 PC | 85/72 PC | Quito | 69/47 0/03 | 67/52 R | 66/51 R | Rio de Janeiro | 86/70 0/02 | 87/76 R | 87/78 S | Rio de Janeiro | 80/70 0/10 | 79/71 C | 81/73 R | Santiago | 55/50 0/15 | 67/48 R | 65/50 R | TONIGHT | Clear | # Weather Report
Tropical moisture associated with a developing storm over the Gulf of Mexico will spread up through the Gulf and Southeast States this weekend into early next week. Over eight inches of rain may fall over a small portion of the central Gulf Coast with a risk for significant flooding. Heavier rain may also reach as far north as the central Appalachians and the remainder of North Carolina.
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纵横字谜 / 编辑：威尔·肖茨 (Will Shortz)
横向
1 “无座”标志
4 多莉·帕顿 (Dolly Parton) 与多莉伍德 (Dollywood) 的关系
9 \_famous（卷轴很受欢迎？）
14 轻微的 LOL
15 请再说一遍
16 咖喱的搭配
17 对巡洋舰的简短呼叫
18 举止得体的男人？
19 某些音乐会的废弃物
20 坚定忠诚的
22 女高音独唱曲
23 无法修复的残骸
24 热门约会之夜
28 活动策划平台
29 巨大的轰鸣声
30 “我愿意”
31 在俄亥俄河畔拥有体育场的球队
32 “经历过，做过了”
36 反应过度地表示惊讶……或如何从较长的答案中形成较短的阴影答案
40 稍微削减
41 蛋白质来源
43 “太气人了！”
46 不列颠哥伦比亚省 (B.C.) 的邻居
47 孩子的反驳
48 例如 Mac 雨靴和 Wellington 雨靴
51 滑雪爱好者倾向于前往的地方
52 可能需要清理的地点
53 海王 (Aquaman) 的领地
55 被创造出来
57 像某些恐龙的后代
58 在里约，janeiro 是其开头
59 误导
60 表达感谢 (Expression de gratitude)
61 空调包装盒上的缩写
62 已倒闭但其网站被重启为讽刺页面的公司
谜题设计：本·齐默 (BEN ZIMMER)
前一谜题答案
纵向
1 破碎成片
2 被轻轻责备
3 对“你不可能知道那个！”的狡猾回答
4 放大器上的旋钮
5 变得焕然一新
6 丝绸色调
7 刻板印象中不合作的生物
8 静脉注射部位
9 收集组织
10 电子烟的说法
11 耐用的
12 护胫保护的对象
13 某些化学实验室步骤
21 使恼怒
25 在 YouTube 上视频播放量最快达到 10 亿次的音乐艺术家
26 帮助度过难关（搭配“over”）
27 啄或秒差距 (parsec)
32 有图案的织物
33 非裔古巴舞
34 云服务领域的大名
35 拥有同名日间谈话节目的主持人 Hall
37 某些女王的礼服
38 密切监视（搭配“on”）
39 慢慢熟悉
42 扔
43 封面女郎偶像 Betty
44 也许是气喘吁吁地到达
45 极像的人
47 歌手 Morissette，其 1995 年冠军专辑为《Jagged Little Pill》
High/low temperatures for the 16 hours ended at 4 p.m. yesterday, Eastern time, and precipitation (in inches) for the 16 hours ended at 4 p.m. yesterday.
Expected conditions for today and tomorrow. | C | Clouds | S | Sun | F | Fog | Sn | Snow | H | Haze | SS | Snow showers | I | Ice | T | Thunderstorms | PC | Partly cloudy | Tr | Trace | R | Rain | W | Windy | Sh | Showers | - | Not available | N.Y.C. region | Yesterday | Today | Tomorrow | New York City | 57/ 48 0 | 68/ 56 S | 75/ 57 S | Bridgeport | 59/ 43 0 | 66/ 55 S | 73/ 53 S | Caldwell | 59/ 42 0 | 68/ 52 S | 77/ 50 S | Danbury | 55/ 36 0 | 66/ 50 S | 75/ 47 S | Irisp | 58/ 49 0 | 66/ 58 S | 73/ 53 S | Newark | 60/ 48 0 | 70/ 55 S | 79/ 56 S | Tronton | 59/ 45 0 | 69/ 51 S | 74/ 49 S | White Plains | 57/ 45 0 | 66/ 53 S | 74/ 51 S | United States | Yesterday | Today | Tomorrow | Albany | 58/35 0 | 66/52 S | 69/48 PC | Albuquerque | 80/56 0 | 83/56 PC | 80/56 S | Atlanta | 47/58 0.05 | 81/58 PC | 88/58 PC | Atlanta | 79/59 0 | 81/60 S | 84/64 PC | Atlantic City | 64/47 0 | 67/59 S | 76/56 S | Baltimore | 90/61 0 | 90/62 S | 90/62 S | Baltimore | 66/44 0 | 73/52 S | 81/50 S | Baton Rouge | 90/68 0 | 91/68 PC | 90/66 PC | Birmingham | 86/59 0 | 86/56 S | 80/61 PC | Bingham | 96/62 0 | 96/62 S | 96/56 S | Boston | 62/45 0 | 67/56 S | 74/53 S | Buffalo | 59/49 0 | 67/58 W | 65/47 S | Gulfport | 57/59 0 | 62/59 S | 62/48 S | Caspar | 86/39 0 | 82/41 S | 81/43 S | Charlotte | 74/52 0 | 79/55 S | 84/60 S | Chicago | 81/41 0 | 86/50 S | 86/50 S | Chicago | 74/57 0 | 77/54 PC | 68/50 PC | Cincinnati | 72/47 0 | 81/55 S | 79/48 S | Cleveland | 74/49 0 | 73/52 S | 72/48 S | Dallas Springs | 84/55 0 | 81/50 S | 79/52 S | Columbus | 68/44 0 | 78/52 S | 74/45 S | Concord, N.Y. | 58/30 0 | 66/46 S | 72/43 Sh | Detroit | 88/53 0 | 89/58 PC | 85/58 PC | Denver | 87/56 0 | 83/54 S | 84/55 S | Des Moines | 79/57 0 | 78/51 S | 70/55 PC | Detroit | 67/51 0 | 75/51 S | 63/43 S | El Paso | 83/61 0 | 86/66 S | 85/61 PC | Fargo | 77/45 0 | 72/41 S | 68/44 PC | Hartford | 61/34 0 | 67/52 S | 48/45 S | Hartford | 86/72 0.06 | 86/73 PC | 84/75 Sh | Houston | 90/60 0 | 92/70 S | 91/70 PC | Indianapolis | 73/51 0 | 80/54 S | 76/48 S | Jackson | 93/53 0 | 80/63 S | 85/61 PC | Jacksonville | 79/79 0 | 79/71 S | 81/69 S | Kansas City | 81/59 0 | 84/56 S | 75/56 S | Kansas City | 88/60 0 | 88/60 S | 80/57 S | Las Vegas | 97/75 0 | 98/75 S | 98/73 S | Lexington | 74/46 0 | 82/54 S | 82/50 S | Little Rock | 85/57 | 98/59 | 90/62 | Los Angeles | 103/75 | 99/73 | 94/69 | Louisville | 76/50 | 84/59 | 83/53 | Memphis | 85/61 | 88/62 | 90/63 | Miami | 91/77 | 86/78 | 88/71 | Milwaukee | 72/57 | 74/52 PC | 67/46 PC | Mpls-St. Paul | 80/52 | 74/48 S | 67/50 PC | Nashville | 83/57 | 67/57 S | 67/50 S | New Orleans | 85/74 | 86/74 T | 86/74 PC | Norfolk | 66/53 | 74/57 S | 81/61 S | Oklahoma City | 87/58 | 89/59 S | 88/58 S | Pennsylvania | 82/64 | 80/52 S | 75/52 PC | Orlando | 84/73 | 80/73 T | 72/73 T | Philadelphia | 66/48 | 71/56 S | 80/56 S | San Diego | 100/79 | 103/60 S | 80/60 S | Pittsburgh | 63/41 | 73/53 S | 71/47 PC | Portland, Me. | 59/36 | 61/50 S | 70/46 Sh | Portland, Conn. | 75/52 | 79/52 PC | 81/54 S | Providence | 62/59 | 86/50 S | 72/51 S | Raleigh | 73/49 | 77/54 S | 84/61 S | Reno | 88/52 | 90/52 S | 90/53 S | Sacramento | 69/50 | 74/51 S | 85/52 S | Rochester | 58/42 | 70/52 PC | 67/45 S | Sacramento | 100/60 | 101/57 S | 96/58 S | Salt Lake City | 83/56 | 84/58 S | 84/59 S | Salt Lake City | 86/54 | 90/55 S | 86/56 S | San Diego | 95/71 | 87/71 S | 83/70 PC | San Francisco | 81/59 | 76/57 S | 75/58 F | San Jose | 94/63 | 82/62 PC | 89/60 PC | San Juan | 91/77 | 89/78 Sh | 91/78 PC | Seattle | 66/51 | 67/49 PC | 71/52 S | Sioux Falls | 85/47 | 77/42 S | 68/53 PC | Savannah | 76/46 | 75/52 PC | 75/52 S | St. Louis | 80/58 | 88/59 S | 81/56 S | St. Thomas | 91/80 | 89/80 R | 90/81 PC | Tampa Bay | 58/59 | 70/52 PC | 58/48 PC | Tampa | 82/55 | 80/54 T | 71/41 T | Toledo | 70/49 | 76/50 S | 70/42 PC | Tucson | 94/71 | 96/72 S | 96/75 S | Tucson | 86/69 | 89/69 S | 90/59 S | Virginia Beach | 69/55 | 71/57 S | 77/62 S | Washington | 69/49 | 73/56 S | 83/57 S | Wilmington, Del. | 86/59 | 88/59 S | 88/59 S | Wilmington, Del. | 65/42 | 70/53 S | 81/50 S | Africa | Yesterday | Today | Tomorrow | Algiers | 87/65 0 | 85/61 7 | 80/64 Sh | Cairo | 84/68 0 | 85/67 PC | 85/68 PC | Cape Town | 64/55 0.30 | 68/49 5 | 68/55 PC | Chennai | 84/70 0.10 | 79/71 9 | 78/72 7 | Johannesburg | 69/50 0 | 79/53 PC | 78/57 PC | Nairobi | 82/63 0 | 81/63 7 | 80/62 7 | Tunisia | 90/70 0 | 93/70 PC | 90/69 PC | Asia/Pacific | Yesterday | Today | Tomorrow | Baghdad | 102/77 0 | 92/77 C | 94/77 PC | Bangkok | 82/75 0.32 | 92/78 8 | 94/79 9 | Basing | 79/60 0 | 81/67 5 | 81/69 PC | Damascus | 81/60 0 | 81/55 7 | 87/60 5 | Hong Kong | 82/73 0.02 | 86/77 PC | 88/78 C | Jakarta | 96/76 0 | 93/76 5 | 92/77 PC | Kunisien | 71/63 0 | 77/61 5 | 82/62 5 | Karachi | 90/82 0 | 91/77 PC | 93/79 C | Manila | 93/77 0.12 | 92/79 7 | 90/79 7 | Mumbai | 91/80 0.03 | 96/81 5 | 98/83 PC | ---
我们打赌你的毕业舞会之夜会更精彩
在观看新电视改编版之前，关于《キャリー》(Carrie) 需要了解的事项。
右图为在新的八集《キャリー》电视剧中饰演主角的萨默·H·豪威尔 (Summer H. Howell)。左下为 1976 年布莱恩·德·帕尔马 (Brian De Palma) 电影中的西西·斯派塞克 (Sissy Spacek)。右下为 2013 年电影重拍版中的朱丽安·摩尔 (Julianne Moore，左) 和克洛伊·格蕾丝·莫瑞兹 (Chloë Grace Moretz)。
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📄 Original Section
National Forecast
Drenching showers and thunderstorms are in store for Florida today, with street and highway flooding in some areas. This activity will extend west across the Gulf and to part of South Texas. Spotty showers and thunderstorms are forecast from western New Mexico and eastern Arizona to western Colorado.
A few showers will extend from northern Michigan to upstate New York and part of New England. A major heat wave will continue in California, southern Nevada and Arizona, with widespread highs in the 90s and low 100s. Cool air will persist in the Northeast.
A tropical storm is expected to form in the Gulf this week and strengthen into the season's first Atlantic hurricane. Landfall is likely along the central Gulf Coast this weekend. | New Delhi | 97/76 0 | 96/75 PC | 95/76 S | Riyadh | 103/76 0 | 104/79 PC | 104/78 PC | Seoul | 72/46 0 | 75/48 S | 77/50 S | Shanghai | 77/57 0 | 79/58 PC | 79/65 PC | Singapore | 91/81 0 | 93/79 T | 92/79 T | Sydney | 82/64 0.04 | 65/56 R | 67/52 Sh | Taipei City | 79/70 0.02 | 80/72 PC | 84/73 PC | Tehran | 81/66 0 | 86/70 PC | 86/68 PC | Tokyo | 79/70 0 | 74/62 C | 76/62 S | Europe | Yesterday | Today | Tomorrow | Amsterdam | 70/57 0 | 69/52 C | 59/51 R | Athens | 79/57 0 | 79/56 S | 77/62 S | Berlin | 68/48 0 | 73/50 PC | 64/45 R | Bulgaria | 75/50 0 | 71/51 N | 68/52 S | Budapest | 77/39 0 | 77/48 PC | 78/52 T | Copenhagen | 63/55 0 | 60/56 Sh | 59/47 R | Copenhagen | 59/52 0.78 | 65/54 PC | 59/52 R | Edinburgh | 57/50 0 | 56/37 PC | 56/49 PC | Frankfurt | 75/46 0 | 73/55 S | 60/41 R | Geneva | 75/50 0 | 64/56 Sh | 61/42 Sh | Göteborg | 59/52 1 | 57/51 P | 64/51 R | Istanbul | 70/57 0 | 73/57 C | 69/61 PC | Kyiv | 60/51 0 | 70/53 S | 73/53 PC | London | 77/58 0 | 75/51 S | 71/51 R | London | 70/54 0 | 60/45 Sh | 61/50 S | Madrid | 72/61 0.71 | 72/55 Sh | 71/45 S | Moscow | 54/47 0.09 | 59/41 S | 58/46 PC | Riga | 77/46 0 | 71/50 PC | 77/61 S | Oslo | 59/45 0 | 58/43 PC | 50/38 R | Paris | 77/52 0 | 66/50 Sh | 61/45 R | League | 76/50 0 | 65/52 PC | 65/42 PC | Rome | 75/68 0.03 | 79/66 PC | 76/65 Sh | St. Petersburg | 59/54 0.13 | 56/45 S | 56/49 R | Stockholm | 59/50 0 | 55/41 PC | 54/43 R | Switzerland | 75/46 0 | 77/54 S | 76/50 PC | Warsaw | 70/46 0 | 71/48 PC | 75/49 PC | High Tides
这部完整的八集剧集将于周三在 Amazon Prime Video 上线，由萨默·H·豪威尔饰演同名具有心灵感应能力的青少年，萨曼莎·斯洛扬 (Samantha Sloyan) 饰演她过度保护的母亲。以下是观看前需要了解的内容。
SILVER SCREEN COLLECTION / GETTY IMAGES
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📄 Original Section
Metropolitan Forecast
TODAY ....Sunny, a little warmer High 68. Sunshine will dominate the day, and a breeze will pick up during the afternoon. Winds will be from the southwest at 4 to 8 miles per hour. Temperatures will recover to near normal.
Low 56. An area of high pressure will remain south of the area. Temperatures will rise to near average under a clear sky. Winds will be from the southwest at 5 to 10 m.p.h.
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斯蒂芬·金差点因此放弃写作的书
1972年，斯蒂芬·金开始创作《Carrie》时，他二十多岁，在缅因州教高中英语，住在拖车房里。在《写作指南：关于创作的回忆录》（On Writing: A Memoir of the Craft）中，他提到自己曾因感到沮丧而将开篇页扔进垃圾桶，但他的妻子塔比莎（Tabitha）将它们捡了出来并鼓励他继续写下去。《Carrie》成为了他的处女作，当平装书版权卖出 $400,000 时，金辞去了教师工作。这个故事的灵感来源包括他认识的两个孤独女孩、一篇关于心灵感应的杂志文章，以及一份在女生更衣室做清洁的暑期工作。
ROBERT FALCONER / AMAZON PRIME
MICHAEL GIBSON / METRO-GOLD / WYN-MAVER PICTURES AND SCREEN CEM
High 75. Sunshine and dry weather will continue because of an area of high pressure. Temperatures will moderate, climbing more than 5 degrees above average for this time of year during the afternoon.
High 70. There will be sunshine again as it remains dry with a large area of high pressure nearby. Temperatures will be just above average for the first half of October. |
SATURDAYSUNDAY ......Mostly sunny Saturday | A mostly sunny sky will linger on Saturday, High 68. Sunday will be partly sunny with light winds. High 67.
An index of fuel consumption that tracks how far the day's mean temperature fell below 65 | Yesterday | 12 | So far this month | 22 | So far this season (since July 1) | 53 | Normal to date for the season | 57 | First Quarter | Full | Last Quarter |
neautical miles, including Long Island Sound and New York
Harbor.
Winds will be from the southwest at 5-10 knots. Some gusts will reach 15-20 knots in the afternoon. Waves will be 1 foot or less on New York Harbor and Long Island Sound. Waves on the ocean will be 1-3 feet. | Atlantic City | 5:32 a.m. | 5:50 p.m. | Barnogat Inlet | 5:38 a.m. | 5:57 p.m. | The Battery | 6:18 a.m. | 6:36 p.m. | Beach Haven | 7:06 a.m. | 7:25 p.m. | Bridgeport | 9:16 a.m. | 9:39 p.m. | City Island | 9:50 a.m. | 10:13 p.m. | Fire Island Lt. | 6:34 a.m. | 6:53 p.m. | Montauk Point | 6:54 a.m. | 7:18 p.m. | Northport | 9:35 a.m. | 10:01 p.m. | Port Washington | 9:56 a.m. | 10:22 p.m. | Sandy Hook | 5:48 a.m. | 6:07 p.m. | Shin EPDC Inlet | 5:56 a.m. | 5:50 p.m. | Stamford | 9:27 a.m. | 9:54 p.m. | Tarrytown | 8:07 a.m. | 8:25 p.m. | Willets Point | 9:44 a.m. | 10:08 p.m. |
Trends |
Temperature |
Precipitation |
Average |
Average | Below | Above | Below | Above |
Last | 10 days | 30 days | 90 days | 365 days | Chart shows how recent temperature and precipitation trends compare with those of the last 30 years.
Northeast Foliage
Foliage color is now past its peak in the highest elevations of the Adirondacks and the White and Green Mountains. Color has reached its peak across the rest of northern New England and in the Catskills. Some areas over much of the rest of the Northeast and down to the North Carolina mountains are nearing peak color,
VANCOUVER, BRITISH COLUMBIA — Gears of War: E-Day, the newest game in Xbox's sci-fi military franchise, is a top-to-bottom chronicle of war's devastation. Collapsed buildings billow with fire and smoke effects, resembling real-life tragedies, while faces convincingly convey an infantry squad's heavy, unspoken emotions.
The narrative trajectory of the prequel, where a towering city becomes wreckage during the inciting conflict between humanity and a subterranean alien horde, has unintended parallels with the modern game industry. After nearly six years in development, E-Day arrives this week amid a major Xbox leadership reset, studio closures and a series of layoffs.
The leadership team here at the Coali-
Inside the Coalition studio in Vancouver, British Columbia, where Gears of War: E-Day was developed, a process that included motion capture, top left, and testing, above right.
tion, the studio behind Gears of War, suggests the franchise has been reset in its 20th year to forge a sustainable path, perhaps one that can survive the current tumult.
And the third-person combat and flow in E-Day are certainly an evolution, as if the developers behind Gears of War 4 and Gears 5 stopped tracing over the exact lines of previous games and instead redrew the CONTINUED ON PAGE C5
Zibby Owens has parlayed her wealth into a media company that publishes her work.
By ELISABETH EGAN
Zibby Owens sat on a blue velvet couch on the top floor of her Park Avenue triplex penthouse, explaining how her bookshelf-lined, tastefully lit office/podcast studio has evolved alongside her career.
"When we moved here, this was a library and TV room for all of us," she said, referring to her four children, her husband and their 12-year-old black Lab, Nya, who snored peacefully beside us. "As my work stuff has ramped up, I booted everyone out."
Ten years ago, Owens — the daughter of Stephen A. Schwarzman, the billionaire co-founder and chief executive of Blackstone — was an aspiring author and stay-at-home mother. Now she is a prominent presence in the publishing world as the founder and chief executive of Zibby Media, which includes a podcast, a publishing company, a bookstore, a book club and a series of reading retreats.
CONTINUED ON PAGE 06
LEI PARRA/THE NEW YORK TIMES
Zibby Owens, founder and chief executive of Zibby Media, recently released "Between Chapters: How I Started Over, Took Some Chances and Found the Plot."
A Picasso work is included in the \$100 million auction.
By ZACHARY SMALL
A trove of valuable artworks covering 500 years of history will be sold in November from what Christie's auction house described only as a "distinguished private collector."
That's a somewhat modest description. The seller is arguably the most famous living artist in the world — Jeff Koons, according to two auction experts with knowledge of the deal who were not authorized to speak officially. The sale will be part of the November marquee auctions in New York.
Over the past few decades, Koons, now 71, has assembled a small collection of artworks, mostly in his Upper East Side townhouse. He is selling nine paintings by artists like Picasso, Manet and the Dutch Golden Age painter Cornelis van Haarlem. The collection is estimated to sell above \$100 million, according to Christie's, which declined to publicly identify the consignor.
"It is a vision," Alex Rotter, Christie's global president, said of the collection. "It's not pedestrian."
Koons declined to comment.
Rotter said that a Picasso, "Le Baiser" (1969), would be the top lot, in the range of \$40 million. That work is emblematic of Pi-CONTINUED ON PAGE C2
CINDY ORD/GETTY IMAGES
Jeff Koons at a 2021 exhibition of his work in Doha, Qatar. Nine significant paintings he has collected will be offered in November at Christie's.
我从未把它当成儿童节目来做。我不想做一个儿童节目。所以我没有用那种尖细的声音跟孩子们说话。对我来说，我是在主持《危急时刻》（Jeopardy）、《幸运轮盘》（Wheel of Fortune）或《价格猜猜看》（The Price Is Right）之类的节目。我只是把他们当成成年人一样对待。
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📄 Original Section
An AIDS Battlefield of Foam and Feathers
SOMETHING INTERESTING is happening with the slash in the middle of the title of Daniel Fish's extraordinary "Kramer/Fauci."
It's a busy little punctuation mark. For one thing, it suggests that Fish, a Tony-nominated director best known for his experimental staging of "Oklahoma!" is basing his work in fact. Often used as a no-fuss archival notation or in a poster for a heavyweight bout, a "/” can gesture both to truth and to opposition. (You might think of Peter Morgan's 2006 historical drama, “Frost/Nixon,” or the more recent docudrama “The Ford/Hill Project.”)
On Nov. 30, 1993, C-SPAN hosted a call-in program, including Anthony Fauci, then the director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, and Larry Kramer, the hot-tempered playwright and activist, sparring over a new government task force on H.I.V. and AIDS. In Fish's production, the dialogue spoken by Fauci (Will Brill), Kramer (Thomas Jay Ryan), the various callers (Jennifer Seastone) and the interviewer Steve Scully (Greig Sargeant) is verbatim, replicating that same C-SPAN recording, which they hear through in-ear speakers.
Surreal images help depict the tender, grief-filled bond of a physician and an activist.
Experiencing Fish's discombobulating, sometimes absurd production is utterly unlike watching the original television interview, however. We don't see Fauci sitting in a Washington studio, nor Kramer appearing via video screen — instead, the actors roam the St. Ann's Warehouse vastness, aimless as animals in a field. Lights shine in our eyes. Seastone, deadpan, gives all the callers a dreamy quality, sometimes gliding around on roller skates or climbing inside an immense inflatable chicken suit.
The performers don't imitate their counterparts so much as channel them. Kramer's fire seems banked in the cool-eyed Ryan . . . until he yells. And Brill sports the
Above, Will Brill, foreground, and Thomas Jay Ryan in the play "Kramer/Fauci." At right, Ryan faces off with Jennifer Seastone, with Brill and Greig Sargeant in the background.
un-Fauci-esque mustache of a 1970s bank robber, but he captures the tidy scientist's essence anyway — unflappable patience, Brooklyn accent and all. ("I love ya, Larry!")
About halfway through, seemingly at random, Brill drags a foam machine onto the stage. It whirs into action, filling the room's center with piles and piles of soapy bubbles. We almost lose sight of Kramer, as he sits amid this glittering cumulus. Ryan, a performer of wit and gravitas, wanders through the foam-field, cutting pathways into it; then he squeegees up the mess.
The conversation is, on its surface, combative. Kramer attacks the Clinton administration for a lack of urgency in drug research; he's furious about Fauci's insistence that the government is moving as quickly as it can. "Tony, if you start that business about science isn't done that way, I'm going to come on down there and slap your face!" Kramer says.
But the two men — clearly old friends — are also in profound accord. They have both dedicated themselves to fighting the same disease: an “epidemic,” says Fauci; “A PLAGUE!” shouts Kramer. The provocateur and the conciliator need each other to keep the course. At one point a caller asks about forcibly isolating AIDS patients. “Yeah, Larry, I’ll get you off the hook,” Fauci says, before calmly dismissing the morally foul idea.
Because Fish's "/" has a second meaning: equivalence. Kramer burns with the zeal of a man under live fire; Fauci talks to (and sometimes like) the Washington politicians. Yet they are platonically connected, components of one whole effort.
What unites them — what that slash contains, leaning like a gravestone — is grief. Neither of them wants a single other person to die of the disease, yet they know many deaths are to come. Kramer received an H.I.V. diagnosis in 1988; in 1993, he had no way of knowing that he would not die until 2020. One caller talks about a sister who has died of AIDS. Ryan's Kramer looks down into Seastone's face. "I'm sorry to hear that," he says. It's unbearably sad, and they bear it and bear it.
"Kramer/Fauci" is the most beautiful show I've seen this year. I saw a staging at NYU Skirball in February, and I would happily see it 10 times more.
It is piercingly relevant, and not just because Fauci, more than 30 years later, has been asked by Congress to defend his work in another plague. ("He is a man, an ordinary man who was being asked to play God, and he is being punished because he cannot be God," says Kramer, at one point.) But the play also contains some emotional mystery that I can't figure out. How is it so heart-breaking and so hopeful? These are all actors of deep soulfulness. Perhaps that's why their not-quite portrayals have struck me so hard and burrowed so deep.
Or it could simply be that I'm still wondering about the foam. Fish knows that a surreal image will prompt metaphorical thinking. Perhaps it will make you think about so-called foamy viruses. Perhaps we're meant to meditate on the sexual license of foam parties. At one point, I saw Kramer and Fauci as Olympian figures, striding around heaven. Or maybe we are simply witnessing the creation of a million delicate, almost-living structures. Here they are for a moment, in a place we know they cannot stay.
Jeff Koons to Sell \$100 Million of His Personal Art Trove
CONTINUED FROM PAGE CI
ESTATE OF PABLO PICASSO/ARTISTS RIGHTS SOCIETY (ARI), NEW YORK, VIA CHRISTI'S IMAGES LTD. 2006
CHRISTIC'S IMAGES LTD. 2025
Picasso's "Le Baiser" (1969), near right, will be the top lot at the Jeff Koons sale at Christie's, and is estimated at about \$40 million. Far right, Cornelis van Haarlem's "Hercules and Achelous" (1590) is estimated at about \$12 million.
casso's exploration of lovers during the last decade of his life, when his images of intertwined couples seemed to blur the line between passion and violence.
Koons has explored similar themes in his own career. His “Made in Heaven” series from the early 1990s included sexual images of himself and Ilona Staller, the Hungarian model known as Cicciolina. (The pair had a son and were briefly married.) “I was trying to remove all guilt and shame in any form,” he recently told T Magazine about the series.
In 2008, Koons bought the Picasso painting at a Sotheby's auction for \$17.4 million, or \$27.1 million in today's dollars. Three years later, he purchased another Picasso painting from the same series for \$10.5 million, or \$15.6 million after inflation.
During a 2024 interview with ARTE, a European television channel, Koons expressed his fascination with Picasso's later works. "I really believe Picasso was at his most generous," the artist said. "He was this kind of shaman torchbearer, showing us that we can have a richer, better life."
Koons remains one of the few living artists who is a household name, but his dominance in the market has fallen since its peak at the 2019 auction at Christie's where his 1986 stainless steel rabbit sculpture sold for \$91.1 million. The independent market database ARTDAI estimated that the financial performance of his artworks at auction over the last decade has fallen by nearly 60 percent (it does not include private sales). Koons has also hopped galleries in recent years, leaving David Zwirner and Gagosian in 2021 for Pace Gallery, only to reverse course four years later to rejoin Gagosian.
A person close to the Christie's deal said that Koons's motivation for selling the collection was to invest back into his art practice.
The Koons collection is a boon for Christie's in a fall auction season that has so far seen the most expensive trove of artworks going to its competitor, Sotheby's. That company recently secured 12 paintings valued at \$450 million including works by van Gogh, Cézanne, Pissaro and other Impressionists, from the estate of Carlos Pedro Blaquier and Nelly Blaquier de Arrieta, heirs to an Argentine sugar fortune.
Christie's has provided a guarantee to Koons for the artworks. The auction, on Nov. 17, is titled "Heroes and Lovers."
"Heroes" refers to a 1590 painting by van Haarlem depicting the myth of Hercules and the river god Achelous competing to marry a princess. Koons had bought the artwork in 2008, paying \$8.1 million, more than quadruple the high estimate, or \$12.6 million today. Christie's estimated that it would sell for about \$12 million this fall.
Koons has directly commented on van Haarlem's work. In 2015, he adapted another one of the Dutch mannerist's pictures for his gazing-ball paintings. The contemporary artist put a large blue ball in the center of the Dutch artist's take on the biblical story about the massacre of the innocents in Bethlehem.
Koons said that the gazing ball “represents the vastness of the universe and at the same time the intimacy of right here, right now.”
FROM TOP: MACALL POLAY/WITH CENTURY STUDIOS; ALSHA WETHERILL/AMAZON AND MGM STUDIOS; MELINDA SUE GORDON/UNIVERSAL PICTURES
'Verity' is her third 2026 hit, after a long absence from major films.
By DERRICK BRYSON TAYLOR
Until this year, the Oscar-winning actress Anne Hathaway had not appeared in a major studio film in nearly a decade. But when she returned, she did so in monumental fashion.
Since April, Hathaway has starred in five major films, and after this weekend's success of "Verity," she appears to be the first woman to have leading roles in three films that opened at No. 1 at the box office in a single year.
"Verity," an adaptation of a Colleen Hoover novel of the same name, earned an estimated \$33 million at the box office this weekend, snagging the top spot by beating the ecological satire "Digger," starring Tom Cruise, by \$25 million. In the psychological thriller, Hathaway plays Verity Crawford, a novelist left in a catatonic state after a car accident. Dakota Johnson portrays the writer brought in to finish Crawford's work.
Hathaway's winning trajectory began in May, when she earned her first No. 1 film by reviving her role as the chaotic but clever journalist Andy Sachs in "The Devil Wears Prada 2." In July, she did it again, as Penelope in Christopher Nolan's "The Odyssey."
Scoring three No. 1 films on an opening weekend in a calendar year is never easy. The precise history of the feat seems hard to pin down, but Jim Carrey did it in 1994 with "Ace Ventura: Pet Detective," "The Mask" and "Dumb and Dumber." Ten years later, in 2004, Ben Stiller pulled off a trifecta with "Along Came Polly," "Dodgeball: A True Underdog Story" and "Meet the Fockers." Many actors have appeared in more than one No. 1 movie in a year, but some of those included cameo appearances or other small roles.
By any measure, Hathaway has had a busy year. "Verity," her fifth and final release of 2026, followed her work as the title character in the pop-fever dream "Mother Mary" in April; her performance in "The Devil Wears Prada 2" the next month; and "The Odyssey" in mid-July. In August, Hathaway played a brave mother in the dinosaur adventure tale "The End of Oak Street."
When she first saw the release schedule for this year, Hathaway told The Hollywood Reporter in August, "I kind of thought I was being punked." She informed the studios, "As long as audiences don't get sick of my face."
Scott Mendelson, a longtime film analyst who writes a box office newsletter on Substack called "The Outside Scoop," said Hathaway's success this year made it clear that audiences were not at all sick of her.
"She is a trusted name, and when you have the trust — whether you're DiCaprio in the mid-2010s," he said, "or you're Timothée
Chalamet or Robert Pattinson right now — that is how you get audiences to show up for a movie."
Before this year, Hathaway's most recent mainstream theatrical movie was in 2018 with "Ocean's 8," in which she starred with, among others, Sandra Bullock and Cate Blanchett. She then made a series of small but notable films, including "The Witches" in 2020 and "Mothers' Instinct" in 2024.
Hathaway's "renaissance" year at the box office signals the demand for more female-driven films, according to Christina Lane, a professor of film studies at the University of Miami School of Communication. "Women have been a key factor in driving this year's box office," she said, offering as examples "Wuthering Heights" (which starred Margot Robbie); "Send Help" (led by Rachel McAdams); and "Disclosure Day" (Emily Blunt).
To be sure, repeatedly climbing to the top of the box office is not only about hard work
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40年后，您如何看待那场演出？
那是最好的工作。首先，它让我出名了。我有充分的自由，他们允许我随心所欲地创作。他们从未一次责备我，说：“马克，你不能那样做。”那场演出巡演了多年。我们去演出，能让密歇根州的奥本山宫殿剧院（The Palace of Auburn Hills）门票售罄——一个周末就有 20,000 人观看。所以，无论在任何方面或形式上，我都没有任何负面情绪。
📄 Original Section
Scoring three No. 1 movies on an opening weekend in a calendar year is exceedingly rare.
or taking an extended break from major films before roaring back.
"A box office weekend may depend on a lot of factors, and that includes luck," Lane said. Such good fortune can be abetted when studios release films on carefully chosen dates, and when co-stars enhance a movie's appeal.
Other factors are at play, too, according to Lane, including a director's status and any "ready-made audience" a film may have, like its status as a sequel or its basis in a best-selling book. At the same time, Lane added, Hathaway "represents a new trend in that she is powerful because of the small part that she brings to a big package."
In that sense, Lane cautioned that while Hathaway may have dominated the box office this year, it was not a return to a previous time. "We're very far from the days when it was typical to see a female box office draw, like in the way that Julia Roberts or Demi Moore once were," she said.
A representative for Hathaway declined to comment on the actress's recent triumphs, saying that she was officially on maternity leave. (Hathaway is pregnant with her third child.)
But Hathaway recently told Entertainment Tonight that she planned to "vanish in a plume of smoke" after the release of "Verity."
"You're not going to see me until you have to," she said.
Anne Hathaway in, from top, "The Devil Wears Prada 2," "Verity" and "The Odyssey." She starred in two other films this year: "Mother Mary" and "The End of Oak Street." Before 2026, Hathaway's most recent mainstream theatrical movie was "Ocean's 8" in 2018.
《战争机器：E-》（Gears of War: E-）获得了正面评价，但 Coalition 仍面临诸多挑战。它是去年《战争机器：重装上阵》（Gears of War Reloaded）的开发商之一，该作是 2006 年首作的重制版，也是首款在 PlayStation 上发布的该系列作品。但在 Xbox 任命新首席执行官后不久，E- 被宣布为 Xbox 主机独占，这限制了游戏的受众。
工作室负责人 Crump 暗示未来将更快地制作《战争机器》系列游戏，而技术总监凯特·雷纳（Kate Rayner）指出，E- 的开发始于生成式 AI 兴起之前。
Insert a pair of letters together somewhere inside CONTRACTION to spell a common 13-letter word. Then insert a different pair of letters in a different spot to spell another common 13-letter word.
PUZZLE BY WILL SHORTZ. YESTERDAY'S ANSWER Does anybody want some dead batteries? I've got a bunch of them to give away, free of charge.
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纳什维尔交响乐团获得 1000万美元 救济金
由于财务困难，纳什维尔交响乐团原计划让音乐家和其他工作人员休假。
KURT HICINGUE
这笔来自甲骨文（Oracle）的捐赠使该乐团能够在暂停后恢复演出季。
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📄 Original Section
KenKen
Fill the grid with digits so as not to repeat a digit in any row or column, and so that the digits within each heavily outlined box will produce the target number shown, by using addition, subtraction, multiplication or division, as indicated in the box. A 4x4 grid will use the digits 1-4. A 6x6 grid will use 1-6.
36 React with exaggerated surprise ... or how to form the shorter shaded answers from the longer ones
40 Cut back a bit
41 Protein source
43 "That's infuriating!"
46 B.C. neighbor
47 Kid's comeback
48 Macs and wellies, e.g.
51 Snow bunnies are inclined to hit them
52 Spots that may need clearing up
53 Aquaman's domain
55 Brought into being
57 Like the descendants of some dinosaurs
58 In Rio, janeiro starts it
59 Mislead
60 Expression de gratitude
61 Abbr. on a box for an air conditioner
62 Bygone company whose website has been revived as satire
PUZZLE BY BEN ZIMMER
ANSWER TO PREVIOUS PUZZLE
DOWN
1 Break to pieces
2 Gently scolded
3 Sly reply to "You can't possibly know that!"
4 Knob on an amplifier
5 Becomes good as new
6 Silk shade
7 Stereotypically uncooperative creatures
8 IV sites
9 Collecting org.
10 E-cigarette claim
11 Durable
12 Shin guards protect them
13 Some chemistry lab procedures
21 Vexes
25 Musical artist with the fastest video to reach one billion views on YouTube
26 Helped through a rough patch, with "over"
27 Peck or parsec
32 Patterned fabric
33 Afro-Cuban dance
34 Big name in cloud services
35 Hall with a self-titled daytime talk show
37 Regalia for some queens
38 Monitor closely, with "on"
39 Slowly get familiar with
42 Chuck
43 Pinup icon Betty
44 Arrive out of breath, perhaps
45 Close lookalike
47 Singer Morissette with the 1995 #1 album "Jagged Little Pill"
49 Real swell
50 All-night party attendee
51 In need of tightening, maybe
54 Start to fade
56 Trucker's measure
57 Paycheck fig.
Play all of our games plus over 10,000 past puzzles for Wordle, Spelling Bee, The Crossword and more online at http://nytimes.com/games. For puzzle talk, visit http://nytimes.com/wordplay.
What to know about 'Carrie' before watching the new television adaptation.
Right, Summer H. Howell, who plays the title character in the new eight-part "Carrie" TV series. Below left, Sissy Spacek in the 1976 Brian De Palma film. Below right, Julianne Moore, left, and Chloë Grace Moretz in the 2013 movie remake.
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书籍世界的超级拉拉队长，寻找自我之路
接第 CI 页
我们在欧文斯（Owens）50 岁生日前一周见面，讨论她的转变以及她上个月由 Zibby Publishing 出版的最新随笔集《章节之间：我如何重新开始，冒险尝试并找到主线》（Between Chapters: How I Started Over, Took Some Chances and Found the Plot）。
欧文斯图书馆里的书按彩虹色顺序排列。她的办公桌蜷缩在角落里，上方书架上摆满了她的播客节目《与 Zibby 一起沉浸在书中》（Totally Booked With Zibby）所获的奖项。该节目始于 2018 年，最初名为《妈妈们没时间读书》（Moms Don't Have Time to Read Books）。从那时起，欧文斯已经采访了 2,000 多位作者和嘉宾，包括资深作家（克里斯·博贾利安 Chris Bohjalian、丹尼尔·席尔瓦 Daniel Silva）、初出茅庐者（邦妮·加姆斯 Bonnie Garmus、弗吉尼亚·埃文斯 Virginia Evans）以及家喻户晓的名人（莉娜·邓纳姆 Lena Dunham、艾丽西亚·凯斯 Alicia Keys）。
该公司目前基本按照传统方式运营，拥有16名员工，每年出版8到10本书，主要是小说和回忆录，其中一些成为了畅销书。作者们很欣赏这种精品化的运作方式和创意。例如，为了庆祝约翰·肯尼（John Kenney）的小说《我看到你已宣告死亡》（I See You've Called in Dead）出版，公司租下了弗兰克·E·坎贝尔殡仪馆（Frank E. Campbell Funeral Home）——这家服务于名流的殡仪馆。
Stephen King's 1974 novel, "Carrie," has been a paperback best seller, an Oscar-nominated film, a Broadway flop, a network TV movie and a big-screen remake. Now, a month before the 50th anniversary of Brian De Palma's 1976 film, comes the first series-length version, adapted and overseen by Mike Flanagan ("The Haunting of Hill House," "Midnight Mass") with King as an executive producer.
Flanagan, who updated the setting to contemporary times, has said he is rebuilding the story rather than retelling it. Some elements of his adaptation are new: Much has changed about teenage life since the 1970s, not least the advent of the internet and smartphones, which have added terrifying new dimensions to the eternal plagues of high school bullying and parental paranoia.
The full eight-part series arrives on Wednesday, on Amazon Prime Video, starring Summer H. Howell as the titular telekinetic teenager and Samantha Sloyan as her overprotective mother. Here's what to know before watching.
SILVER SCREEN COLLECTION/GETTY IMAGES
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美食
餐厅 / 食谱 / 葡萄酒 / 烈酒
📄 Original Section
The Book Stephen King Almost Quit
Stephen King was in his mid-20s, teaching high school English in Maine and living in a trailer, when he started writing "Carrie" in 1972. In "On Writing: A Memoir of the Craft," he says he grew frustrated and threw the opening pages in the trash, but his wife, Tabitha, fished them out and encouraged him to continue. "Carrie" became his debut novel, and when the paperback rights went for \$400,000, King quit teaching. His inspiration for the story included two lonely girls he knew, a magazine article on telekinesis and a summer job cleaning a girls' locker room.
ROBERT FALCONER/AMAZON PRIME
MICHAEL GIBSON/METRO-GOLD/WYN-MAVER PICTURES AND SCREEN CEM
Carrie's Story, as Told in the Book
The novel is set in Chamberlain, Maine, in the spring of 1979. Carrie White, the outcast of Ewen High School with an intensely religious and controlling mother, gets her first period in the gym showers and, not knowing what's happening, panics; her classmates pelt her with tampons while jeering. The gym teacher, Miss Desjardin, punishes the class. One girl, Sue Snell, feels guilty and asks her boyfriend, Tommy Ross, to take Carrie to the prom in her place. Another, Chris Hargensen, is furious enough to plot revenge with her boyfriend, Billy Nolan, and two buckets of pig's blood.
The buckets empty on Carrie just as she and Tommy are crowned queen and king, and one bucket knocks Tommy unconscious. Their classmates burst out laughing. Using her telekinetic powers, Carrie traps them inside and kills nearly all of them, then walks through Chamberlain, opening gas mains and downing power lines, leaving hundreds dead. At home, Margaret stabs her, so Carrie stops her mother's heart. Even more carnage follows,
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纽约时报
2026年10月7日，星期三
用佛教
让烹饪
更美好
主厨埃里克·里佩特（Eric Ripert）的新食谱呼吁在厨房中保持感恩与觉知。
Le Bernardin 餐厅的主厨埃里克·里佩特，其新书名为《正念烹饪：滋养身心的简单食谱》。
CHRISTOPHER TESTANI 为《纽约时报》拍摄
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📄 Original Section
Telekinesis, According to King
The novel opens with a 1966 news item about a shower of stones falling on the Whites' house; inside, Margaret had been punishing Carrie, then a young girl, for talking to a sunbathing neighbor. Carrie's power goes dormant, then returns with a vengeance during puberty.
The book treats telekinesis as a medical condition. Scientists in the book's documents argue that it is genetic and probably recessive. They warn that Carrie will not be the last of her kind.
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作者：皮特·韦尔斯（PETE WELLS）
2015年，埃里克·里佩特邀请一小群作家前往曼哈顿中城 Le Bernardin 餐厅的一间私人用餐室共进午餐。里佩特先生以细腻且极其多样化的海鲜烹饪而闻名，通常在他餐厅用餐意味着会迎来一连串摆盘优雅的海洋生物。
里佩特先生的手腕上缠着一串木制玛拉念珠，他从未掩饰自己的佛教信仰。他曾表示，他的信仰使他拒绝了年轻厨师时期学到的那种愤怒、大吼大叫的管理风格，并且他发现这些信仰与 Le Bernardin 餐厅供应的大量动物食材之间难以调和。但直到现在，他
📄 Original Section
The Other Carries
Arguably the most indelible pop culture images of Carrie — drenched in blood, eyes wide with dissociative fury — come from De Palma's film, a major box-office success starring Sissy Spacek and Piper Laurie, both of whom were nominated for Oscars. In 1988, a Broadway musical starring Betty Buckley as Margaret met with less success, closing after five performances. (A 2012 Off Broadway version did much better.)
A 1999 film, "The Rage: Carrie 2," directed by Katt Shea, was centered on Carrie's half sister, Rachel, and it brought back
Amy Irving from the De Palma film as Sue. A 2002 made-for-TV movie on NBC, starring Angela Bettis and Patricia Clarkson, was intended to be a pilot for a series that wasn't made; unlike the novel, it let Carrie live. More recently, Kimberly Peirce's 2013 feature-length remake, starring Chloë Grace Moretz and Julianne Moore, moved the shower scene into the age of cellphone video.
我的版本与传统做法略有不同：我用烟熏白鱼代替了 kong（一种烟熏鲶鱼），用商店购买的蟹团肉代替了软壳蟹。切碎的香菜和青柠角为这道菜画上句号，每一勺都带来了极大的满足感。就像我最喜欢的 moqueca、eru、red red 和 obe oniru 一样，ebbeh 浓郁、温暖且营养丰富，而将这一切凝聚在一起的，是另一种熟悉的食材：红棕榈油。
Flanagan is a longtime King adapter. He made "Gerald's Game" into a 2017 Netflix movie. In 2019 he adapted "Doctor Sleep," King's sequel to "The Shining," which preserves many of the details of the 1980 Stanley Kubrick film (which King has said he never liked). His movie "The Life of Chuck," based on a King short story and starring Tom Hiddleston, won the People's Choice Award at the Toronto film festival in 2024.
For "Carrie," Flanagan worked with several frequent collaborators, including Sloyan, who played the scripture-quoting Bev Keane in his Netflix series "Midnight Mass."
The "Carrie" series is not a sequel, so there is no background reading or watching required. (But the novel is a quick read!) Flanagan draws much from the book's various mock-archival chapters — fake news clippings, police transcripts and such — which the movies have mostly ignored.
King's opinion? He described this adaptation as "brilliant" on Threads, adding, "What it has to say about social media is shocking and true."
Reflections on Slime, and How Nickelodeon Let It Flow
GEORCE ETHEREDGE FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
Marc Summers, who hosted "Double Dare," recently headlined an event in Philadelphia celebrating the 40th anniversary of the show's debut. Below, Summers with Liza Koshy, left, and contestants in a revival of the show several years back.
The former 'Double Dare' host Marc Summers, recalls a show that changed children's TV.
There was a time before artificial intelligence slop filled our timelines that actual slop was the lifeblood of children's television. It was the job of Marc Summers, a former magician and smoked salmon salesman, to tell you about it.
He was the host of "Double Dare," the show that changed the course of cable television by helping turn the children's channel Nickelodeon into an institution.
"Double Dare" was a quiz show that also included messy "physical challenges" on an obstacle course, like wading through tubs of Jell-O and traversing a human hamster wheel. It became an unexpected success,
RONALD GALOTTI, A PUBLISHER FOR VOGUE & VANITY FAIR IN THE 1990s. INSPIRED A MAIN LOVE INTEREST ON THIS SERIES THAT DEBUTED IN 1998
FOR THE CORRECT RESPONSE, WATCH JEOPARDY! TONIGHT OR LOOK IN THIS SPACE TOMORROW IN THE TIMES.
Yesterday's Response: WHAT ARE DORITOS?
Watch JEOPARDY!
7 p.m. on Channel 7
turning Summers into a celebrity and spawning "Super Sloppy Double Dare" and later "Family Double Dare" on Fox.
The original debuted 40 years ago, on Oct. 6, 1986.
"It was a show that put them on the map. It was the show that gave them their own game," Summers, referring to Nickelodeon, said in a phone interview from his home in Santa Barbara, Calif.
The audience "didn't have to watch grown-ups play," he added, which meant Nickelodeon "sort of got a monopoly on children and games."
But the anniversary feels a bit rueful for Summers. Nickelodeon is not the cultural force it used to be, and the network declined Summers's entreaties to celebrate the show's anniversary. (In its place, Summers headlined a reunion event at City Winery in Philadelphia on Saturday with co-host Rob-in Russo.)
Summers, 74, said he now keeps busy through paid appearances two years after his one-man show, "The Life & Slimes of Marc Summers," had an Off Broadway run in 2024.
"I'm in a fortunate situation that I don't really kind of have to do anything," he said. "So if something intrigues me I do it and if I don't, I don't."
This conversation has been edited for length and clarity.
My first job was writing "Truth or Consequences" the last year Bob Barker did it. So I kept going to auditions and they kept saying, "Come back when you have gray hair and wrinkles," because back in the day, it was Barker and Tom Kennedy and all those kinds of folks and they didn't want a kid. At the time, although I was 33, I looked like I was 23.
It worked in my favor this time because they wanted somebody they thought the kids could relate to.
What do you remember about your audition for the show?
My show business career was not going anywhere. I was working at Magic Castle because I started my career as a professional magician. And a friend of mine had this amazing smoked salmon business and I called him up one day and I said, "Let me see if I can sell this stuff." And the next thing I know we're doing 80,000 pounds a month at Price Club.
A friend of mine, Dave Garrison, was a ventriloquist in Wilton, Calif. He called me up and said, "I just got a call for an audition for some game show at a network I'd never heard of called Nickelodeon, so why don't you go instead of me?"
So I went and I walked in and I said: "Dave Garrison was supposed to be here but he couldn't make it. My name is Marc." And I do the audition. They said, "Sure."
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红棕榈油购买指南
避免在线卖家 与店主交谈大有裨益，亲眼看到瓶子可以帮助你评估瓶子是否被染色或已经酸败。
阅读标签 你需要的是 100% 红棕榈油且标明原产国的产品——例如尼日利亚、加纳或喀麦隆。
寻找干净的瓶子 灰尘意味着瓶子在货架上放置了很长时间。
寻找亮橙色调 但要小心。带有红色色调的瓶子可能意味着油——或者瓶子本身——在某种程度上被染了色。
如果可能，闻闻油的味道 它应该是花香且微妙的。轻微的肥皂味表示储存不当且可能已经酸败。
上方从左起：西雅图主厨 Emma Collins 通过红棕榈油的味道回到了她在巴西的童年；食谱作者 Oozoz Sokoh 回忆起她在尼日利亚长大时，这种油无处不在。上方右侧，用红棕榈油炸制的豆类油炸食品，上方，在巴西被称为 acarajé，而油被称为 dendê。
CHONA KASINGER FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
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📄 Original Section
How long did you think you were going to do the gig for?
Thirteen weeks and out. That's how television was back then. And I figured, "Well, I'll get lucky and do 13," and then look for the next job. But the thing exploded.
I read somewhere that you used to get 5,000 letters a week suggesting new obstacles.
There was actually more than that. We stayed at the Four Seasons in Philadelphia and at the end of episodes, it said, "Members of our team stayed at the Four Seasons hotel." And the kids would call the number and just flood the lines and they made us take it off because there were so many kids thinking that I lived at the Four Seasons hotel.
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满足对“复活故事”的胃口
照片由 HEATHER WILLENSKY 为《纽约时报》拍摄
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📄 Original Section
Why was the show successful?
Right place, right time. We were on at 5:30 in the afternoon. Moms would often say, "Go watch your show while I finish dinner."
I never did it as a kid's show. I didn't want to do a kid's show. So I didn't talk to the kids in a squeaky voice. To me, I was doing "Jeopardy" or "Wheel of Fortune" or "The Price Is Right" or whatever. I just talked to them like they were grown-ups.
Your age was a secret when you hosted. How did you navigate that?
They told me I wasn't allowed to be married. I wasn't allowed to have kids. I wasn't allowed to even talk about any of that stuff.
I was being interviewed by The Los Angeles Times. And they said, "Are you married and do you have kids?" I said, "I'm not allowed to discuss my personal life." And they say, "How do you feel about the fact that you can't even go into a restaurant and order a beer?"
I said, "What?"
I went and called Geoffrey Darby, who was our executive producer. I said: "This reporter just said I'm not allowed to drink a beer. Is that true?" And he said: "No. Why would you not be able to drink beer?" "Well, he said I'm a kids' show host and I can't do that." And he said, "Well that's not true." He said, "I wouldn't want you in an airport store looking at Playboy."
三明治依然像以前一样高。我点了一份“百老汇丹尼·罗斯”（Broadway Danny Rose，原名“伍迪·艾伦”），数出其中有25层腌牛肉和15片浓郁且辛辣的熏牛肉。如果算上黑麦面包，这就是一个42层的三明治。（必须使用刀叉。或许，还需要服用立普妥）。其他所有东西同样尺寸惊人。收银台上方的一整根酸黄瓜，两端测量长度略超过三英尺；胡萝卜蛋糕是一座挑战重力的奶油奶酪糖霜塔；当然，还有那宽敞的用餐区。正是因为最后这一点，尽管我在网上看到过令人恐惧的排队人群，但最近一个工作日去吃午餐时，依然可以轻松进入而无需等待。
How did hosting the show change your perception of children?
When we went on the air, it was when moms all of a sudden had to go back to work because things were too expensive. When you think about what we're paying now, that seems ridiculous. But mom had to get a job. And they weren't, through our research, able to read bedtime stories as much.
So we would ask questions: "Jack and Jill went up the hill and what did Jack fetch?" And the children didn't know because the time that moms and dads were able to spend with the kids was less and less.
So it sort of depressed me that life was changing at the time seemingly dramatically. So you notice these social things, and it made you scratch your head from time to time.
It was the best job. It put me on the map, number one. I had free rein. They let me do whatever I wanted to do. They never once slapped my hand and said, "Marc, you can't do that." We toured it for years. We would go out and sell out The Palace of Auburn Hills, Mich. — 20,000 people on a weekend. So I don't have any negative feelings at all in any way, shape or form.
在米利亚乔先生去年最终退休之前，附近 Long Island Bar 的服务员乔治亚·富尔顿（Georgia Fulton）在餐厅开始了学徒生涯，将速记式的计量单位转化为可操作的食谱。在得到他的认可后，她在 9 月重新开业了 Sam's。小牛犊帕尔马干酪（veal Parm）依然令人赞叹，覆盖着厚厚的一层奶酪，配菜可选烤齐蒂面（baked ziti）或意面。至于披萨——有些人认为 Sam's 从来就不是一家餐厅，而是一家披萨店——则由安德鲁·哈利茨基（Andrew Halitski）进行了温和的改良。他是一位才华横溢的厨师，我在为我们的纽约披萨名单搜寻素材时，在科布尔希尔（Cobble Hill）的 La Rose Pizza（遗憾的是现在已关闭）遇到了他。富尔顿女士表示，面粉质量提高了，配料选项有所改变，但目标是让一切在“本质上保持不变”。甚至连芹菜和橄榄的前菜也被保留了下来。过去，这道菜需要一整颗未经调味的芹菜。在富尔顿女士的管理下，你将得到几根修剪过的芹菜茎和一份适量的去核核果。她说：“在我看来，那像一幅画，我必须把它重现出来。”
Carnegie Deli 834 Seventh Avenue (West 54th Street)
Ugly Baby 364 Grand Street (Marcy Avenue)
Sam's 238 Court Street (Baltic Street)
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Grief Permeates a Story and a Studio in Flux
the Coalition in 2010.
CONTINUED FROM PAGE CI
original trilogy from memory. The war veteran Marcus Fenix and his bulky squadmates now jump up, over and through combat arenas.
A straight shot of a bridge or a mad dash over a collapsing highway would have choked older Gears games, which cleverly shrunk their views to emphasize other cutting-edge effects. E-Day's large vistas are brutal tone-setters. Concrete wreckage is interrupted with gaps, slices and collapsed building materials. Bodies, as well, and not just alien ones.
Such a technical reinvention aligns with E-Day's somber story, about people trying to escape a city-wrecking alien scourge.
Juan Vaca, the game's story director, expressed bittersweet pride about the results. He was a scout sniper in the Marines, and E-Day includes callbacks to mourning a best friend and others whom he served alongside.
"I use it as a way to honor them and think about not only the deaths, but how we found out about them," he said. "This is a game about grief."
In 2014, Epic Games, which is best known for Fortnite, handed the rights to its Gears of War franchise to Microsoft, which had a Vancouver studio that had been struggling. The last-ditch shot: become a Gears-only studio. (Years earlier, a similar transition played out for Microsoft's Halo series.)
At first glance, the Coalition's offices at the edge of downtown Vancouver reflect an older Gears era. Staff members suggest that the framed concept art, action figures, themed Xbox consoles and life-size monster puppet are not great fodder for photography because they are all sourced from previous games.
Although familiar characters and plot points have returned in E-Day, most of the digital nuts and bolts — artistic assets, the underlying 3-D-rendering engine, animations — are brand-new.
The Coalition worried it might lose existing fans if its first entry in the franchise, Gears of War 4 (2016), strayed too far. Matt Searcy, the studio's creative director, called the final product more of a jog than a hard sprint.
"Start with an empty hard drive," the studio lead, Mike Crump, told his team.
in the Coalition's design and animation departments were laid off.
Gears of War (2006) and its third-person camera innovated a "cover shooter" mechanic of peeking with guns from safe, crouching positions, something first-person games like Halo couldn't do. This flank-and-cooperate gameplay landed in a gritty universe where friends could team up and push back alien invaders.
"There's tons of stuff from Gears 4 on the cutting room floor because people came in having worked on all these other Triple-A franchises," said Searcy, using a profanity that would not be out of place in the mature games.
As Gears 5 (2019) began production, the Coalition attempted what Searcy called "open-heart surgery" to add a seemingly simple move: a jump. But what comes naturally to Super Mario is not the same for armor-clad soldiers like Marcus or the studio's older codebase. The idea was "too disruptive" and got scrapped.
Instead, the game introduced desolate landscapes that players traversed via high-speed sleds before climbing off to explore classic, Gears-styled combat alcoves, and a newbie-friendly helper bot. These ideas and Gears 5-exclusive multiplayer modes do not return in E-Day.
But late last month, Vaca and colleagues
Above, the desk of the Coalition studio's manager of franchise lore and content for the Gears of War franchise.
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菜单之外 / 弗洛伦斯·法布里坎特
EMON HASSAN 为《纽约时报》拍摄
Bar à Part 的菜单上有自制熟食和塔特。
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A conflict's devastation is explored in a game that took years to develop and was released amid layoffs.
Searcy and his Coalition colleagues were diplomatic about their previous game during formal interviews, but he was more candid while playing a cooperative E-Day session in a Coalition computer lab. "We learned a lot on Gears 5," he said with a laugh between bursts of machine-gun fire.
From his Bay Area home office, Vaca said several things included in E-Day were from his life, such as Marcus's squad using a tourist map to get its bearings. Vaca similarly relied on a tourist map during his turbulent 2004 deployment to Haiti, and still keeps it among his valuables.
Vaca also sees himself in the game's pair of new characters: Mags Carter, a jaded mentor whose name refers to “the document that challenges the king,” and Lucas Reyes, a younger and more regretful soldier. Vaca describes Lucas's story as “a chance to tell young, impressionable men that there is a path to redemption through doing good.” The stories told through terse, minimalist dialogue and emotional faces are a highlight for a series that has occasionally erred on the cheesy side of sci-fi.
The game's handling of grief is not confined to life and death. One midgame sequence sees the characters remark on the shoddiness of Mags's post-military apartment. "Once the war broke you, you're just disposable," Vaca said about the all-too-common veteran experience of re-entering society without work or support.
Representatives from Coalition declined to comment on the layoffs.
One week earlier, Coalition leadership described continuity as an important studio principle. Many of the team's leaders worked together at Electronic Arts's offices in Vancouver before joining what became
"Every time you hit a challenge as a group and you master it and overcome it, you now have a place of strength to work from when you tackle your next set of challenges," Searcy said. "What you get out of continuity is a confidence."
Gears of War: E-Day has received positive reviews, but there are plenty of challenges for the Coalition. It was one of the developers of last year's Gears of War Reloaded, a remake of the debut 2006 game and the first released on the PlayStation. But shortly after Xbox named a new chief executive, E-Day was announced as an Xbox console exclusive, limiting the game's audience.
Crump, who leads the studio, suggested it would produce future Gears games more quickly, and its technical director, Kate Rayner, noted that E-Day's development began before the rise of generative A.I.
"We're looking to the industry," she said, "to see what's going to happen."
On a recent sunny afternoon, more than 100 Coalition employees cheered as Crump celebrated a milestone by slicing into an E-Day cake. His makeshift knife was a toy version of the "Lancer," the franchise's signature chain saw-tipped gun, and someone played a revving sound as it touched the frosting.
Crump then spoke to the "blood, sweat and tears" that went into E-Day's making. When pressed on the series's future, he spoke about "what's right for the franchise," like taking six years to retool core technologies. That response, about franchise over staff, recalls emotional E-Day moments where soldiers grapple with the cost they bear for larger leadership decisions. As the character Mags Carter remarks, "War doesn't care about our good intentions."
新店开业
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Nashville Symphony Receives \$10 Million Lifeline
The Nashville Symphony had planned to furlough musicians and other staff members because of financial difficulties.
KURT HICINGUE
The gift, from Oracle, allows the ensemble to resume its season after a suspension.
72 Bedford Street (Barrow Street), 646-770-9038, zimmisnyc.com.
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By DERRICK BRYSON TAYLOR
The Nashville Symphony has received a \$10 million gift from the technology company Oracle, just days after it had made the difficult decision to suspend its current season and furlough musicians and staff members because of financial difficulties.
The gift will allow the symphony to resume the season, which runs through June 2027, and to retain staff members, Mark Tillinger, the Nashville Symphony's president and chief executive, said in a news release on Sunday. At the end of September, the symphony announced that it did not have enough money to sustain itself and would have to cancel performances.
"The past week has been difficult for our musicians, staff and community," Tillinger said. "The uncertainty was real, and we recognize the concern and frustration it caused."
Oracle, the technology and database management company, is building its new headquarters in Nashville.
The Nashville Symphony is one of a number of American orchestras struggling with declines in revenue, attendance and donations, instability in leadership and strikes by musicians.
A search for cost cuts has put a strain on both musicians fighting for higher wages and patrons who support the institutions.
Around the time that the symphony announced the suspension of concerts, there was a swift change in leadership. J. Mark Cantrell stepped down as president and chief executive after only about two months in the job. The board of directors then appointed Tillinger, a former board member.
A representative for the symphony declined to comment Monday on why Cantrell exited.
Many orchestras are still recovering from the Covid pandemic, which only exacerbated financial difficulties. Audiences altered their habits, and box-office revenues dwindled with the decline of the old subscription model for selling season tickets. This made ensembles increasingly dependent on donations.
Last month, the Cleveland Orchestra reached a deal after a three-day strike by its musicians' union over wage concerns, leading it to cancel two performances. Around the same time, the San Francisco Opera and its orchestra reached a deal after a strike by musicians that forced the cancellation of the season opening.
The Boston Symphony has been struggling with a leadership crisis in recent months after it declined to renew the contract of its music director, Andris Nelsons. The leader of the symphony, Chad Smith, later admitted that the organization had mishandled the termination, which plunged it into disarray.
The New York Philharmonic, conducted by Gustavo Dudamel, seems to be one of the few exceptions at the moment.
Its season began last month, and the critic Joshua Barone wrote in The New York Times that its musicians looked "as if they're having more fun" and were "performing with an excitement that the audience seems to share." About 6,000 people had packed Radio City Music Hall for a performance that included pop stars, and days later the Philharmonic settled into Lincoln Center for its first Geffen Hall concert of the season, to much fanfare.
The Nashville Symphony, in the U.S. country-music capital and known for its rich music history, performs more than 150 concerts annually, with a focus on contemporary American orchestral music. A representative for the symphony said on Monday that select performances were being reconfirmed based on guest conductor and artist availability.
Oracle's gift to the orchestra was a show of support for the arts in the city it has chosen as a home base. The company's chief executive, Clay Magouyrk, said in a statement that the donation enabled the symphony to reinstate its full-time staff members and all members of the orchestra, who were to be furloughed on Oct. 18 because of the financial emergency.
"We are here to help solve the community's problems and ensure Nashville remains a vibrant place to live and work for generations to come," he said.
Tillinger, in a new statement on Monday, said that Oracle had reached out to the symphony to ask how the company could make "a real, meaningful difference" for the institution and the community.
"We shared what it would take to bring our season and our musicians back, and Oracle met that moment with extraordinary vision and generosity," he added.
On Sunday, Tillinger said he was deeply grateful for the gift, which will buy time and momentum to address the symphony's longer-term financial challenges.
"We will honor that investment through the difficult but necessary work of restructuring our operations, bringing our costs and revenue into balance, and strengthening our financial foundation for a sustainable future."
● IARA
无论你对亚马逊雨林产品了解多少，在这片由维托尔·门德斯（Vitor Mendes）搬到下东区的巴西风情之地，你都能得到一次引导。门德斯曾是布鲁克林福特格林（Fort Greene）Theodora 餐厅的行政主厨。这里的氛围是质朴的，而非繁茂的，重点在于一个被座位环绕的大型开放式厨房，出产诸如木薯粉金枪鱼、腰果汤、配茄子蘸酱的奶酪面包、moquea（鱼炖汤）以及配木薯条的 picanha（典型的顶级西冷牛排）。205 Allen Street (East Houston Street), 929-930-5033, iara.nyc.
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The Book World's Big Cheerleader, Finding Her Way
CONTINUED FROM PAGE CI
We met a week before Owens's 50th birthday to discuss her transformation and her recent essay collection, "Between Chapters: How I Started Over, Took Some Chances and Found the Plot," published last month by Zibby Publishing.
The book, featuring a picture of Owens's office on the cover, is dedicated to the weight-loss drug Mounjaro.
"Thank you for noticing," said Owens, unleashing a frequent giggle that ranged from infectious to nervous. "It's about reinvention at any age. Somebody the other day was like, 'I thought you had everything together and you're supremely confident.' I was like, 'Me?' We all have our stuff."
In "Between Chapters," Owens writes about rewatching "You've Got Mail" — the '90s rom-com about an independent bookstore owner — while en route to the opening of Zibby's Bookshop in Santa Monica, Calif., near her house in the Pacific Palisades.
But managing a growing media empire has proved more complicated than the cozy bookstore of Hollywood dreams. Zibby Publishing has seen employees rapidly come and go, underscoring industry scuttlebutt that Owens is a privileged dilettante, well intentioned but spread too thin, a better cheerleader than a boss.
The books in Owens's library are organized in rainbow order. Her desk is tucked in a corner, beneath shelves of awards for her podcast, "Totally Booked With Zibby," which began in 2018 as "Moms Don't Have Time to Read Books." Since then, Owens has spoken with more than 2,000 authors and guests, including veterans (Chris Bohjalian, Daniel Silva), first-timers (Bonnie Garmus, Virginia Evans) and household names (Lena Dunham, Alicia Keys).
'I will say, learning to manage professionally, more than, like, a babysitter, has been a learning experience.' ZIBBY OWENS
She records five episodes a week and, she said, makes it a point to finish her guests' books: "How can I show up if I don't know what I'm talking about?"
This can add up to around 1,500 pages, in addition to reading alongside her teams at Zibby Publishing and Zibby's Bookshop. (Owens's nickname evolved thanks to a playgroup friend who couldn't pronounce Elizabeth.)
And when Owens isn't reading, she's writing.
She has published "Bookends," a memoir (2022); "Princess Charming," a picture book (2022); "Blank," a novel which gently skewers the book business (2024); and three collections of essays by fellow authors on subjects ranging from being Jewish to being a woman to surviving the pandemic.
"Between Chapters" is Owens's second book from Zibby Publishing. In it, she explores, with Bombeckian brevity and wit, transitional moments in her life — divorcing her first husband; marrying Kyle Owens, whom she met as a tennis pro in the Hamptons; and her kids' evolution from childhood to adolescence.
In the lead-up to publication, she established a forum on her Substack where readers could share their own stories of change and growth. The response was so overwhelming — “a backlog of almost 200 essays about everything from graduation to retirement” — that she established a WhatsApp group where contributors can text among themselves.
"It's, like, bananas," she said. "They're meeting up, helping each other, following each other on Instagram. It's a new community."
Owens's goal with her literary maximalism, from social media to anthologies to book clubs, is to create community around readers and books. During our 90-minute interview, she used the word "community" no fewer than a dozen times.
In the new book, she writes: "Perhaps I want to spare people the emotion that has been the hardest for me to bear at various points in my life: loneliness. That ache wraps around me like a scratchy blanket I can't shake off."
After graduating from Harvard Business School, Owens took a year off to write a novel that didn't sell. It was a "public failure," she said. "I'd told everyone I knew that I was writing a book, and then it was rejection after rejection. That really hurt."
When her marriage ended, Owens found herself with solitary stretches of time when her children were with their father. That's when she turned to "bibliotherapy," plowing through multiple books each weekend. She kept writing.
"Right now my goals are mostly just to grow what we have," Zibby Owens says of Zibby Media, which includes a podcast, left, "Totally Booked With Zibby," from her home office.
PHOTOGRAPHS BY LED PARRA/THE NEW YORK TIMES
Owens said, “I went to different agents and everyone’s like, ‘Sorry, not interested, you don’t have a platform.’ I’ve been freelancing since my first article came out in Seventeen when I was 16. Didn’t matter. They’re like, ‘Nobody wants to read parenting essays by someone who’s not famous.’”
The cheekily named "Moms Don't Have Time to Read Books" podcast quickly inspired several spinoffs — "Moms Don't Have Time to Write," "Moms Don't Have Time to Grieve," "Moms Don't Have Time to Lose Weight" and "Moms Don't Have Time to Have Sex." Each had its own social media account and a forum where contributors could share their experiences.
Dani Shapiro, a best-selling memoirist, novelist and podcaster, acknowledged in an interview that Owens's early efforts were a bit "diffuse." But, she said, "What struck me was that it was all about community, which I think is Zibby's superpower."
Anna Quindlen, a best-selling author whom Owens has interviewed several times, said: "I really don't know anyone who works as hard as she does. I think it's because, as Zibby says, she spent so many years thinking, 'I can't do this.'"
When Owens's books started coming out, she was surprised by certain aspects of the publishing industry: How hard it is for a book to gain traction, especially a debut. How a book's fate can be sealed by its marketing budget before it hits shelves. How rarely authors interact with the sales team, which is responsible for placing books in stores.
In 2021, she started Zibby Books, now Zibby Publishing, hoping to experiment with marketing, profit sharing, even different formats for books.
The company now operates more or less traditionally, with a staff of 16, publishing 8 to 10 books per year, mostly novels and memoirs, some of which have become best sellers. Authors appreciate the boutique approach and creativity. For instance, the company rented out Frank E. Campbell Funeral Home — mortuary to the stars — to celebrate the publication of John Kenney's novel "I See You've Called in Dead."
On his three-month paperback tour, Kenney said: "I received a text every morning, asking how it went last night. Do you need anything? Are you set for tonight? There's a level of support from the team that's really remarkable."
According to the publisher, Kenney's book, which is their biggest hit, has sold more than 195,000 copies across all formats.
Emma Grey, who has put out three novels with Zibby Publishing, praised the team's brand partnerships, relationships with book clubs and WhatsApp group for authors. "They changed my career and my life," she said.
But Zibby Publishing is one area where Owens has struggled to build community, at least at the outset.
Seven people who were interviewed about formerly working for the company described a chaotic, challenging environment, with job descriptions changing overnight and a torrent of after-hours missives from Owens.
One person characterized the experience as a "free for all" with a "complete lack of boundaries," adding that Owens has "lots of ideas and isn't so great on execution." Another said, "I got let go when I stopped saying yes to things." Both asked not to be named, fearing retribution; all employees at Zibby Media sign nondisclosure agreements.
Owens hesitated only once during our conversation, when I asked how she likes being a boss.
"I'm not going to have #Bosslady on my license plate," she said. "That's not me."
Her 11-year-old son came in, looking for a pair of scissors, followed by her 19-year-old daughter, who lavished love on the dog.
When we were alone, Owens continued: "Our company is not hierarchical. There's no layers. We all come and have lunch here together three days a week. That's truly fun." (Zibby Media's offices are a short walk from Owens's apartment.)
She paused, choosing her words carefully. "I will say, learning to manage professionally, more than, like, a babysitter, has been a learning experience. I've learned a lot. And I think I've gotten better."
Anne Messitte, the president and publisher of Zibby Media, who has been there from the beginning, said: "We've definitely gone through a process of building a team and finding a team that's the right fit. We're a start-up finding our legs."
Sherri Puzey, vice president for marketing, said that the team has planned a "massive tour" for "Between Chapters," and that Owens will be a featured author at a weekend-long reading retreat in Santa Monica.
"I feel like that brings everything full cir-"
cle," Puzey said. "Zibby is doing what she loves best: gathering authors and readers and celebrating books."
In 2023, one such celebration ran headfirst into global politics. Zibby Media publicly withdrew between \$25,000 and \$49,999 of financial support from the National Book Awards after learning that several nominees planned to use their platform "to promote a pro-Palestinian, anti-Israel agenda," as Owens put it on her Substack.
Ruth Dickey, the executive director of the National Book Foundation, which oversees the awards and other programs, declined to comment on the decision.
"I believe in speaking out," Owens said when asked about criticism of her support of Israel. "Not everybody's going to agree with me, but I believe if you have a platform and you believe in something, you have to use your platform. I've done so, and I'm OK with that."
In this regard, Owens is following in the footsteps of her father, a fellow supporter of the arts and Israel.
"I feel enormously lucky to be his daughter and to have this crash course in running a business," she said. "I'm very aware of wanting to do good with what I've been given. I'm not sitting around eating bonbons."
A spokesperson for Zibby Media said that Schwarzman “and his company have not played a role in the formation, operations or strategy of Zibby’s company.” A Blackstone representative declined a request for comment on Schwarzman’s behalf.
After the fires in Los Angeles in 2025, Owens gave away free books and provided trauma counseling at Zibby's Bookshop for people who lost their homes. She also mobilized clothing donations and raised funds for four school libraries to replace their collections.
"I have a reaction to trauma or disaster," Owens said. "I get really upset, I can't get off the couch, I have to cancel events, I'm nonfunctional. Then I spring into action and I'm like, I have to do something. Then I'm almost manic about it."
As for what's next on the literary front, Owens was full of ideas.
"I have crazy dreams," she said. "I've always wanted to open a book hotel. I think that would be just the greatest, where I could decorate it and have every room filled with books and a book concierge waiting for you in the lobby."
She added, "Right now my goals are mostly just to grow what we have."
As we made our way down a staircase lined with dorm décor for her twins, we ran into her younger son. He held up a Holly Jackson novel and announced, "Mom, I finished!" She swore she had not put him up it.
Two days later, I received a kind and effusive email from Owens in which she invited me to be a guest, moderator or panelist at one of her reading retreats.
Or, she wrote, "A fun idea: maybe I could host a lunch at my home with you and all the authors you've interviewed over the years to say thank you and to connect everyone. (Can't help myself!")
● BOOTH'S EXTRA FINE
在近期的记忆中，牛排馆要么是大型商业场所，要么是特殊场合的去处。现在不再如此。似乎每个社区都需要一家。在威廉斯堡，厨师尼克·普法纳斯蒂尔（Nick Pfannerstill）正在烤制带骨干式熟成肋眼牛排以及其他经典菜肴，距离著名的 Peter Luger 仅几个街区之遥。他与上西区酒吧 Nobody Told Me 拥有相同的团队，在典型的男性化牛排馆装饰和复古元素的氛围中供应牛排。店名取自普法纳斯蒂尔先生的外祖父布斯·威廉姆斯（Booth Williams），他是一位密尔沃基的汽车销售员，据说他除了喜欢牛排，还偏爱冰镇马丁尼和他的情妇（一名舞者）。
62 South Second Street (Wythe Avenue), Williamsburg, Brooklyn, 347-294-4767, booths.nyc.
A new cookbook by the chef Eric Ripert calls for gratitude and awareness in the kitchen.
The chef Eric Ripert of Le Bernardin, whose new book is "Mindful Cooking: Simple Recipes for Nurturing Body and Soul."
CHRISTOPHER TESTANI FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
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By PETE WELLS
In 2015, Eric Ripert invited a small group of writers to lunch in a private dining room at Le Bernardin in Midtown Manhattan. Mr. Ripert is acclaimed for sensitive and astonishingly varied seafood cookery, and normally a meal at his restaurant entails a procession of elegantly arranged ocean creatures.
This one was different.
All the food was prepared by Jeong Kwan, a Buddhist nun Mr. Ripert had met at a temple in South Korea. She served lotus-blossom tea, salted bamboo shoots, bellflower roots, roasted tofu with mouth-tingling prickly ash berries, and soy sauce she had fermented and aged at her hermitage. The lunch led to a profile of Ms. Kwan by Jeff Gordinier in T Magazine, which led to an episode about her on the Netflix show “Chef’s Table,” which led to her getting an award from Asia’s 50 Best Restaurants, and to offers to present her esoteric, thoughtful, vegetarian cooking around the world.
Mr. Ripert, though, was disappointed by the coverage. Not by its quantity — there was so much that Ms. Kwan is now one of the most famous nuns on earth — but its content.
"The media focused on the beauty of the food and the beauty of the chopsticks, and they didn't focus on, or they didn't think about, the philosophy behind it," he said in a recent interview. "To me, it was unfortunate, and a missed opportunity."
Buddhism, though, teaches the importance of perseverance, and Mr. Ripert, 61, has been a practicing Buddhist for many years. And so he is trying again.
His new cookbook, "Mindful Cooking: Simple Recipes for Nurturing Body and Soul," makes a fresh attempt to get across the principles that guide Ms. Kwan and other Buddhist temple cooks. The book, which was published Tuesday, barely mentions Buddhism as a religion, let alone the intricacies of the Tibetan Vajrayana tradition Mr. Ripert practices. Neither does it suggest the reader meditate for hours on end, as nuns and monks do, or wake up in the dark of night to pray.
Instead, Mr. Ripert points to some basic habits of thinking — mindfulness, gratitude and joy among them — that can guide us while we cook, making our time in the kitchen “a better, more powerful, more meaningful experience,” as he put it. (If the book’s spiritual message doesn’t lure you in, there are also about 90 recipes, all made without animal ingredients.)
Mr. Ripert, who wears a loop of wooden mala prayer beads wrapped around one wrist, has never hidden his Buddhism. He has said that his beliefs led him to reject the angry, shouty management style he learned as a young cook, and that he has trouble squaring those beliefs with the many animals served at Le Bernardin. Until now, though, he CONTINUED ON PAGE D7
412 West 15th Street, 646-624-2444; 200 Park Avenue South (17th ), stksteakhouse.com.
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What Makes Their Dishes So Special
CHONA KASINGER FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
ANDREW ESIERO FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
ABOVE, TOP LEFT AND RIGHT: KELLY MARSHALL FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES, FOOD STYLIST: MONICA PIERINI, PROP STYLIST: PAGE HICKS.
Four women praise red palm oil, a West African staple.
THIS PAST SUMMER, when I first made ebbeh, a hearty one-pot stew popular across West Africa, I saw in the pot bubbling before me ingredients I've known throughout my life. I watched cubed cassava soften, chunks of smoked catfish perfume, soft-shell crabs and plump shrimp brighten, adding a saline sweetness to the simmering broth. I had found a new familiar stew.
My version veers slightly from the traditional by using smoked whitefish in place of kong (a smoked catfish) and store-bought lump crab meat in place of soft-shell crab. Chopped cilantro and lime wedges complete this dish, gratifying bliss in every spoonful. Like my favorites — moqueca, eru, red red and obe oniru among them — ebbeh was rich, warm, nourishing, held together with another familiar ingredient: red palm oil.
A staple of West African cuisine, unrefined red palm oil lends color and umami to rich broths, lovingly slicks bitter greens and adds a floral yet smoky essence to anything in its path. But its critics conflate it with refined palm oil, a tasteless, odorless ingredient that comes from the same tree but features in cosmetics and commercial food production. Large-scale production of this oil has drawn ire for how it contributes to deforestation.
Red palm oil, however, is largely the purview of small producers, made in the same sustainable manner for centuries, minimally processed in small batches. Amid the debate about more industrial varieties of oils made from the oil palm, like refined palm oil and palm kernel oil, we may have lost sight of how much red palm oil has been woven into communities and cuisine.
I've written about red palm oil before. This time, however, I wanted to spend time learning from others about the role it has played in their lives. In conversations with four women across the diaspora, I am left wondering if the word "ingredient" really does justice to its power. The red palm oil we use to complement stews like ebbeh is more than an ingredient. It is a conduit to African foodways.
Aimée Wallin, a managing director of the Ghana Food Movement
Often, we reserve a kind of reverence for certain staples of global cuisines, considering them the products of their specific soil, region or cultivation: spices, yogurt, butter, wine, olive oil, to name a few. It also applies to red palm oil, as Ms. Wallin understands.
The bottle she is currently cooking from, she told me, she made herself a year ago, with women in a beach community in western Ghana.
Over two days, they followed the standard method of production: harvesting the fruit, then boiling and pounding it to separate fibrous pulp from the kernel. Then, they again boiled the pulp in an enormous kettle until a lush oil rose to the top and could be scooped off.
As many other small producers do, that community in Ghana added its own twist, finishing the oil with nunum (a type of basil) and onion.
Technique varies meaningfully by community, she told me. "Communities will tell you exactly what makes theirs special — a nuance invisible to most."
Ozoz Sokoh, an award-winning cookbook author and food researcher
Growing up in Warri, on the Southern coast of Delta State, Nigeria, Ms. Sokoh didn't consider red palm oil particularly special. It was everywhere: Trees heavy with fruit lined the roads, bunches often carried home from the market, the nutty core enjoyed as a snack and the hard shell used as gravel for the roads. But in 2009, a Brazilian colleague described a red oil called azeite de dendé (the name in Portuguese for red palm oil), being used to fry a crispy bean fritter dish called acarajé, similar in profile to the Nigerian akara. Was this the oil she knew from the palms lining the streets of Warri? It turned out it was.
Ms. Sokoh recounted that, in Brazil, colonial powers tried to obliterate the African palm but could not kill the seeds. "The seeds replant themselves," she said, referring to a process called sub-spontaneous growth. "You can't get rid of them."
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📄 Original Section
Ronke Edoho, a Nigerian Canadian food blogger and entrepreneur
Red palm oil cultivation was the background for some of Ms. Edoho's earliest memories. She was raised by her grandparents who farmed, produced and sold palm oil from the plot of land behind their home.
"I used to see the process from start to finish," she said, adding, "Nothing in the process is ever wasted. The entire tree is used in an environmentally responsible way."
In the cultural pushback she's encountered online on palm oil, she sees the pitfalls of educating oneself only to a point: understanding the harms of industrial palm oil production but failing to grasp the significance of red palm oil to the people who've responsibly stewarded it long before colonial contact.
"There's so much nuance in how we process it locally," she said.
Emme Collins, chef and owner of Baiana, an Afro-Brazilian restaurant in Seattle
For Ms. Collins, red palm oil is dendê. Although she left Brazil as a child, she finds that its pungent, slightly floral smell carries her back to the streets of Salvador and her aunt's house, where the family's big dinners happened. It appeared in dishes like acarajé, moqueca, vatapá (and a little stirred into black-eyed peas).
In 1999, her family opened Tempero do Brasil, one of Seattle's first Brazilian restaurants. To make moqueca, a menu favorite, they needed dende. The West African markets were where they found the best red palm oil. Ms. Collins is now a restaurateur herself, and dende touches nearly every plate. Her sourcing standards came from her father. The ingredients list must read 100 percent red palm oil with nothing blended in. The color must be a bright orange. "When it's completely liquid," she said, "it usually means it's mixed with some other oil."
AVOID ONLINE SELLERS A conversation with a shopkeeper goes a long way, and seeing the bottle in person can help you assess whether the bottle has been dyed or is rancid.
READ THE LABEL You want a product that's 100 percent red palm oil and lists its country of origin — Nigeria, Ghana or Cameroon, for example.
LOOK FOR A CLEAN BOTTLE Dust means a bottle has been on the shelf for a long time.
LOOK FOR A BRIGHT ORANGE HUE But take care. A bottle tinged red could mean the oil — or the bottle itself — has been dyed in some way.
SMELL THE OIL, IF YOU CAN It should be floral and subtle. A mild soapy aroma denotes improper storage and possible rancidity.
Above from left: The Seattle chef Emma Collins is transported to her childhood in Brazil by the scent of red palm oil; the cookbook author Oozoz Sokoh remembers it being everywhere when she was growing up in Nigeria. Above right, bean fritters known as acaraje, fried in red palm oil, top, called dendê in Brazil.
CHONA KASINGER FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
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📄 Original Section
EBBEH (GAMBIAN CASSAVA AND SEAFOOD SOUP)
TIME: ABOUT 1 HOUR
YIELD: 6 SERVINGS
1 (24-ounce) bag frozen cassava chunks, thawed, or 1 large fresh cassava
$\frac{1}{4}$ cup red palm oil (see Tips)
2 Scotch bonnet chiles, halved, seeds in or out (depending on heat preference)
1 teaspoon kosher salt (such as Diamond Crystal), plus more as needed
1½ pounds kong (smoked catfish) or smoked whitefish, picked of skin and bones to yield 2 cups flaked meat (see Tips)
½ cup tamarind paste or 2 tablespoons tamarind concentrate
½ bunch fresh cilantro leaves and stems (about 1 cup), chopped, divided
2 tablespoons fresh lime juice (from 2 limes), plus 1 lime cut into wedges
1 cup seafood stock or water
1 pound large shrimp, peeled and deveined
1 pound fresh lump crab meat
1. Fill a medium bowl with tap water. If using frozen chunks, simply cut each piece in half and remove the fibrous, golden-hued thread. If using fresh cassava, trim off the ends with a sharp knife and slice cassava into 2-inch-thick rounds. Make a slit through the skin just deep enough for the knife to touch the white flesh. Peel off skin and discard. Halve each round, and remove the thread. Slice the cassava into 1-inch chunks and place in water as you go to keep them from turning brown.
2. Transfer the cassava to a large pot, along with 6 cups water, the red palm oil, Scotch bonnets and 1 teaspoon salt. Bring to a simmer over medium-high heat. Reduce heat to medium and cook, stirring frequently, until cassava just begins to soften (a knife should barely go through), about 12 minutes. Continue to cook until cassava is translucent and the liquid begins to thicken with slow, simmering bubbles rising, about 15 minutes more. (The chunks should break apart easily.) Crush cassava pieces against the side of the pot to thicken the sauce into a porridgelike consistency.
3. Stir in smoked fish, tamarind, half the cilantro and lime juice. Stir in the stock. Cook, stirring frequently to prevent scorching, until the fish is just warmed through, 3 to 4 minutes.
4. Add shrimp and crab meat. Cook, stirring occasionally, until shrimp is bright pink and plump, 5 to 6 minutes. Taste and add salt, if necessary. Divide among shallow bowls, top with remaining cilantro and serve immediately with lime wedges for squeezing.
Tips: Red palm oil can be found stored at room temperature in glass or plastic jars at African, Caribbean and some international grocery stores.
Kong, also known as konkoe, is a smoked catfish that can be found in the refrigerator section of African, Caribbean and some international grocery stores.
PHOTOGRAPHS BY HEATHER WILLENSKY FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
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JOSE RAMOS
这位前 Scarpetta 料理主厨现任 Fresco by Scotto 的执行主厨，后者是一家由罗莎娜·斯科托（Rosanna Scotto）及其家人经营的繁忙中城意大利餐厅。
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Three restaurants that returned from the dead show the value of second chances.
GROWING UP, I was a sucker for zombies. So, when one of my favorite video games, World of Warcraft, announced a highly anticipated reboot this fall, I quickly loaded in and created a character as my favorite fantasy race: the rotting, slack-jawed undead paladin. (How did I spend last month's nor'easter? Now you know.)
But this is bigger than role-playing games. Some of my favorite restaurants right now are coming back from the dead. After their leases expire or original owners retire, they return years later under the same name and different circumstances. They aren't exactly as you remember them — check out the spine on my paladin, Snurp — but there are enough old bones to know exactly where you are. This week, we're headed to three new old restaurants, recently brought back to life.
Sarri Harper always thought Carnegie Deli would mount a comeback. (Why else would she keep its giant pickle and hundreds of signed celebrity photographs in a storage unit all this time?) Still, Ms. Harper, whose grandfather took over the deli in 1976, never imagined that it would return at the address of its longtime rival, Stage Deli, which closed in 2012, concluding a 75-year pastrami war.
The sandwiches are as tall as ever. I ordered the Broadway Danny Rose (formerly known as the Woody Allen) and counted 25
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Clockwise from top: Italian food at Sam's; the Broadway Danny Rose sandwich at Carnegie Deli; and sour sea bass curry in fish sauce at Ugly Baby.
folds of corned beef and 15 slices of rich, peppery pastrami. A 42-layer sandwich, if you include the rye bread. (A fork and knife is required. So, perhaps, is a Lipitor). Everything else is similarly oversize. The full sour pickle above the register measures just over three feet long, end to end; the carrot cake is a gravity-defying tower of cream cheese frosting; and of course, there's the vast dining room itself. That last part made it easy to slip in for lunch on a recent weekday without a wait, despite the terrifying lines I had seen online.
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SEAN FROEDTERT
弗罗德特先生专攻现代法餐，现任格林威治村马尔顿酒店（Marlton Hotel）内 Chez Nous 的执行主厨。
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Magma Flows at Ugly Baby
You could close your eyes at the original Ugly Baby and know exactly where you are. The clanging pots in the open kitchen. The carbonated snap of beer cans cracking open. The fog of bird's-eye chile in the air . . . and eventually, on your lips, tongue and throat. Anywhere but the eyes, hopefully, since the peppers burned like magma.
It went on like this, night after night, until the winter of 2024, when the chef Sirichai Sreparplarn closed the restaurant. He was burned out, having worked, he said, from 6 a.m. to 4 a.m., seven days a week, for seven years.
In August, Mr. Sreparplarn reopened Ugly Baby in Williamsburg, Brooklyn, spitting distance from the Brooklyn-Queens Expressway. Everything seemed to be in order when I stopped by during the opening week. Red chiles glowed on every plate. Diners dabbed their sweaty foreheads. Even Bond, a server from the original restaurant, had returned. (He was hurrying around the dining room, fighting fires with a water pitcher, just as I remembered.)
What to eat? A completely new menu that pairs strawberries with sticky fish sauce, hanger steak with mild beef tripe, and bony sea bass with fermented bamboo shoots in sour curry. The food is still thrillingly spicy, and I was glad to see that the charmingly long beer list had survived the move. As any true Ugly Baby fan knows, a sour coconut-lime beer is the only way to fight the flames.
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● MARCO TORRES
这位主厨现在负责东 27 街历史悠久的 Evelyn 酒店内的 Brass、Tusk Bar 和 Caffe Tusk。
THE POUR / ERIC ASIMOV
📄 Original Section
Play It Again, Sam's
Shame on me for never visiting the original Sam's in Carroll Gardens, Brooklyn, before it closed in the spring of 2025. Not that I didn't have plenty of chances. The Italian stalwart — clams, chops and unexplainable art choices — had been open since 1930, surviving nearly a century of neighborhood change and the periodic rumor about the retirement of its owner Louis Migliaccio, who was born above the restaurant.
Before Mr. Migliaccio finally retired last year, Georgia Fulton, a server at the nearby Long Island Bar, took up an apprenticeship at the restaurant, converting shorthand measurements into usable recipes. With his blessing, she reopened Sam's in September. The veal Parm is still glorious, crusted in a thick layer of cheese with your choice of baked ziti or spaghetti on the side. And the pizza some argue Sam's was never a restaurant, but a pizzeria — has been gently reinvigorated by Andrew Halitski, a talented chef who I met at La Rose Pizza in Cobble Hill (now closed, sadly) while scouting for our New York pizza list. The flour is better and the topping options have changed, but the goal, Ms. Fulton said, was for everything to feel "in essence, the same." Even the appetizer of celery and olives survived. In the past, it called for a whole head of undressed celery. Under Ms. Fulton, you get a few trim stalks and a snacky portion of pitted drupes. "It looked like a painting to me," she said. "I had to recreate it."
Carnegie Deli 834 Seventh Avenue (West 54th Street)
Waiting for that scarce table at Zimmi's, the pocket-size West Village bistro? Finally the sidewalk has competition. The adjacent 20-seat wine bar that Maxime Pradié, the chef and partner in Jenni Guizio's restaurant, has been talking about almost since Zimmi's opened, is now pouring, often by the glass or half-bottle, and serving housemade charcuterie and savory and sweet tarts. The chef Clodagh Manning is also involved. (Opens Wednesday)
72 Bedford Street (Barrow Street), 646-770-9038, zimmisnyc.com.
包括单麦芽苏格兰威士忌在内的苏格兰威士忌，已被美国酒精、烟草税收和贸易局（Alcohol and Tobacco Tax and Trade Bureau）正式认可为一种独特的烈酒类别。有一天，英格兰威士忌也可能在美国法规中获得类似的地位。
在过去的二十年里，数十家英格兰蒸馏厂开始生产威士忌。上方中心图片：一名工人在英格兰亨曼比（Hunmanby）的 Spirit of Yorkshire 蒸馏厂从桶中抽取威士忌。上方右侧图片：Spirit of Yorkshire 的创始人大卫·汤普森驳斥了关于英格兰威士忌新规则会误导消费者并损害苏格兰威士忌利益的说法。
CATH HARRIES / ALAMY
一些英格兰威士忌已经进入美国市场，包括 Cotswolds、Spirit of Yorkshire 的 Filey Bay 品牌、Adnams 和 Bimber。尽管它们的酒龄通常比大多数苏格兰威士忌短，但这些单麦芽威士忌与苏格兰同行拥有许多相似的风味。它们通常强调来自桶陈年的温暖、辛香和甜木质调。
Whatever your learning curve when it comes to products of the Amazon rainforest, a tutorial awaits at this patch of Brazil transported to the Lower East Side by Vitor Mendes, a former chef de cuisine at Theodora in Fort Greene, Brooklyn. The atmosphere is earthy, not leafy, and focused on a big open kitchen surrounded by seats and producing dishes like tuna with tapioca, cashew-based soup, cheese bread with eggplant dip, moquea (fish stew), and picanha (typical top sirloin) with cassava fries. 205 Allen Street (East Houston Street), 929-930-5033, iara.nyc.
尽管如此，伦博尔先生、卡拉汉女士及其团队已迅速进入状态，带来了清晰且迷人的风味，餐厅内也充满了生机。MAHIRA RIVERS 112 Bond Street, Boerum Hill, Brooklyn, 347-529-4130
Mahira Rivers 和 Ryan Sutton 是特约评论员。他们对纽约餐厅的简短星级评论每周首次出现在“Where to Eat”时事通讯中。
照片由 NICO SCHINCO 为《纽约时报》拍摄
从上至下：在 Lonnies 品尝主肋排；左侧为汉堡，右侧为西瓜普塔内斯卡面；以及海鲜吐司。
📄 Original Section
● BOOTH'S EXTRA FINE
Within recent memory, a steakhouse was a big deal business or special occasion venue. No more. It seems that every neighborhood needs one. In Williamsburg, the chef Nick Pfannerstill is broiling dry-aged rib-eyes on the bone, among other classics, just a few blocks from that established designation, Peter Luger. With the same team as Nobody Told Me, an Upper West Side bar, he's serving them in a setting with typically masculine steakhouse décor and vintage elements. The name is that of Mr. Pfannerstill's maternal grandfather, Booth Williams, a Milwaukee car salesman who supposedly favored ice-cold martinis and his paramour, a dancer, alongside his steaks.
62 South Second Street (Wythe Avenue), Williamsburg, Brooklyn, 347-294-4767, booths.nyc.
Dining before, after or even instead of Lincoln Center will be ready this week; there are more than 200 seats at Daniel Boulud's latest, with an expansive, mostly French menu and the retail outlet, Épicerie Boulud, included. (Thursday) 1900 Broadway (64th Street), 212-595-0303, brasserieboulud.com.
The Midtown location for this international chain has been joined by another in Chelsea near the High Line. There's a D.J. along with a grill master in a dramatically lit 200-seat room.
412 West 15th Street, 646-624-2444; 200 Park Avenue South (17th Street), stksteakhouse.com.
本文节选自弗洛伦斯·法布里坎特（Florence Fabricant）的著作《咸而非甜：美食世界的一生》（Salty, Not Sweet: A Life in the Food World，Running Press，2026年）。
📄 Original Section
● DANTE ELIZABETH STREET
Since 1915 there has been a Dante bar in Greenwich Village satisfying both a local crowd and boldface names. The current owners, Linden Pride and Nathalie Hudson, are spreading the name, revered for well-made drinks, far and wide, in the West Village, Beverly Hills, London and now NoLIta. A garden and trendy wood-fired cooking are features.
210 Elizabeth Street (Prince Street), dante-nyc.com.
Today, bright sunshine, high 68. Tonight, clear, light winds, low 56. Tomorrow, sunshine, occasional clouds, turning breezy and warmer, high 75. Weather map, Page B10.
Prices in Canada may be higher
\$4.00
NEWS ANALYSIS
Near Election, Deep Turmoil Grips France
Finances and Far Right
Imperil Welfare State
By MARK LANDLER
PARIS — Striking public workers. Barricaded high schools. Blocked ports. Budget paralysis. Surging bond rates. Fears of a far-right takeover.
France suddenly finds itself engulfed by crisis — not a single spasm of unrest, but a cascade of disruption that is roiling city streets, trading floors and public offices across the country. France's "rentree," or "return," as the French call the back-to-school and back-to-work season, has been anything but orderly.
The causes of the chaos may appear disparate, but they can be traced to a common root: France's two-decade-long struggle to fund its state, now exacerbated by high borrowing costs, surging fuel prices and political uncertainty, with jockeying underway to replace President Emmanuel Macron next spring.
French public finances, already fragile, continue to deteriorate, fanning fears in financial markets that France could be the next European country to tumble into a full-blown financial crisis. The fiscal jitters were amplified by recent polls that show the far-right candidate, Marine Le Pen, would beat all of her rivals in presidential elections that will be held next spring.
On Tuesday, teachers and other public workers rallied against proposed wage freezes as the government labors to pass a budget. They joined thousands of students who have blockaded schools to protest underfunding that has led to crumbling facili-
Continued on Page A9
People gathered on Tuesday in Paris as part of nationwide protests over crumbling school facilities and a shortage of teachers.
Houthis' Dash for the Red Sea Found Yemeni Forces in Disarray
This article is by Vivian Nereim, Saeed Al-Batati and Shuaib Almosawa.
RIYADH, Saudi Arabia — In the weeks before the Iran-backed Houthi militia fanned out along Yemen's Red Sea coast, sending their foes into a frenzied retreat, a Yemeni government commander called for help.
It was obvious to the commander, Lt. Gen. Tareq Saleh, that the Houthis wanted to seize his territory in order to reach the Bab al-
Mandab Strait, one of the most important waterways in the world.
According to three Yemeni officials, he tried to warn his powerful allies in Saudi Arabia and the United States. About 10 percent of global trade goes through the strait. Amid the U.S.-Israeli war with Iran, both countries had an interest in preventing an Iran-linked militia from winning a perch beside it.
Yet last month — when the Houthis did just that — no one was able, or willing, to stop them.
The militia's stunning triumph
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General Had Sounded Alarm, but U.S. and Saudis Stood By
over the Bab al-Mandab, which unfolded in a single night of chaos and panic, set off a cascade of events that has plunged Yemen back into a war with global reverberations.
This week, Saudi Arabia began a bombing campaign to help the
Yemeni government reclaim the territory it lost, with intelligence and targeting assistance from the U.S. military. On Tuesday, government-allied forces claimed to have made significant gains, besieging the Houthi fighters who held the strait.
It is unclear whether the Houthis' advance will hold, or where they will stop if it does. The Saudi government has pledged to help the Yemeni government "eliminate" the Houthis. The last time they took up that mantle, a
Continued on Page A5
AVISHAG SHAAR-YASHUV FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
Remembering Oct. 7 Twins Adjust to Freedom
Gali and Ziv Berman were taken hostage when their kibbutz was attacked three years ago. They were freed a year ago, but the horrors of that day still haunt them, and Israel. Page A6.
Music in Schools at Risk as Instrument Costs Soar
By SYDNEY EMBER
Jeff Lipscomb, a high school orchestra director in Kanawha County, W.Va., has been doing a lot of math.
For example, he has 12 cellists but only 10 cellos. If the school district gives him a total budget of \$500 to \$600 for the year, but one new cello costs more than \$1,000, what should Mr. Lipscomb do? What if he needs some new violins and violas, too?
"I've actually had to buy instruments out of my own pocket," Mr.
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Tariffs Strain Band and Orchestra Budgets
Lipscomb said from his classroom at South Charleston High School on the first Monday of the school year. "I just kind of have to."
Like many music teachers, Mr. Lipscomb has become attuned to tight budgets. Lately, though, the cost of instruments has ballooned beyond his ability to make do.
Pandemic-era supply chain snarls lifted prices for goods across the board. President Trump's global tariffs further swelled the cost of foreign-made instruments. Then in August, the Trump administration proposed additional 25 percent tariffs on trumpets, tubas and other brass instruments, citing "national security threats" under a provision it has used to impose duties on foreign metals.
The consequences have reverberated across the country. Higher instrument prices are a
Continued on Page A15
Texas Pediatricians Pressured By Paxton in Anti-Vaccine Push
By CHRISTINA JEWETT
It was a bustling Monday morning at a little pediatrician's office in central Texas. Children with rashes, fevers and runny noses cycled through exam rooms decorated with butterflies, planets and colorful maps. The doctor, who had been treating kids in the community for 20 years, was delighted when a woman she had cared for as a child came in with her newborn.
Until recently, she had planned to continue her practice for years to come. But this year, she has begun to reconsider amid the stress and legal costs of defending herself in a statewide investigation by
Ken Paxton, the attorney general of Texas and Republican candidate for the U.S. Senate, who has accused doctors, drug companies and insurers of conspiring to push parents into vaccinating children.
She agreed to be interviewed and allowed a reporter to visit her practice but asked to be identified by her middle name, Rachel, to protect her from retaliation.
In December, Dr. Rachel received a letter from the attorney general's Consumer Protection Division demanding her vaccine purchase records over the past 10 years. "The division believes that
Continued on Page A17
IN TRUMP'S TERM, SEX ASSAULT CASES GET LESS PRIORITY
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NO CALL ON CORNELL
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Fewer Campus Inquiries Are Resolved With a Civil Rights Law
By MICHAEL C. BENDER
WASHINGTON — In President Trump's first term, news reports of sexual abuse allegations at San Jose State University prompted a Justice Department investigation that forced the school to make extensive policy changes and pay the victims and to remain under federal monitoring for four years.
But the intense focus on allegations that a Cornell University student was assaulted by multiple men at a fraternity party has barely drawn a response from the federal government. The hands-off stance reflects the more muted approach that Mr. Trump's administration has taken to sexual abuse cases on campuses in his second term.
"I don't know that much about it," Mr. Trump told reporters last week in response to a question about the case. "But Cornell is a fine school, and I'm sure they'll do what's right."
Government officials have not said whether they plan to investigate the allegations or the university's response under Title IX, the federal civil rights law that bans sex discrimination in education and allows federal officials to investigate university responses to such cases.
The administration has largely used Title IX to open dozens of investigations aimed at removing protections for transgender students, blocking transgender athletes from participating on female sports teams and eliminating gender-neutral bathrooms from schools.
During the initial 20 months of Mr. Trump's first term, the Education Department's Office for Civil Rights, which investigates discrimination complaints in schools, resolved more than 150 cases of sexual harassment and sexual violence, according to a public government database. The database does not show investigations that remain open.
The administration's lack of action so far on the Cornell case comes amid an apparent drop from Mr. Trump's first term in resolved investigations of sexual assault, according to a review of public records. Resolved investigations are cases that end with a signed agreement to remedy violations of civil rights law.
In the first 20 months of Mr. Trump's second term, the same database shows the office has resolved one case. Julie Hartman, an Education Department spokeswoman, said the depart-
Trying to Film Like Mamdani? Not All Mayors Can Pull It Off.
By JULIE BOSMAN
Continued on Page A18
CHICAGO — Susana Mendoza, the Illinois state comptroller and a candidate for mayor of Chicago, was not going to let the crummy weather get in her way. She had videos to shoot.
Continued on Page A12
Sheltered on a drizzly recent afternoon under the overhang of a building along the Chicago River, Ms. Mendoza, in a black suit, high heels and her signature updo, faced a cellphone held aloft by a staffer — then flubbed her line.
she walked. Tackle the crisis, an aide corrected. Ms. Mendoza clapped her hands, then jogged in reverse to try once more. "This is how it works," she said cheerfully.
"I'm the only candidate for mayor with the financial management experience and backbone to manage this crisis," she said confidently, pointing at the camera as
The videos' growing popularity can be traced to New York City and Mayor Zohran Mamdani, a digital native who is widely seen as a master of the art. His campaign relied on viral posts to get
And this is how mayors and mayoral hopefuls are talking to constituents these days: with snappy, walk-and-talk, make-policy-personal videos that reach voters on TikTok or Instagram.
Mayor Jacob Frey of Minneapolis filmed iffy court skills.
NATIONAL A11-19
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A Milestone Within Reach?
Democrats are increasingly confident that they will have a record number of women, as many as 113, serving in the House next year. PAGE A12
Inmate Regains Consciousness
Christa Pike, who survived her execution in Tennessee, was "conscious and speaking," her lawyers said. PAGE A16
SPORTS B6-9
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The Bronx Blunderers
The Yankees' error-filled effort put the team in a 2-0 hole in the best-of-five series against the Rays. PAGE B7
INTERNATIONAL A4-10
Peeking at a Robotic Future
A park in Seoul filled with robots was a glimpse at cutting-edge technology, complete with some theatrics. PAGE A4
U.S. Weapons to Target Cartels
MQ-9 Reaper drones, known for deadly strikes, have been shifted to South America, officials said. PAGE A8
FOOD D1-8
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An Appetite for Buddhism
A cookbook from the acclaimed chef Eric Ripert calls for mindfulness and gratitude in the kitchen — lessons he learned from a South Korean nun. PAGE D1
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Good Wine Under \$30
Inexpensive bottles are often disappointing. But California producers are now trying to change that. PAGE D4
ARTS C1-6
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Behind the Battlefield
The release of the video game Gears of War: E-Day has come amid Xbox leadership changes and studio layoffs. PAGE CI
BUSINESS B1-5
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Who's Liable for Rogue A.I.?
Many think artificial intelligence companies should be held responsible for their runaway technology. But legal scholars say applying existing law could be messy. PAGE B1
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Paramount Closes Warner Deal
Paramount Closes Warner Deal
After a legal battle, the two Hollywood giants have become one. But the new company is saddled with debt, and in a memo to employees, its leaders hinted at cost and job cuts.
PAGE B1
OPINION A20-21
Thomas L. Friedman
PAGE A20
OBITUARIES A22
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Fallen Television Preacher
Jim Bakker, with his wife, Tammy Faye, built a juggernaut around the gospel of prosperity. Sexual and financial scandals were his ruin. He was 86.
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The New York Times
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Quote of the Day
"We wanted to go home. They told us it was gone."
ZIV BERMAN, who was held hostage for two years along with his twin brother after their kibbutz in Israel was attacked on Oct. 7, 2023. Now they are rebuilding their lives. Page A6.
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A Notable Number
\$100 million
The estimated value of an art collection owned by Jeff Koons that will be up for auction next month. The collection includes paintings by Picasso, Manet and the Dutch artist Cornelis van Haarlem. Page C1.
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Corrections
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NATIONAL
An article on Friday about the reaction to documents that detailed the handling of rape allegations by university and law enforcement authorities at Cornell misstated the class of a student at the school. The student, Atakan Deviren, is a junior, not a senior.
Errors are corrected during the press run whenever possible, so some errors noted here may not have appeared in all editions. For recently published corrections, visit nytimes.com/corrections.
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The Story Behind the Story
A Writer Following Culture to Unexpected Places
MARCELLUS HALL
For Guy Trebay, writing about lucrative trees and homes with snow rooms is just part of the job.
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By DORI GRAY
Guy Trebay, a New York Times culture reporter, has always been fascinated by interesting people. So one might wonder why he decided to write about baobabs, banyans and other trees in transit across the world.
Wealthy homeowners "want a 50-foot oak, a quarter-million-dollar banyan, a baobab from Africa, a grove of magnolia trees for their penthouse terrace," he said. "They don't have time to plant a sapling from Lowe's in their backyards."
Mr. Trebay wrote about the business of mature trees — and the affluent people who request them — for the Styles desk, where he has been rooted since 2000. He covers the intersection of style, culture and art, a beat that has led him to write about homes with snow rooms, a high-end travel concierge and the color beige as a symbol for wealth.
"It's a compelling population," Mr. Trebay said of the wealthy in America. "While they exist kind of mythologically, most of us ordinary people have little inkling what their lives are like."
Before joining The Times, Mr. Trebay was a columnist for The Village Voice. As the Centerfold editor there, he also helped highlight the work of numerous artists who were then little-known, including the cartoonist Roz Chast and the writer Colson Whitehead. Mr. Trebay began his career in journalism as a freelance writer for Andy Warhol's Interview magazine in the 1970s.
In an interview, Mr. Trebay discussed his 2024 memoir, "Do Something: Coming of Age Amid the Glitter and Doom of '70s New York"; revisiting a noteworthy subject for a recent profile; and where he finds article ideas. This conversation has been edited for length and clarity.
Before becoming a reporter, you had various odd jobs, including accessory-making, working at a juice bar at a disco and modeling for fashion illustrations. How did those experiences inform your writing?
I probably always had a reportorial cast of mind, so I would have brought that to whatever job I had. I have always been super curious, and that has to be a key quality in journalism. It's a nosy person's profession.
You spotted and covered artists before they became household names for The Village Voice. Over the course of your career, have there been any general cultural shifts that you didn't see coming?
The degree to which our lives would become digital. Most of the early decades of my reporting, if you wanted to find stuff out, you had to go out on the street, read a sign, talk to somebody. Now, culturally and in all other ways, that isn't where the information's coming from.
When I first started writing about fashion, I didn't anticipate the degree to which it would move to the center of culture. When I was writing about the ballroom children and Pyramid Club performers — I wrote a profile for The New Yorker about RuPaul in the 1990s — I definitely did not anticipate
the coming Drag Industrial Complex. They were just interesting people doing interesting things. I never imagined drag would become a career path.
Where do you find your article ideas these days?
A lot of it is online. As much as I am addicted to social media, whenever I try to go cold turkey, something good comes up and I'm hooked again. The story about Johnny Hilbrant Partridge and his character as a "Private Equity Guy" happened that way.
Last year, you published an article about Olivia Ferney, a travel agent to the ultrarich. This August, you published a more in-depth profile of Ms. Ferney. How do you decide if or when to revisit a story?
That's something I've almost never done. But she's very emblematic of that world, and it was an opportunity that a reporter might not otherwise get to be proximate to that kind of excess. They were setting the world record in the most absurd thing possible: Champagne presentation. So that made it valuable to revisit something I had written about before.
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What inspired you to write a memoir?
Generally, we Americans are pretty dedicated to forgetting stuff, and there was a lot that I wanted to bring back into memory. I had a complex family life, and I wanted to write about that. But also, I was young at a time when the AIDS epidemic was at its peak in New York, and there's been a tendency to elide the losses inflicted by AIDS. So I was very interested in writing about the seminal cultural figures who created the world that we inherited.
As a journalist, what was it like to write about your life and environment versus someone else's?
Any time I finished working on the book, I went running back into the arms of journalism. It was so nice to not be writing about myself.
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What keeps you in New York?
The nonnegotiable for me is the New York subway system. I can never not love the subway, even though I'm mad at it about three times a day. It seems miraculous that we are all riding together, more or less peaceably, whoever we are. Also, as I learned during Covid, walking in the city will never disappoint.
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Do you plan to write another book?
I'm at the beginning stages of another project, and I can tell you this: It is fiction. I used to believe fiction writers had it rough, but now I think, What a delight to make things up.
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The Newspaper and Beyond
TODAY'S PAPER
VIDEO
Opinion A20-21
Weather B10
Crossword C3
Obituaries A22
AUDIO
TELEVISION
In Russia, an uptick in Ukrainian drone attacks on oil refineries has left residents unnerved over fuel shortages. Ride along with the reporter Ivan Nechepurenko on his search for gasoline in Moscow. nytimes.com/video
Two species of Brazilian birds, the bare-throated bellbird and the red-legged seriema, are the loudest in nature, researchers found, with calls noisier than jackhammers. Listen to their songs, if you dare, at nytimes.com/science.
The first season of “Lanterns,” the intergalactic DC Universe superhero series starring Kyle Chandler and Aaron Pierre, ended where it began: rural Nebraska. Read Noel Murray’s recap of the Season 1 finale at nytimes.com/tv.
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A Headline From History
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SCREEN: 'SPARTACUS' ENTERS THE ARENA
October 7, 1960. "Spartacus," a film about the Roman gladiator who sparked a famous slave rebellion, burst "with patriotic fervor, bloody tragedy, a lot of romantic fiddle-faddle and historical inaccuracy," the critic Bosley Crowther wrote in his review for The Times. Directed by Stanley Kubrick, the film starred Kirk Douglas in the title role, alongside Jean Simmons, Laurence Olivier and Peter Ustinov, "an elite cast," wrote Mr. Crowther. Regardless, he thought "Spartacus" was "heroic humbug — a vast, panoramic display of synthetic Rome and Romans." The movie was more favorably received by other critics and the public, including John F. Kennedy, who saw it after becoming president in 1961. His endorsement helped quell the controversy surrounding the fact that the screenplay was written by Dalton Trumbo, a member of the blacklisted "Hollywood Ten." "Spartacus" was the highest-grossing film in 1960 and won four Academy Awards. The American Film Institute ranks it among the 100 best films of all time.
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Facts of Interest
In the Texas governor's race, the Democratic candidate, Gina Hinojosa, was four points ahead of the three-term G.O.P. incumbent, Greg Abbott, in a mid-September poll. Mr. Abbott has outspent Ms. Hinojosa 10 to 1.
Texas Democrats' Long-Delayed Dream May Be Within Reach A13
Whisky has long been the United Kingdom's top food and drink export, raking in 5.5 billion pounds (about \$7.26 billion) in 2025, with an overwhelming majority of it made in Scotland.
English Whisky Gets a Boost From the U.K. D6
In M.L.B. history, only 10 of 91 teams (11 percent) have come back after going down two games to none in a five-game series.
An Early Exit Looms for the Yankees After a Game of Gaffes B7
Anne Hathaway has starred in five major films since April. After the success of "Verity," she appears to be the first woman to have leading roles in three films that opened at No. 1 at the box office in a single year.
For Anne Hathaway,
A Renaissance Year C3
MQ-9 Reaper drones, often used for precision strikes, can cost up to \$50 million. The aircraft are in short supply after losses in the Iran war, where at least 45, or about a quarter of the overall U.S. fleet, have been destroyed.
U.S. Is Said to Shift Drones
To South America
To Hunt Cartels A8
Red-dyed diesel, mainly used in agriculture and construction, is no different from regular diesel. But it is exempt from the 24.4-cent-per-gallon federal highway tax and some state taxes.
Trump Allows Nonfarm Vehicles
To Use Lower-Cost Dyed Diesel B1
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The Mini Crossword
BY CHRISTINA (VERSON EDITED BY JOEL FAGLIANO)
ACROSS
1 “\_ not, want not”
6 Get under the skin of
7 Truly amazed
8 Knighted fellows
9 "Plain white" article of clothing for James Dean
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DOWN
1 Body part that's a homophone of 1-Across
2 Broadway musical in which Sadie Sink got her start (at age 10!)
3 Part of a drum kit
4 Hauls away, as a car
5 One of five for a dragonfly
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ANSWER TO PREVIOUS PUZZLE
Reader Corner
From the Comments Forum
HOMAN MURADOV
The use of phones at concerts is reaching a tipping point, leading some artists to ban them.
BRENDAN HOFFMAN FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
Phoebe Bridgers has banned phones from her tour, joining musicians like Alicia Keys and Jack White in leaving fans no choice but to be present in the moment. The pop music critic Lindsay Zoladz wrote about how such bans change the concert experience and asked readers for their thoughts on the mandates. These comments have been edited.
I have enjoyed seeing vids of shows I didn't attend — Anika Nilles playing with Rush was a favorite. But I am very much in favor of the ban. I saw David Byrne at Forest Hills recently and the woman in front of me watched at least half the show through her phone. (The vivid visuals did pop on her screen.) That said, I am baffled by folks, of all ages, who can't be present for two hours.
— DAVE TURNLEY, MAPLEWOOD, N.J.
I saw Phoebe Bridgers in Columbus, and I found the experience both anxiety-inducing (disconnected from the babysitter) and unexpectedly charming. People brought lighters! I saw flickering flames instead of absurd bright cellphone lights during poignant songs. I was beaming. I hadn't seen that for 20 years, and it was pure delight. I'll remember the entire show through the setlist, which I made a playlist of immediately, and my memories.
— KRISTEN SCHMIDT, COLUMBUS, OHIO
Some years back, I saw the Pretenders. The rule was if you pull out a phone, you will be escorted out. Everyone complied as far as I could tell. Then, when the band returned for an encore, Chrissie Hynde said to go ahead and use your phone now if you want. That's a fair compromise, I think.
— LOUIE PEROTTI, SEBASTOPOL, CALIF.
Excerpts From New York Times Newsletters
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In Our Inbox
The Supreme Court began a new term this week and will hear arguments in roughly 60 cases through April. Ann E. Marimow and Abbie VanSickle, who cover the court for The Times, helped The Morning preview the most anticipated decisions. Here are three.
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SUNCOR V. BOULDER
Arguments started Monday in this major environmental case about whether state law can be used to hold companies liable for the costs of climate change. It pits the city and county of Boulder, Colo., against Suncor Energy and Exxon Mobil, companies those government entities say concealed the risks of climate change. If the justices agree, the companies would have to reimburse Boulder for damages from wildfires, floods and other extreme weather.
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ST. MARY CATHOLIC PARISH V. ROY
In November, the court will hear a case brought by the Archdiocese of Denver that challenges Colorado rules requiring preschools that receive public funding to accept the children of gay and transgender parents. The archdiocese and two Catholic schools argue that doing so would be at odds with church teachings — but that excluding its schools from public funding would violate the First Amendment right to the free exercise of religion.
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VIRAMONTES V. COOK COUNTY
This one's a blockbuster dealing with the question of whether state and local laws banning semiautomatic rifles violate the Constitution, a subject that the court has avoided for years. The case, slated for oral argument on Dec. 2, concerns Illinois and Connecticut, but the decision could seal the fate of similar laws around the country aimed at restricting the ownership of military-style rifles, such as the AR-15.
To subscribe to The Morning, visit nytimes.com/newsletters.
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Here to Help
Some Things Experts Wish Every Runner Did to Prevent Injury
Running can benefit your cardiovascular system and your mental health. But without a few precautions, it can hobble you with aches and pains. We asked experts to share habits they wish runners practiced to avoid injury. DANIELLE FRIEDMAN
Build mileage gradually. Many running injuries come from pushing yourself too hard, too soon. A slow, steady training program builds your resilience and increases what your body can safely tolerate, said Stuart Warden, a professor of physical therapy at Indiana University Indianapolis.
As a rule, avoid big jumps in training. Strive to increase your total weekly mileage by no more than 10 to 20 percent, and consider alternating hard training weeks with lighter, "down" weeks, he said.
Keep your easy runs easy. Training for a marathon may be intense, but not every workout should be, said Pamela Geisel, a running coach and an exercise physiologist at the Hospital for Special Surgery in New York. Most of your long runs should be at a truly easy pace, she said.
Long, easy runs are important for building aerobic endurance. They also train your body to rely on fat for energy versus carbohydrates, which can help to ensure you don't crash when tackling longer distances.
Strength train. Many running injuries stem from muscle weaknesses and strength imbalances, Dr. Warden said. Strength training can help the imbalances. It can also help you run more efficiently, Ms.
HAYLEY WATSON
Geisel said. Experts suggest focusing on muscle groups runners rely on most: the legs and glutes, as well as the core.
Prioritize rest. Runners should be disciplined about rest, said Becs Gentry, an elite marathoner and coach for Peloton. Rest is "underrated, under discussed, underappreciated in the fitness world," she said. Down time is important for building strength.
Don't ignore pain. If you start to feel a persistent ache or a sharp jab, don't simply hope it will go away. This is where serious injuries can occur, Ms. Geisel said. She emphasized that you want to address pain early on, before it changes your gait. The longer you wait, the more challenging the treatment and recovery can become.
Trust your intuition.
The "Intuition" Octopus Necklace
In 18K Gold or Sterling Silver
MONICA RICH KOSANN
Call 866.598.2784 | Visit MONICARICHKOSANN.COM
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We prioritize accuracy, fairness and quality for our readers. When we fall short, we publicly acknowledge and correct our mistakes.
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International
The New York Times
Measuring the Gap Between a Robotic Future and Reality
PHOTOGRAPHS BY JIWOONG HONG/THE NEW YORK TIMES
At Galaxy Robot Park in South Korea, robots performed tightly choreographed dances to high-octane K-pop hits and played soccer (with a helping human hand), among other things. Want a cocktail? A robot bartender can mix a stiff one. Here, though, robots "thinking" for themselves seemed far off.
By YAN ZHUANG
SEOUL — The robot waves at me. I tentatively wave back. Staring into its glassy black face, I can't quite tell if it is actually responding to what I'm doing or just following commands from a handler standing a few feet away.
I offer my hand and it mirrors the gesture. When I try to shake its gloved hand, its arm does not budge.
I'm at Galaxy Robot Park in South Korea, experiencing the future — or, at least, a vision of one.
By now, millions have seen viral videos of humanoid robots. At their best, they beat athletics world records and perform complicated synchronized dances. At their worst, they run headfirst into walls and burst into flames. Some have accidentally kicked and slapped children.
The implicit promise of robots that look like us is that one day, they will be able to act like us, too. Many see them as the ultimate embodiment of the artificial intelligence revolution. But how close are we to that future? And what role do we want robots to play in it?
This park in Seoul — opened in the summer by Galaxy Corporation, an entertainment and technology company that represents major K-pop singers — offers one version, in which robots not only ease our burdens but also entertain us, dance alongside us and act as our companions. That future is nearly here, it suggests.
Central to this vision is Unitree Robotics, the Chinese company behind the humanoids in most viral robot videos, and the park's biggest draw. Unitree's flagship G1 model is one of the most widely available humanoid robots in the world. At about \$13,500, it is also one of the more affordable options, considering some companies' models have six-figure price tags.
A statue of the G1 dressed as an astronaut towers over the park grounds. It's a statement as grandiose as it is muddled: Why would a robot need a spacesuit? It feels like a reflection of a key aspect of the humanoid robotics industry — a mismatch between vision and reality, between a form that suggests intelligence and bodies that still functionally lack any.
Machines already assemble products in factories, serve us food and vacuum our floors. Automated cars drive us around. People go on reality television shows to see if they can fall in love with A.I. companions.
But the next frontier is robots that can do whatever we want, whenever we want it, autonomously.
To this end, many envision robots that look like us, with the assumption that they are best suited to navigate a world built for humans. The form also has a particular resonance, a connotation of sentience that was once the stuff of science fiction.
"There's a weight of possibilities mapped onto these humanoid robots that a lot of us carry around," said John McCormick, an artist and professor at Swinburne University of Technology in Australia who is programming his own Unitree robots.
That potential is reinforced when we see robots dance with humanlike fluidity, like Unitree's have done on "America's Got Talent" or at China's Lunar New Year gala. But such performances engender unrealistic expectations of what these robots are capable of, Mr. McCormick said, adding that their moves appear complex but they are still mostly following preprogrammed routines.
They can also be less impressive in commercial settings than tightly controlled and programmed showcases, as I realized while watching Galaxy Robot Park's main draw: a 50-minute dance and martial arts extravaganza starring 10 humanoid robots.
Parts of the performance are striking, especially when the robots dance to high-octane K-pop hits. They power through tightly choreographed movements, throwing their arms around fluidly and spinning in place with barely a wobble. If one drifts slightly too close to another robot, it can reposition itself.
Other parts of the show, with slower songs, seem less polished. Dance moves that are supposed to be smooth and expressive look jerky and awkward.
Their shortcomings are most obvious when five taekwondo fighters join them onstage. The humans punch with force; the robots lift and lower their arms. The fighters kick their legs up to the ceiling; the robots barely manage to reach the height of their hips. The robot acrobatics are few and far between — although they do look cool.
Overall, it wasn't quite as impressive as something like the Lunar New Year gala in China, where Unitree robots performed nonstop acrobatics.
That likely speaks to the difference between one-off events that the company dedicates all its resources to perfecting and what the robots can do in commercial settings involving multiple daily performances, said Alan Fern, a robotics professor at Oregon State University.
"If you're going to have them doing backflips and crazy stuff, you're going to break more robots, and that's going to be expensive," he said.
Right now, anything practical we might want a humanoid robot to do can be done better by a more specialized, less humanoid machine. An assembly robot in a factory, for example, does not need legs or a face.
That is apparent at Galaxy Robot Park, where the most useful machines are the least lifelike.
I order a cocktail from a bartender that is two arms mounted on a giant sphere. The arms pump shots of gin, orange juice and yuzu juice into a container and shake it up. The resulting drink is room temperature and very, very strong.
But at some point in the future, it will no longer be cost-effective to build a specialized robot for every possible scenario, Mr. Fern said, adding that the goal is to make autonomous, general purpose robots that are not perfect at one task but simply good enough for everything.
To get there, investors are betting that humanoids will have a technological breakthrough, like the A.I. industry did in 2022 with the release of ChatGPT. But it's unclear how long that might take, Mr. Fern said. A.I. models had the whole of the internet to train on, he added, but there is no massive quantity of training data for humanoids.
At the park, robots that could "think" for themselves still felt very far away. Take, for example, the robot that I shook hands with. It looks like it could be acting autonomously, but look closer: Its handler, with his hands casually behind his back, is holding a controller. Other humanoid robots at the park were also being controlled, more visibly: a boxing robot that jabs and kicks, and a soccer robot that visitors can command to kick a ball.
There is also the question of what kind of future we imagine with robots. Do we want them to be dancing with us as well as doing our chores? What happens when the novelty wears off?
Visitors to the park in Seoul had mixed feelings. Brenda Stone, 57, from Colorado, said she found the robot performers impressive but did not think she would be back. Ms. Stone said she attended performances and concerts to see people with all their imperfections. "A.I. would be perfect," and not in a good way, she said.
Before I leave the park, I want to have one more conversation. It's with Sketcher, a robot that talks to you while "drawing" your portrait — or more accurately, it takes a photo of you and turns it into a cartoon image.
I want to know how it “thinks” about the future and the place robots will have in it. It gives what sounds like a stock answer about robots being fun and helpful. I’m not convinced.
"It's OK to feel unsure. Take your time," it said. It immediately followed that by telling me our time is up.
As I'm leaving, I notice that Sketcher has replaced my neutral expression with a beaming smile.
Nobel Prize in Physics Is Awarded for the Advent of Neutrino Astronomy
ALTHLA DOTZOUR/UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN, VIA AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE — GETTY IMAGES
Francis Halzen was awarded the Nobel Prize in Physics for pioneering a telescope that paved the way for neutrino astronomy.
By AURELIEN BREEDEN and KATRINA MILLER
Francis Halzen was awarded the Nobel Prize in Physics on Tuesday for pioneering a telescope that paved the way for a new kind of astronomy. Scientists used this telescope, embedded deep in the ice at the South Pole, to detect ghostly particles whizzing from the far reaches of the universe known as high-energy neutrinos.
"It's a way of bringing us information about distant cosmic sources, which we are unable to acquire in other ways," Mark Pearce, chair of the Nobel Committee for Physics, said at the prize announcement. In a statement following the announcement, he added that Dr. Halzen had "provided us with a fantastic instrument."
Dr. Halzen conceptualized the IceCube Neutrino Observatory in the late 1980s as a way to observe the natural particle accelerators of the cosmos, such as supermassive black holes. These events generate neutrinos at far higher energies than what can be produced on Earth.
The IceCube team, which today consists of more than 400 scientists around the world, completed construction of the telescope in
2011 and announced the discovery of high-energy neutrinos originating from far beyond our solar system two years later.
With the conception of IceCube, Dr. Halzen birthed the field of neutrino astronomy, which provides a different lens from which to explore the universe. IceCube also laid the groundwork for a suite of other neutrino telescopes around the world, including an underwater observatory that in 2023 detected the most energetic neutrino to date.
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Who is the winner?
Dr. Halzen is a physics professor at the University of Wisconsin, Madison. He was born in 1944 in Tienen, Belgium.
Dr. Halzen called the award "a great surprise." Addressing the news conference in Stockholm by phone from Italy, he emphasized that his work was the result of a "large collaboration" with other researchers.
The Nobel Prize earns Dr. Halzen 12 million Swedish kronor, or about \$1.2 million.
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Why did he receive the prize?
Neutrinos are subatomic particles that carry no electrical charge, so they pass through nearly all matter without colliding or otherwise interacting. And they are everywhere: More than a billion neutrinos, emitted by the sun, pass through the palm of your hand every second, according to Dr. Pearce.
But the most energetic neutrinos come from farther away in the universe and are rarer, making them even more difficult to catch. In 1988, Dr. Halzen presented the idea for a neutrino telescope embedded deep in the Antarctic ice and fitted with thousands of light sensors. On rare occasions, a neutrino traveling through Earth would interact with the ice and produce a flash of light, which could be detected by the telescope's sensors.
More than two decades later, construction of the IceCube Neutrino Observatory was complete, spanning one cubic kilometer, or about a quarter of a cubic mile, of ice at the South Pole. In its statement, the Nobel Committee praised Mr. Halzen's "vision and scientific leadership" for the project, which gave astronomers a fresh look at the universe.
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Who won the Nobel Prize in Physics in 2025?
John Clarke, Michel H. Devoret and John M. Martinis shared the prize for work that made the behaviors of the subatomic world observable in a system large enough to see with the naked eye.
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Who else has won a Nobel Prize this year?
Karl Deisseroth, Peter Hegemann and Georg Nagel were awarded the Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine on Monday for their discovery of a transformative neuroscience tool that may one day lead to a treatment for blindness.
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When will the other Nobel Prizes be announced?
The prize for physics is the second of six Nobel Prizes that will be awarded this year. Each award recognizes groundbreaking contributions by an individual or organization in a specific field.
■ The Nobel Prize in Chemistry will be awarded on Wednesday by the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences in Stockholm. Last year, the prize went to Susumu Kitagawa, Richard Robson and Omar Yaghi for the development of molecular building blocks with spaces large enough for gases and other chemicals to flow through them.
■ The Nobel Prize in Literature will be awarded on Thursday by the Swedish Academy in Stockholm. Last year, Laszlo Krasznahorkai, a Hungarian novelist known for his dystopian themes and relentless prose, received the award.
■ The Nobel Peace Prize will be awarded on Friday by the Norwegian Nobel Institute in Oslo. Last year, María Corina Machado, who built a movement in Venezuela challenging the nation's authoritarian president, won the award.
■ Next week, the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences will be awarded on Monday by the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences in Stockholm. Last year, Joel Mokyr, Philippe Aghion and Peter Howitt were honored for research explaining the relationship between technological progress and sustained economic growth.
A ceremony organized by the Houthi authorities for the 12th anniversary of the militia's takeover of Yemen's capital, Sanaa.
MOHAMMED HUWAIS/AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE — GETTY IMAGES
Houthis' Red Sea Dash Seized on the Disarray Among Yemen's Forces
From Page AI
decade ago, it devolved into a bloody quagmire.
This is the inside story of the battle that reignited Yemen's war and the dark lessons it imparts for the next phase of fighting. The Houthi victory on Sept. 10 showed how a ragtag militia has transformed into a formidable force with advanced technology. It was a major defeat for the Yemeni government and its Saudi patrons, demonstrating that they were unable to fight cohesively and were plagued by internal strife.
This article is based on interviews with more than 15 people who participated in the fighting or were briefed on what happened, including soldiers, Yemeni military officers, officials with Yemen's internationally recognized government, U.S. officials and Houthis officials. Almost all of them spoke on the condition of anonymity, either because they feared retribution from the Houthis or Saudi Arabia, or because they were not authorized to discuss what happened.
SAEED AL-BATATT
"We did not even say goodbye to our neighbors," said Hassan Sughair, left, a civilian who fled the Houthis with his family.
Their accounts make it clear that while the Houthis' victory last month was surprising to many, it was foreseeable.
For months, the U.S. military and intelligence agencies had warned Saudi Arabia about a resurgent threat from the Houthis and urging Saudi officials to unify the fractious forces of the Yemeni government, according to two senior American officials and one former senior American official.
In the lead-up to his defeat, General Saleh had reached out to Saudi and American officials, seeking greater support in holding back the Houthis, according to a Yemeni government official and two senior Yemeni military officers. The officers said he had asked the Saudis for air cover and the Americans for electronic jamming of Houthi communications. General Saleh received little from either country, the three officials said. Even some in his own government seemed disinclined to intervene.
U.S. officials offered assistance with planning and intelligence — including on Houthi troop movements — but emphasized that their aid was limited and would not include airstrikes, the current and former U.S. officials said.
It is unclear why Saudi Arabia, equipped with American fighter jets and bombs, did not step in more intensively on its own. The Saudi government did not respond to a request for comment, nor did the White House.
The Houthis, who survived a U.S. bombing campaign last year, gained international attention during the war in Gaza by launching missiles and drones at Israel and vessels in the Red Sea. Holding territory along the Red Sea would make it even easier for the group to disrupt shipping, analysts say.
Whether any foreign military
Vivian Nereim reported from Riyadh; Saeed Al-Batati from al-Mukalla, Yemen; and Shuaib Almosawa from Sanaa, Yemen. Mohammed Ali Kalfood contributed reporting from Hudaydah, Yemen; Eric Schmitt from Washington; and Aric Toler from Kansas City.
campaign could have held back the militia remains an open question. Mohammed al-Bukhaiti, a Houthi political official, attributed their victory to progress they had made in developing their military capabilities throughout years of war. The Houthis are fighting "to liberate Yemen from occupation," he said, dismissing their foes as Saudi "mercenaries."
Two Yemeni government soldiers interviewed by The New York Times said they ultimately blamed their own feckless leaders for their defeat.
It was just after sundown on Sept. 9 when everything crumbled, according to one of their comrades, who spoke on the condition of anonymity, fearing retribution.
He recalled how he had been stationed with other soldiers outside Mokha, a historic port city near the Bab al-Mandab Strait, when they received reports of Houthi fighters advancing from multiple directions. Suddenly, their communications went dark, he said, severing contact with other units. They heard shouting.
"Retreat! Retreat! Retreat!" he remembered his comrades yelling. "The Houthis are already here!"
They turned and fled for their lives.
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Rebels on the Rise
The Houthis' recent conquest belies their simpler origins. The group began in the 1990s as a religious movement focused on Zaydism, an offshoot of Shiite Islam. Its leaders later mounted an armed rebellion against Yemen's government, saying that they were battling corruption and foreign influence.
Scholars debate when Iran began supporting them, but the Houthis eventually become a key Iranian ally.
In 2014, they took over Yemen's capital, Sanaa, routing the government and starting a civil war. Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates began a disastrous military campaign to restore the government. Hundreds of thousands of people died from violence, hunger and disease. The Houthis survived, cementing their rule over northern Yemen.
After a truce in 2022, the Houthis used the lull in fighting to become stronger and more self-sufficient, expanding their arsenal, analysts say.
The Yemeni government did not. During the war, it had become increasingly fragmented and weak, beholden to its Saudi and Emirati patrons — which were often at odds with each other.
"The Yemeni government is basically a fiction at this point," said Gregory Johnsen, a nonresident fellow at the Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington. "They spend more time fighting one another than they do the Houthis."
One of the key players in this government was General Saleh. The nephew of Yemen's former authoritarian leader, he had made plentiful enemies over the years as he seesawed from one alliance to another—siding with the Houthis, then joining the government.
In Mokha, with Emirati backing, he formed his own armed faction. His soldiers, around 50,000, served as a bulwark against the Houthis pushing south toward the Bab al-Mandab. Then, in January, the Emirates withdrew from Yemen amid a feud with Saudi Arabia. Saudi officials consolidated their control over the government's many factions. Once again, General Saleh found himself with a new sponsor: Saudi Arabia.
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The Offensive Begins
When the United States and Israel attacked Iran in February, the Houthis appeared willing at first to sit out the war. But behind the scenes, Yemen's truce had become a brittle stalemate.
Talks aimed at a long-term peace deal — from which the Houthis hoped to gain greater authority and access to oil revenue — had stalled. Poverty in Houthi territory was dire, putting pressure on the group. They blamed Saudi Arabia and bristled at Saudi restrictions on Yemeni airspace.
Houthi fighters in September after they pushed Yemeni government forces from the Red Sea coast and the Bab al-Mandab Strait.
ASSOCIATED PRESS
SAUDI PRESS AGENCY
Houthis who were prisoners in the city of Mokha arrived in Sanaa. They were freed when the militia overtook the Red Sea port.
Lt. Gen. Tareq Saleh of Yemen, left, with Lt. Gen. Fahd bin Hamad Al-Salman, a Saudi commander, in a government photo.
ASSOCIATED PRESS
The tensions came to a head in July. The Houthis accused Saudi Arabia of bombing Sanaa's airport to prevent an Iranian aircraft from landing. They declared a blockade on Saudi shipping in the Red Sea, now a crucial route for oil exports during the Iran war. They launched missiles and drones into Saudi Arabia, and the kingdom launched airstrikes on Yemen.
This escalation dovetailed with the interests of Iran, where officials were pushing to widen the war with the United States, raising its costs for President Trump.
As the Houthis put pressure on oil markets, some Yemeni government officials sensed an opportunity to solicit foreign support to fight the Houthis.
Clashes reignited inside Yemen, and Houthi officials accused Saudi Arabia and their Yemeni allies of preparing a new offensive against them. Quietly, the militia readied its own plans.
On Aug. 9, the Houthis began to shower Mokha with missiles and drones, damaging the port and seeking to cut off the city's supply line from the sea, according to two Yemeni military officers.
Then, on Sept. 3, the Houthis began a huge ground offensive.
The militia sent nearly 80,000 fighters into battle, backed by Iranian advisers, according to statements by General Saleh's forces. The Times was unable to verify those claims, and Mr. al-Bukhaiti, the Houthi official, dismissed the allegation of Iranian support.
One of the first places where the Houthis broke through the government's defenses was in a mountainous area called Kadaha.
The territory was split between General Saleh's forces and another faction, according to four Yemeni government and military officials. The two forces' commanders distrusted one another and were unable to effectively cooperate, they said. The Houthis exploited this to seize Kadaha and move west toward the coast.
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A Push Toward the Coast
A 39-minute video released by the Houthis, which they said had been filmed during fighting for control of the Red Sea coast, shows their militiamen scaling rugged mountains on foot and waving guns in jubilation. The video, which The Times was not able to independently verify, also shows the bodies of what appear to be Yemeni government fighters slumped inside vehicles. At the end, a toothless Houthi fighter vows to “pursue the enemy into their very lairs.”
For more than five days, the government force held off the militia, battling in the mountains above Mokha. Eventually, the Houthis were able to push forward, with an onslaught of missiles, drones and shelling. Saudi Arabia carried out only minimal airstrikes to assist its Yemeni allies, according to the two Yemeni military officers.
On the evening of Sept. 9 and into the next morning, the government forces collapsed. In a flurry of confusion, they beat a rapid and disorganized retreat. The Houthis seized a major military camp in the foothills east of Mokha — leaving their enemies on the coastal plain exposed and vulnerable.
Instead of reorganizing, the government's soldiers withdrew all the way to the southern city of Aden, handing the entire Red Sea coast, including an island inside the Bab al-Mandab Strait, to the Houthis.
Overnight, Yemen's government had lost roughly 1,800 square miles of territory. At least 500 of General Saleh's fighters were killed and more than 1,500 wounded, according to a statement by his group. The Houthi death toll is unknown.
One government fighter described how after he was told to withdraw, he hid all evidence that he was a soldier, throwing his rifle in a valley. He then went home and gave his family 15 minutes to flee, telling them that it was a matter of life and death.
On the road, they saw the government's armored vehicles fleeing the battlefield, he said, "speeding past us like bullets."
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Scattered and Wounded
Soon after Mokha fell, General Saleh and several of his comrades flew to the Saudi capital of Riyadh, according to one of the Yemeni government officials and two of the military officers.
There, they decamped to a five-star hotel, where easy listening music echoed through a cavernous lobby and waitresses served tea with madeleines.
One of military officers, who is close to General Saleh, told a Times reporter that he was now focused on regrouping his forces and treating the wounded.
Eventually, there will be an investigation into what went wrong, he said.
In Yemen, General Saleh's soldiers have scattered. Some were left stranded outside Aden, after fighters from other factions — ostensibly their allies — barred them from the city, according to the officer close to General Saleh and another soldier. Speaking by phone from their makeshift encampment, that soldier said that they had gone days without food.
This past Sunday, the Yemeni government's leader, Rashad al-Alimi, declared a full-blown war against the militia. The government's goal, he said, is to reclaim all of the territory lost to the Houthis over the past 12 years.
For Yemeni civilians, already facing dire poverty and hunger, the war's return portends deeper suffering. More than 180,000 people have been displaced in recent weeks, often piling onto pickup trucks and motorcycles as they rushed to escape.
"The moment felt like dooms-day, with everyone looking out for themselves," said Hassan Sughair, a civilian who fled from a town near Mokha. "We did not even say goodbye to our neighbors, and we do not know what happened to them."
How the Houthi Militia Rapidly Advanced to Seize the Strait
On Sept. 3, the Iranian-backed group began a major ground offensive heading south. Six days later, in a single night of chaos and panic, the Houthis seized roughly 1,800 square miles of territory overlooking the Bab al-Mandab Strait. Here's where they went, according to witnesses to the events.
Sources: Houthi and Yemeni forces; Institute for the Study of War and Critical Threats Project at the American Enterprise Institute (Houthi-controlled areas). SAMUEL GRANADOS/THE NEW YORK TIMES
War in the Middle East
Iranian Drone Threat Prompted U.S. Bombers' Exit From Britain
By ERIC SCHMITT and JULIAN E. BARNES
WASHINGTON — The United States abruptly withdrew all 12 Air Force B-1 bombers from an air base in southern England because of new information that commanders received about a potential drone attack ordered by Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps, according to U.S. and British officials.
The suspected attack was part of a complex, multipronged Iranian plot to strike aircraft and kill some of the several hundred American personnel stationed at the base, R.A.F. Fairford, the officials said, speaking on the condition of anonymity to discuss operational matters. All of the Air Force bombers were withdrawn over the weekend.
Some of the officials said they believed that the plot was loosely modeled on an audacious attack that Ukraine launched against Russia last year when it smuggled drones deep into the Russian heartland and launched them from semi trucks. The attack destroyed or damaged at least a dozen aircraft, including many of Moscow's nuclear-capable strategic bombers, on runways in Siberia and Russia's Far North.
Vice President JD Vance said on Monday that the Pentagon quickly moved the bombers "out of an abundance of caution trying to protect our guys." He accused Iran of plotting attacks against the United States but stopped short of commenting on any details about the most recent threat.
"We do feel with some confidence that the Iranians are trying to do what the Iranian state has done for 49 years, which is engage in acts of terrorism against the United States and against a lot of other people as well," Mr. Vance told reporters at Joint Base Andrews before leaving on a trip to Alaska. "We are being extremely cautious."
President Trump said on Mon-
day that people linked to Iran
posed a threat to the U.S. bombers
at the British air base, prompting the order to return them to the United States. "There were some threats," Mr. Trump told reporters. "Why should we leave them there?" he added, referring to the bombers.
The Wall Street Journal earlier reported the drone threat as the reason for the withdrawal.
The sudden pullout of the bombers came a week after the British police arrested five men who had been traveling the morning of Sept. 27 in white vans near the base, which has been used by American bombers in the U.S.-Israeli war against Iran. The men were released on bail a day later after the authorities did not discover explosives in the vans.
But the police have repeatedly
---
A sudden pullout of 12 B-1s after several arrests near a base.
said the men remain under investigation, and a British-Iranian dual national was arrested on Thursday on suspicion of preparing terrorist acts.
The rushed order to withdraw the bombers was highly unusual: Such moves are rarely made so quickly from an allied air base in a peacetime country thousands of miles from a combat zone.
Indeed, the need to move the bombers from the base was deemed so urgent that some of the planes and their flight crews left while aerial refueling aircraft were still being deployed to support their flights to the United States, American officials said.
Many details about the potential threat that prompted the rapid withdrawal of the Air Force bombers, some of which had arrived just in the past week as part of a regular rotation of forces, remained murky on Monday. One U.S. official said the new information was part of the same threat warnings that surfaced three weeks ago, though a sense of urgency spiked over the weekend, alarming commanders.
Prime Minister Andy Burnham said last week that the British government believed Iran played a part in planning the events that led to the arrests. U.S. and British officials, as well as those in Germany and Israel, believe the operation is connected to the Revolutionary Guards or a separate military headquarters in Tehran. Iran has denied the accusations.
On Monday, Mr. Burnham's spokesman declined to comment on other nations' military operations. Asked whether the air base was safe, the spokesman replied yes and referred to a statement made last week by the British defense secretary, Wes Streeting, who described "tried and tested approaches to defend our bases around the country and throughout the world."
The authorities have been puzzling over a bizarre set of events swirling around Fairfield the past week, including the arrests, the frantic evacuation of 85 homes, a bomb-disposal robot searching the vans for explosives and a national security meeting convened by Mr. Burnham.
In July, the Revolutionary Guards issued a statement warning that allowing the United States to use the base “makes London responsible” for U.S. actions. “Any base used to launch attacks on Iranian territory,” the statement said, “is a legitimate target for our forces.”
In mid-September, U.S. military commanders received a dire warning from American and other Western intelligence agencies, according to U.S. officials briefed on the information: R.A.F. Fairford was the target of a potential Iran-backed attack.
After that warning last month, concern among officials across Europe surged. According to a senior U.S. official, Israel warned Germany that American bases there were at heightened risk, noting the Spangdahlem and Ramstein air bases in particular.
ALASTAIR GRANT/ASSOCIATED PRESS
Police officers at a checkpoint near the R.A.F. Fairford air base, where the bombers were stationed.
New Arrest Linked to Air Base Incident
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By MEGAN SPECIA
LONDON — A 22-year-old British man was arrested on Tuesday on suspicion of preparing terrorist acts, the police said, as part of an investigation into a security incident last month near an air base used by the United States.
The counterterrorism police in Britain have now arrested seven men in connection with the puzzling incident near the base in southern England, R.A.F. Fairford, in the early hours of Sept. 27.
The police said that a London property linked to the man was also searched in connection with the events near Fairfield.
"This remains a live investigation, and our specialist teams continue to pursue multiple lines of inquiry into the circumstances surrounding events near R.A.F. Fairfax," said Vicki Evans, the senior national coordinator for Counter Terrorism Policing. She added that the police were "working around the clock" to identify the motivation behind the incident.
Five British men, all in their 20s, were arrested on Sept. 27 after they traveled in three white vans toward the base, which has been used by the United States in its war against Iran. One of the men dialed the emergency services at 12.45 a.m., prompting a major counterterrorism response.
The village where the men were arrested was cordoned off, explosive experts were called in and speculation began about what exactly the men had been doing.
The five were released on bail a day later after the authorities did not discover explosives and found only a container of fuel in the vans. Another man, a British-Iranian national, was arrested on Thurs-
---
A British man faces a charge of preparing terrorist acts.
day on suspicion of preparing terrorist acts and has also been released on bail.
None of the men have been named, in line with British rules that grant suspects anonymity until charges are brought.
Days after the incident, Prime Minister Andy Burnham told the BBC that there were “strong indications that Iran played a part in what happened.”
British and American security officials believe the operation was connected to Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps or a separate military headquarters in
Tehran. Iran has rejected the accusations.
Over the weekend, the United States abruptly pulled its 12 B-1 Air Force bombers from R.A.F. Fairfield. American officials, speaking on the condition of anonymity to discuss operational matters, said the withdrawal took place after commanders received information about a potential drone attack on the base ordered by the Revolutionary Guards.
The bombers had been stationed at the base since the spring, after Britain gave permission for American aircraft to use R.A.F. Fairford for so-called defensive strikes against Iran.
There is a long history of British and American cooperation at the site, and because of the length of its runway, it is one of only a few European airfields that can be used by heavy U.S. bombers.
On Monday, some plane spot- ters who post regularly in online forums about the movements of the American aircraft into and out of the base were lamenting how quiet it would now be. Others were glad that the bombers would no longer be leaving from England to be used against Iran.
In July, after Britain gave the United States permission to conduct its operations from the site, Iran warned that R.A.F. Fairford was a "legitimate target."
One Year In, Adjusting To Freedom
Photographs by AVISHAG SHAAR-YASHUV
Article by ISABEL KERSHNER
TEL AVIV — Today, Israelis are marking the third anniversary of the deadliest day of violence in the country's history. On the morning of Oct. 7, 2023, a Jewish holiday, Hamas led a cross-border assault from Gaza on southern Israel, overrunning army bases and border communities and hunting down revelers at a music festival.
Gunmen killed about 1,200 people, according to the Israeli authorities, and took about 250 more back to Gaza as hostages. The attacks ignited a devastating war in the Palestinian enclave, where tens of thousands of people have been killed in Israel's counterattack and much of the area has been reduced to rubble.
The hostages were returned to Israel in stages. Dozens of them died in captivity, and their bodies were transported home. Several of those who survived have written memoirs. Some have gotten married or had babies.
Gali and Ziv Berman, twin brothers, were 26 when they were captured in Kfar Aza, the kibbutz where they lived. A year after they were released, they are trying to focus on rebuilding their lives. Gali is studying law, governance
Gali Berman, left, and his twin brother, Ziv, in December. They were released last year.
They had never imagined an assault on the scale of Oct. 7. As adults, they had settled into a relatively tranquil and comfortable life, working as technicians at a sound and lighting production company based in the kibbutz.
and diplomacy in college, and Ziv is in a new relationship.
When the attack began on Oct. 7 and the sound of gunfire grew closer, Ms. Damari was afraid of being alone, so Gali dashed to her home to be with her. Gunmen burst into the bedroom, killed Ms. Damari's dog, Choocha, and shot and wounded her.
Gunmen forced Ms. Damari and the brothers into her car, and they were driven into Gaza. In the chaos of the attack and their abduction, Ziv, who was blindfolded and sitting in the front, had no idea that Gali was in the car, too.
Militants set fire to Ziv's home nearby, where he had taken shelter in a safe room. The room soon filled with smoke. The choice, he said, was "to suffocate or to come out. I came out."
Gali said he would never forget the cheers he heard in the streets of Gaza as they passed. It seemed like everybody was out. "A million people," Ziv remarked.
The journey back to something like normality is far from over, and the horrors of Oct. 7 still haunt them and the country.
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The Return
As Israeli soldiers drove the Bermans out of Gaza on Oct. 13, 2025, after two years of captivity during which they were separated, beaten, deprived of food and mostly kept in dank tunnels underneath the enclave, Ziv said they had "thousands of questions." They did not know if their family had survived the Oct. 7 attack. They wanted to know the latest about their favorite soccer team, Maccabi Tel Aviv.
The brothers also wondered what had happened to Kfar Aza. They discovered that more than 60 of the kibbutz's roughly 1,000 inhabitants had been killed and some 19 others abducted. "We wanted to go home," Ziv said. "They told us it was gone."
They saw their mother, Talia, for the first time at an army base near the border with Gaza and learned that their close family members were alive. "We were speechless," Gali said. "There were no words."
Their parents had moved to Beit Guvrin, a kibbutz farther away from Gaza. The brothers spent their first week of freedom at a hospital but left one day to visit their father, who suffers from advanced Parkinson's disease and dementia. "He looked at us, it sunk in and he began to cry," Gali recalled.
Soon, they were reunited with Emily Damari, a close friend and neighbor from Kfar Aza who was kidnapped with them on Oct. 7. Ms. Damari was freed months before the brothers were and campaigned for their release. In August, Gali and Ziv danced at her wedding to Danielle Amit, an Israeli food influencer.
The brothers have also been finally able to mourn their friends who did not survive.
In December 2023, Israeli forces accidentally killed three hostages who had tried to escape after mistaking them for militants. Two of them were from Kfar Aza, including Alon Shimriz, a childhood friend of the brothers.
Sitting outside a Tel Aviv cafe in the sunshine earlier this year, the brothers said their freedom did not feel complete because the body of the last captive, Master Sgt. Ran Gvili, was still in Gaza.
Sergeant Gvili, a member of an elite police counterterrorism unit, had rushed into battle on Oct. 7. He was gravely injured and was dragged into the enclave.
Gali performed his military service in an infantry combat unit and Ziv in the armored corps. They said they could not tolerate leaving a dead or wounded soldier in the field. "He went to fight for us," Gali said.
Less than two weeks later, Israel recovered the remains of Sergeant Gvili. For many Israelis, and for the brothers, it was only then that the hostage saga ended.
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The Abduction
Gali and Ziv said they had grown up as part of the so-called Qassam generation, a reference to the crude Qassam rockets that militant groups fired from Gaza at Israel. In Kfar Aza, early warning alerts gave them 15 seconds to take cover, at most. "From a young age," Gali said, "we were running to shelters."
On their first day
in captivity, Gali was taken away. Ziv and Ms. Damari were held together until Day 40, when they were led down into tunnels and the captors separated the men from the women.
The brothers were reunited for the first time six months into their ordeal, in the ruins of a bombed-out house. Their captors filmed them as they cried out in surprise and embraced for a propaganda video that was never released. They spent two nights together catching up and barely slept, Gali said.
A few weeks later, they spent more days together in a tunnel with other hostages. A third encounter, filmed near the coast of Gaza for another propaganda video, lasted only a few hours.
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The New Life
The transition from the harrowing ordeal of captivity to freedom is a process. The brothers' year back in Israel has been starkly different from their previously quiet, routine existence.
They each lost about 45 pounds in Gaza. Ziv has undergone extensive dental treatment, saying he had not cleaned his teeth for about a year when he was held hostage.
The brothers have traveled widely. They met with President Trump in the United States and have spoken to American Jewish communities, determined to "tell the world," they said, about what happened.
Gali said that he and Ziv have grown even closer, their shared experiences ingrained in them forever. "The wish to be together is stronger," Gali said this week. Even as they try to focus on the future, Gali, Ziv and Emily still talk about "the memories and the traumas" of what happened to them, he said.
The brothers recently returned from a visit to Thailand and, after visiting the graves of friends over the weekend, they left for another short trip abroad. They wanted to be far from the sights and sounds of the Oct. 7 commemorations, Gali said, the first since their return from Gaza.
The brothers' status as returned hostages has brought them a celebrity they never sought. When strangers approached them at the Tel Aviv cafe earlier this year to greet them or offer a kind word, they accepted the attention graciously.
The country also went through two years of war, Gali said. "There were times when people had to choose between funerals," he added.
They seemed at ease but said they were trying not to look back. They joked at one point about how in Gaza, the hostages' empty, rumbling stomachs would "talk to one another." But, Ziv quickly added, "There, it wasn't funny at all."
On the day of their release, they asked the helicopter pilot transporting them to the hospital to fly over Bloomfield Stadium, the home of Maccabi Tel Aviv, their beloved soccer club. They make up for lost time by watching lots of matches and playing soccer themselves, and by sticking close to the family, Ziv said.
The brothers celebrated their 29th birthday last month with a jubilant dance party. Hundreds of relatives and friends, including some freed hostages, came to rejoice with them at a club in Tel Aviv.
The future, however, will forever be tinged with anguished memories. "The time in captivity will always be a part of me, for good and for bad," Gali said this week. "But we are alive. We take nothing for granted."
A moldy cake on a table, frozen in time in October 2025, in Kfar Aza, the kibbutz where Gali and Ziv were abducted on Oct. 7, 2023. Far right, searching for their belongings on their first visit back since their release.
Ziv on his way to a hospital on Oct. 13, 2025, after being freed. The brothers were among the last 20 living hostages to be freed.
Attending a memorial for a friend from the kibbutz, left. Center, visiting a soldier wounded in Gaza, who told them his goal was to find them. Bottom, watching news coverage of the body of a hostage.
The brothers danced with their cousin May Mayer at her wedding in December. Right, in Tel Aviv, posing with a cafe employee who had pictures of the twins posted on the wall since they were taken captive.
U.S. Is Said to Shift Drones to South America to Hunt Cartels
The Baghdad site where an MQ-9 Reaper drone strike killed Maj. Gen. Qassim Suleimani of Iran, the Quds Force's leader, in 2020.
SORGEY PONOMAREY FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
By ANNIE CORREAL and ERIC SCHMITT
In a sign of the Trump administration's new focus on combating Latin American cartels, the U.S. military has moved a number of MQ-9 Reaper drones from Africa to Colombia and Ecuador, U.S. officials said.
MQ-9 Reaper drones are often used for precision strikes like the lethal operation that killed Maj. Gen. Qassim Suleimani, who led the powerful Quds Force of Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps, in 2020. The aircraft, which can cost up to \$50 million, are in short supply after losses in the Iran war, where at least 45, or about a quarter of the overall U.S. fleet, have been destroyed.
The transfer was described by two U.S. officials familiar with the decision who asked not to be named because they were not authorized to speak publicly on an operational matter.
The move comes as the administration ramps up its military offensive against Latin American trafficking groups. The top U.S. military commander for most of Latin America, Gen. Francis L. Donovan, has said that the United States plans to expand operations from strikes on boats to strikes on land.
The redeployment of drones is "a significant signal from the administration that we are getting serious," said Francisco Palmieri, a former U.S. diplomat who helped shape U.S. counternarcotics strategy, including during the first Trump administration, and who served as acting ambassador to Colombia under President Joseph R. Biden Jr.
Mr. Palmieri said he could not comment on the significance of the redeployment at the operational level. "But as a political symbol, it's unmistakable," he said. "It's a sign of a commitment to expand both the level and type of cooperation."
Signs of an escalating U.S.-led military campaign against drug traffickers have raised concerns among human rights advocates that attacks could endanger civilians. And experts say killing members of trafficking groups, even top leaders, does little to ef-
Reporting was contributed by Simón Posada, José María León Cabrera, John Ismay and Christi- aan Triebert.
fectively stem the flow of drugs since those killed can be replaced.
The MQ-9 Reaper, which can stay aloft for longer periods and carry a larger payload of missiles and bombs than its predecessor, the Predator, has been used in airstrikes against groups such as the Islamic State and Al Qaeda in the Middle East and Al Shabab in Africa.
The drone is capable of carrying thermal cameras as well as equipment that can intercept electronic communications, and it has been called the U.S. military's "hunter-killer."
The Trump administration has made exerting greater influence in Latin America a priority, focusing especially on security. It has built a coalition of regional leaders that has pledged to help dismantle cartels; the group's official slogan is "We do bad things to bad people."
Washington has previously justified lethal strikes on drug traffickers by claiming that they are enemy combatants.
A range of legal experts say the administration's lethal strikes on alleged drug boats off South America are illegal because those killed, even if they are committing crimes, do not pose a direct threat to the United States.
Colombia and Ecuador — home to trafficking groups designated as terrorist organizations by Washington — are among a handful of nations that have agreed to conduct joint operations with the United States within their borders.
It is not clear how many MQ-9 Reaper drones have been sent to each country, though the U.S. officials said it was a small number, or how many of the aircraft have already arrived.
In September, CNN first reported that reapers assigned to the Pentagon's Africa Command were likely to be sent to Latin America, but it was not clear exactly where the drones would go.
The Defense Ministries in Colombia and Ecuador did not respond to requests for comment. U.S. Southern Command, which oversees the region, declined to comment, citing operational security reasons.
Defense officials in Colombia and Ecuador have acknowledged plans to receive MQ-9 Reaper drones, according to local news media.
Colombian officials said over the summer that they had agreed to receive three MQ-9 Reaper drones, and that Colombia would consider purchasing one additional craft.
"Two were turned over to Ecuador for cooperation and are already operating in our skies," Gian Carlo Loffredo, Ecuador's defense minister, said in a radio interview on Friday.
Ecuador's president, Daniel Noboa, was the first regional leader to allow joint military operations in his country this year and has recently faced scrutiny over the presence of U.S. troops at one base. Ecuador's Constitution bars foreign military bases in the country, a prohibition voters affirmed in a referendum last year.
Colombia's new right-wing president, Abelardo De La Espriella, has launched an aggressive military effort targeting leaders of several groups said to be involved in cocaine trafficking.
Reaper drones might help track down leaders in complex mountain and jungle terrain, where they have long managed to hide from the local authorities. But analysts say that moving the drones from Africa to South America could also hinder combating terrorist groups in Africa.
This year alone, the Pentagon's Africa Command has conducted scores of strikes against Al Shabab in Somalia — relying heavily on MQ9 Reaper drones.
Drones Hit Ships Off Bulgaria's Black Sea Coast, Prime Minister Says
By BORYANA DZHAMBAZOVA and AURELIEN BREEDEN
SOFIA, Bulgaria — Rescue operations were underway off the coast of Bulgaria on Tuesday after drones hit two commercial ships off the country's Black Sea coast, sinking one of the vessels and setting the other ablaze, according to the country's prime minister.
The attack — the first of its kind on vessels in Bulgarian waters — occurred at around 3 a.m. local time, according to the Bulgarian prime minister, Rumen Radev. He said the ships had been struck by sea and aerial drones about 70 miles off the coast of Byala, eastern Bulgaria.
Mr. Radev told reporters that it
Lara Jakes contributed reporting from Rome and Marc Santora from Warsaw, Poland.
was not immediately clear where the drones had originated, but added that he had no doubt they were "either Ukrainian or Russian."
Russia and Ukraine have traded strikes on ports and vessels in the Black Sea, making the shipping route there increasingly precarious.
Speaking to reporters in Sofia, the capital, after an emergency cabinet meeting, Mr. Radev acknowledged that sailing in the Black Sea had become "increasingly difficult" and called the attack "absolutely unacceptable."
"It's a flagrant violation of international law and maritime laws in general," he said.
A spokesman for NATO, of which Bulgaria is a member, declined to comment on Tuesday and referred questions to the Bulgarian authorities.
Mr. Radev said that one of the ships, which had been sailing under the flag of Togo, sank after being hit and that rescuers were searching for surviving crew members. It was not immediately clear how many sailors had been aboard that vessel or what it had been carrying.
The other ship, which was sailing south with wheat on board, caught fire, and at least two of its sailors were wounded, Mr. Radev said. He added that the crew — which included 11 Turkish nationals and seven sailors from India — had been evacuated to a Bulgarian ship that witnessed the strikes.
The strikes came a day after a Turkish cargo ship carrying Ukrainian corn caught fire and sank in the Black Sea off the coast of Romania, according to Romanian authorities.
Romania's interior ministry said in a statement on Monday that the two people had died and 11 people had been rescued in that episode, about 55 miles south of Sfantu Gheorghe, a coastal town.
While the Romanian authorities did not identify the cause of the fire, Ukrainian officials blamed Russian drones.
President Volodymyr Zelensky of Ukraine called the sinking of the Turkish ship a "horrific strike" and said that his government had "repeatedly proposed concrete steps to de-escalate the situation and ensure security in the Black Sea."
"But Russia consistently chooses terror and sinking civilian vessels instead of normal maritime navigation," he added in a post on social media.
Russia has not publicly commented on what happened off the coasts of Romania or Bulgaria.
Ukrainian and Russian forces have waged a long-running battle in the Black Sea and the adjacent Sea of Azov, disrupting grain exports from both countries that are critical to the world food supply.
Ursula von der Leyen, the president of the European Union's executive branch, described recent strikes in the Black Sea as "increasingly concerning."
"Commercial ships — and innocent crews — are being targeted, with lives already lost at sea," she wrote in a social media post on Tuesday. "While exact circumstances of these incidents are still being established, the developments are very concerning," she added.
Ex-Spy Chief Is Accused Of Espionage In Germany
By JIM TANKERSLEY
BERLIN — The federal police in Germany arrested a former head of the nation's intelligence services on Tuesday on suspicion of "treasonous espionage" and other spying charges, including attempting to pass state secrets to foreign governments.
The federal prosecutor's office announced it had detained the former spy chief, August Hanning, 80 — who led Germany's Federal Intelligence Service, or BND, from 1998 to 2005 — but did not say which foreign countries he was accused of helping.
The prosecutors said they had also arrested a former chief of staff to Mr. Hanning at the agency, who they said sold 2,000 government documents to Mr. Hanning
— many of them classified — in the years after Mr. Hanning left his post and worked as a consultant, joining several corporate boards.
Mr. Hanning, the prosecutors said, had used some of the classified information to create an analysis for a foreign intelligence officer. He also supplied a representative of a separate foreign intelligence service with information over the years, the prosecutors said.
The arrest of a former spy chief, at a time of increased tension between Germany and rival foreign powers like China and Russia, shook the German political establishment.
Adding to the drama was the revelation, from prosecutors, that the investigation had origins in a separate, high-profile investigation into an alleged attempt by a German steakhouse heiress to kidnap her children from her estranged husband. The prosecutor's office searched Mr. Hanning's office in September 2025 as part of its investigation into that heiress, Christina Block, and discovered material that initiated the examination of Mr. Hanning.
The German news media has reported that Mr. Hanning has struggled financially in recent years, and his consulting business has drawn scrutiny. Der Spiegel, one of Germany's leading news outlets, reported in 2023 that he had lost much of his pension in the fallout from his role in a failure of a Latvian bank in 2019.
Mr. Hanning appears to be the first former head of the intelligence service to be accused by prosecutors of espionage. But the agency has been rocked by other spying scandals in recent years.
In 2023, prosecutors arrested a manager at the agency, Carsten Linke, and accused him of selling highly classified material to Moscow even as Russia waged war on Ukraine.
Mr. Linke was charged with high treason and put on trial. The proceedings, which have been underway for more than three years, are expected to last at least until January. Mr. Linke could face life imprisonment if convicted.
Christopher F. Schuetze contributed reporting from Magdeburg, Germany.
Far-Right Party to Lead A German Statehouse
By CHRISTOPHER F. SCHUETZE
MAGDEBURG, Germany — A normally ho-hum procedural vote in a small state was closely watched across Germany on Tuesday, when a far-right politician was elected to lead a state legislature for the first time since the Nazi era.
POOL PHOTO BY JAN WOITAS
In the legislative election last month in the state of Saxony-Anhalt, the Alternative for Germany party, labeled “suspected extremist” by Germany’s domestic intelligence service, won 39 of 83 seats. The party, known by its German initials AfD, far outperformed every other party, delivering a shock to the country’s post-war consensus.
The next step toward taking power occurred on Tuesday, when lawmakers were sworn in and elected the AfD's Tobias Rausch as president of the Parliament. In that role, Mr. Rausch, 35, will preside over the legislative agenda, parliamentary bureaucracy and ceremonial roles, like hosting memorials commemorating the Holocaust.
Tobias Rausch was chosen as the first far-right leader of a German statehouse since 1945.
In the anonymous vote, 48 lawmakers voted for Mr. Rausch, meaning that he received the support of some members of mainstream parties that have officially refused to work with the AfD.
A higher, more important hurdle awaits in December, when the state Parliament is expected to fill the most powerful state position, minister president — the equivalent of governor, with control of the executive branch. It is unclear if the AfD's candidate, Ulrich Siegmund, can win that vote; until then Sven Schulze of the Christian Democrats remains acting governor of Saxony-Anhalt, one of Germany's least populous states, with about 2.1 million people.
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What would the AfD do in power?
The party has made it clear that it does not intend to allow business as usual.
The AfD successfully ran on an anti-immigration, anti-establishment campaign, pro-fossil fuel campaign, but such issues are decided on the federal level, beyond the reach of a state government. At the state level, it plans to focus on education and culture issues.
During the campaign, Mr. Siegmund vowed to segregate schools, separating the children of asylum seekers from other students, and to replace all rainbow flags in schools with German flags. The party has called for more patriotic arts from institutions that rely on state funding.
In the state Parliament, the AfD tried to solidify its power by increasing the number of seats on the legislative committees from 11 to 12, giving the party six seats rather than five. After threats of lawsuits by the other parties, it backed down.
But the party still plans to try to create and fill a second state legislative vice-presidential seat, giving it more control over the dayto-day running of the house.
On a symbolic level, it has shuffled the traditional seating arrangement in the legislative chamber. Rather than be positioned on the far right, the AfD will sit in the center, a statement of how it sees itself. The progressive Greens will sit on the farthest right.
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Can the AfD wield power without a majority?
While the AfD's result last month was historic — it won 44 percent of the vote, more than double its performance five years ago — it fell three seats short of a majority in the state Parliament, so it cannot elect the state's leaders on its own. (The conservative Christian Democrats, long the state's dominant party, fell from 40 seats to just 15.)
Though coalitions are common in Germany, the mainstream parties have refused to work with the AfD in forming governments. But a new, fringe party said its five legislators would vote for Mr. Rausch, enough to make him the Parliament leader.
That party, the Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance, was formed in 2024, in a split from the Left party.
It has vowed not to vote for Mr. Siegmund for governor, so the AfD will have to look elsewhere for those votes — and it could find them, if the vote on Tuesday was anything to go by. Mr. Rausch won the support of at least four lawmakers who aren't members of the AfD or the Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance.
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Who is Tobias Rausch?
Although the AfD went into this election with a number of extremist politicians, Mr. Rausch is portrayed in the German news media as somewhat more moderate.
"I'm not a hard-liner; I'm pragmatic," he recently told the D.P.A., a German newswire. Unlike others being sworn in on Tuesday, he also has plenty of experience, having sat in the statehouse since 2016 and having run the AfD parliamentary group since 2021.
But Mr. Rausch is not without controversy. The AfD was caught up early this year in a scandal involving its deputies hiring the family members of other deputies, in a kind of circular nepotism network that ensured that state money that goes to running lawmakers' offices would stay in their families.
Mr. Rausch was at the center of the furor. He has publicly acknowledged that his siblings and friends from his soccer club were once hired either by his office or by others in the AfD.
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Who's in the new statehouse?
Because the 39-member AfD group includes only two women, the new statehouse is overwhelming male. Only 22 percent of the lawmakers will be women, the lowest among the 16 statehouses in the country, down from 28 percent in the previous Parliament.
The AfD is also bringing some unusual lawmakers into the house, including a former officer of the Stasi, the East German secret police, a survivalist, and two lawmakers who had their homes raided in an investigation into their ties to a banned far-right extremist organization.
Another, Hans-Thomas Tillschneider, holds a Ph.D. in Arabic studies. Mr. Tillschneider was elected vice president of the Parliament and is considered the intellectual architect of much of the AfD's platform in Saxony-Anhalt. He is known for his pro-Russia and anti-immigrant positions.
YVES HERMAN/REUTERS
Riot police clashing with protesters in Paris on Tuesday. Parents and unions joined students across France to protest overcrowded classrooms, teacher shortages and dilapidated school buildings.
High School Protest Movement Broadens Across France
ALAIN JOCARD/AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE — GETTY IMAGES
The turnout in Rennes. High school students launched the movement over funding weeks ago.
By SÉGOLÈNE LE STRADIC
PARIS — Labor activists, teachers, parents and university students turned out by the thousands on Tuesday to join high school students in demonstrations that swept across France, adding an intergenerational range of voices to demands that government fix ailing schools.
The largest crowds massed in Paris, where thousands of students and their supporters marched about two miles from République to Nation, two of the city's main squares, protesting school understaffing, overcrowded classrooms and dilapidated buildings, among other complaints.
“Hitting the young amounts to insulting the future,” one sign read, while another said, “I don’t want to be another brick in the wall.”
In spite of a heavy police presence, the mood at the Paris protest was cheerful. The government estimated that 56,000 people took part, among 256,000 demonstrating nationwide; a major labor union cited a national figure more than twice as large.
Catherine Jegou, 61, a middle schoolteacher and member of a union of school workers, said she had come to support the high school students, whose demands echoed those of teachers. "For years we have demanded that the
Ephrat Livni contributed reporting.
public school system have more means," she said.
She also criticized the government for policies she said support private schools more than public institutions.
Roger Lallier, 78, a retired engineer who was wearing the vest of a major workers' union, said he came all the way from Bourgogne, nearly 200 miles from Paris, to support the students. "I was part of May 68," he said, referring to nationwide protests initiated by students in 1968 that nearly toppled the government and transformed French society.
"It's misery in France," Mr. Lallier said, lamenting the state of high schools, adding, "we've fallen far lower than where we were at a few years ago." He said that he hoped the presidential election next year would bring a "real left-wing government" to power, offering what he called real change.
Luce Avanzata, 20, who has been enrolled in a cinema studies program for the past two years, said she came to the protest to help broaden the movement that high school students had launched weeks ago. She applauded the high schoolers for succeeding where older students had not and for “managing to make themselves heard.”
"For me it's the moment to change things," Ms. Avanzata said.
Parents and union members said they had joined school block-ades to ensure the protests remained peaceful and protect young people from confrontations with the police. Some of the demonstrations have turned violent, some schools have been set on fire, and the police have made thousands of arrests, while facing accusations of heavy-handed law enforcement.
"There's a whole process of learning how to protest," said Claire Langmann, 53, a mother of a protesting student who joined the blockade in front of Hélène Boucher High School in northern Paris on Tuesday morning. "I believe society can change through collective effort, so I really want to see this succeed," she added.
Scuffles with riot police later erupted outside the school and the police broke up the blockade.
Georges Poncelet, a 25-year-old psychology student, said she came to support the high school movement, but also to demand more funding for higher education. With the government planning to freeze social benefits for college students, she said students who had to work part time would struggle even more.
"I came to assert the place of students in society, a place that is extremely marginalized, in a society that claims to be thinking about the future," she said.
Ms. Poncelet said she felt grateful for the younger students and was moved to see them protest, especially because she lives in Seine-St.-Denis, a working-class suburb north of Paris where several high schools have organized blockades at schools. Ms. Poncelet held signs saying, "Gen Z: no money, no housing, no therapist, no fear" and "budget for tear gas, never for health care."
President Trump weighed in on the protests, calling them evidence of France's "out of control mass migration." "This isn't about schools," he wrote on his social media account, "this is about Islam wanting to take over a once great Country!" Neither immigration nor religion have figured in the students' demands.
On Monday Jean-Luc Mélenchon, the leader of France Unbowed, the leading far-left political party, had called on adults willing to take part in the protest to wear white armbands.
Dominique Godin, 73, a retired pianist, wore one as he protested in Paris on Tuesday. He said he was there to show his support for high school students and to protect them.
Mr. Godin, who has an 18-year-old daughter, recalled, "I was once in high school, in university. To see there are similar situations 50 years later is impossible to bear."
Young people, he said, "are realizing that they're going to have to manage their own future, since the older generations aren't doing it."
NEWS ANALYSIS
As Election Approaches, Deep Turmoil Grips France
From Page A1
ties and a shortage of teachers.
SARAH MEYSSONNIER/RELTERS
With images of young protesters clashing with the police amid clouds of tear gas, the student protests have become the most vivid manifestation of France's unrest and grievances. Hundreds of schools around the country have closed, dozens have been damaged, and many people have been arrested or injured.
The street clashes have rattled financial markets that were already nervous. Traders kept the yield on 10-year French bonds near 5 percent on Tuesday, one of the highest levels of any European Union member and a sign that investors lack confidence in the lame-duck government's ability to manage its mushrooming challenges.
"In France, we say 'fin de règne,' meaning the end of Mr. Macron's decade-long reign over French politics, said Jean-Yves Camus, a political scientist at the Jean Jaurès Foundation, a left-leaning think tank in Paris. "The regime is at the end of its term and does not seem to have a plan for the next seven months."
These deepening anxieties do not mean France is destined to
Marine Le Pen, the French far-right leader, delivered a much-anticipated speech on her economic agenda on Tuesday.
have a Greece-style debt crisis or the kind of market backlash that toppled a British prime minister, Liz Truss, after she proposed budget-busting tax cuts in 2022.
Economists pointed out that other countries, including the United States, face pressure on their public finances because of rising interest rates. France's anchor role in the European Union, they said, means that the bloc's other members would bail it out, should it ever come to that.
"France's position looks unsustainable and the bond markets are saying that, but they're not screaming it yet," said Kenneth Rogoff, a professor of economics at Harvard and a scholar of financial crises. "It's a slow-motion train wreck."
France, of course, is no stranger to social unrest, most recently the yellow-vest protests, which raged from 2018 to 2020. Tens of thousands of people, wearing high-visibility safety vests, turned out for weekly demonstrations that began as a protest against rising fuel prices and grew into demands for political and economic justice.
Some analysts note a disquieting similarity between that period and today, with oil and gas prices spiking as a result of the
Iran war. Mr. Macron appears mindful of those dangers. Last Thursday, he led a meeting of leaders of Group of 7 wealthy democracies, in which they agreed to release 100 million barrels of diesel and crude oil from their stockpiles to ease pressure on fuel prices.
With French fishermen having blocked ports and fuel terminals to protest the cost of diesel, Mr. Macron said he hoped the emergency measure would cause prices to "drop at the pump as quickly as possible."
Still, energy prices are only one piece of France's precarious fiscal picture. The country's public debt stands at roughly \$4 trillion, which is 119 percent of its annual economic output. With rates on French government bonds spiking, the cost of servicing that debt is projected to increase to roughly \$100 billion in 2027. France also faces higher health care and pension costs because of its aging population, as well as increased military spending driven by the war in Ukraine and the disengagement of the United States.
To pay for all of that and keep France's budget deficit from exploding, Prime Minister Sébastien Lecornu proposes to raise some taxes and freeze spending on social programs like housing aid and family allowances. Analysts said Mr. Lecornu was likely to get a budget passed, even if it takes months of messy negotiations and requires him to invoke special powers to push it through.
To do that, however, the government will have to rely on Ms. Le Pen's party, the National Rally, not to torpedo the legislation. It has 118 of the 577 seats in the National Assembly, the most of any party. Some analysts expect Ms. Le Pen to order her lawmakers to abstain and allow the budget to pass, if only to protect herself from facing fiscal chaos if she wins the presidential election in April.
On Tuesday, Ms. Le Pen delivered a much-anticipated speech on her economic agenda. Analysts will dissect it for evidence that the National Rally has become more realistic about France's fiscal problems since her last run for president, in 2022, when she was widely criticized as lacking credibility on economic policy.
Though some analysts said they expected Ms. Le Pen to try to reassure bond markets about France's deficit, they predicted she would continue to be implacably hostile to the European Union. If she was elected, they said, it would raise hard questions about France's future contribution to the E.U.'s budget.
For that reason, some liken France's election to the Brexit referendum in Britain, in which voters decided to break away from the European Union. "This is France's 2016 moment," said Mujtaba Rahman, an analyst who specializes in Europe at Eurasia Group, a political risk consultancy.
"It's not just a debt crisis or bond-market crisis," Mr. Rahman continued. "The investors I'm talking to are worrying about an existential political and constitutional crisis. It's all of these issues coming together in a deeply unhelpful way for whoever wins the presidential election."
A victory by Ms. Le Pen is far from preordained. She has been convicted of financial corruption, which she denies, and her party president, Jordan Bardella, has been accused of antisemitism, which he also denies. Analysts say that in a runoff against a centrist, Ms. Le Pen might lose.
But in another scenario, analysts said, the double whammy of economic problems and social unrest could play to the advantage of hard-line politicians on the right and the left. That could send Ms. Le Pen into a runoff against a far-left candidate whom she might more easily defeat.
Whoever prevails after this autumn of discontent, the crisis may force a more basic reckoning: France can no longer afford its social welfare state.
"That is the deepest source of anger in France," said Michel de Rosen, a French author and businessman. "We're a country that can no longer do what it wants to do."
Separatist Party Returns to Power in Quebec, but Doesn't Have Majority
ANDREJ IVANOV/AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE — GETTY IMAGES
Parti Québécois backers on Monday cheering positive results, including the election of the party leader, Paul St-Pierre Plamon-don, left. The party appeared to win only 28 percent of the vote.
GRAHAM HUGHES/THE CANADIAN PRESS, VIA ASSOCIATED PRESS
Referendum Eyed
After Trump Goes
By NORIMITSU ONISHI
The separatist Parti Québécois won the provincial election in Quebec on Monday, possibly setting the stage for a referendum on the French-speaking province's independence from Canada in the next few years.
Voters hungry for change returned the Parti Québécois to power for the first time in 12 years, even though they displayed little interest in the commitment of its leader, Paul St-Pierre Plamondon, to hold a referendum on secession from Canada.
The Parti Québécois fell short of clinching a majority, winning 59 seats out of 127 in the provincial legislature, according to incomplete results late Monday. That could make it difficult for Mr. St-Pierre Plamondon to fulfill his campaign promise to hold a referendum after President Trump leaves office in 2029 and the economy stabilizes.
A Parti Québécois minority government could struggle to stay in power for a full four-year term. Mr. St-Pierre Plamondon will also govern after winning only about 28 percent of the popular vote, according to incomplete results, making it hard for him to claim a popular mandate.
"A referendum is an opportunity to decide for yourself," Mr. St-Pierre Plamondon said in his victory speech. "It's an act of democracy. It's up to no one but us, as a people, to determine our national future."
But in an acknowledgment of his government's minority status, he said he would call a referendum "hopefully, with the help of other pro-independence lawmakers from other parties."
The governing Coalition Avenir Québec, which held power for two terms and was re-elected in a landslide four years ago, had a total collapse in its support — winning no seats, according to incomplete results.
"It's clearly a difficult result," Christine Fréchette, Quebec's premier and leader of the Coalition Avenir Québec, said in a concession speech.
For Prime Minister Mark Carney of Canada, the results come just two weeks before voters in Alberta decide whether to hold a referendum on separation from Canada. In the past, relations have often been tense between the federal government and a Quebec led by the Parti Québécois. But Mr. St-Pierre Plamondon said in a debate during the campaign that he was ready to "collaborate" with Mr. Carney, who remains extremely popular in Quebec.
Mr. St-Pierre Plamondon explicitly called for a referendum during the campaign, breaking with previous Parti Québécois leaders who opted for ambiguity to avoid alienating mainstream voters. Today, support for independence — around 30 percent — is at its lowest in decades.
Mr. St-Pierre Plamondon, 49, roused the party's separatist base with his vow to hold a referendum but spoke little about independence during the campaign. He also tamped down anxieties over a referendum by pledging to hold one only after the end of Mr. Trump's term.
In Beloeil, a city about 30 miles east of Montreal, with a mostly French Québécois population, the candidate for the Parti Québécois unseated the long-serving incumbent of the governing Coalition Avenir Québec.
After voting at a school in Beloeil, Dominique Tessier, 68, a part-time school bus driver who used to work in real estate, said he had endorsed the Parti Québécois because of Mr. St-Pierre Plamon-don's promises, including to hold a referendum on independence.
"Will Quebec separate one day? Probably not," said Mr. Tessier, a lifelong supporter of independence. "But it could strengthen our hand in Canada."
The flag-bearer of the independence movement, the Parti
Québécois led the province to two unsuccessful referendums, in 1980 and 1995. Historically the main supporters of the Quebec independence movement, French Québécois are wealthier and better educated than in the past —
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Support for leaving Canada has been falling over the years.
and less interested in seceding from Canada, experts say.
As the attitudes of French Québécois have changed — and as the population of immigrants, who tend to side against independence, has risen in Quebec — many separatists have come to believe that the next referendum could be their last chance.
Mr. St-Pierre Plamondon, who studied at McGill and Oxford and practiced litigation law in Montreal, has talked over the years about his changing attitudes toward independence. He voted "yes" in the 1995 referendum, and then embraced federalism and eventually joined the Parti Québécois as a champion of independence.
Voters displayed little interest in independence during the campaign, showing more concern over issues like the rising cost of living, the province's dysfunctional public health care system, the lack of affordable housing and Canada's trade war with the United States.
The Parti Québécois's rivals seized on its promise of a referendum to portray Mr. St-Pierre Plamondon as a potential source of instability.
Ms. Fréchette said that a win by the Parti Québécois would create economic uncertainty in Quebec, deterring investments in the province by private businesses and the federal government.
Ms. Fréchette said unpredictability would arise "the moment a referendum becomes part of Quebec's political horizon."
But Mr. St-Pierre Plamondon was able to overcome such attacks, benefiting from what polls described as Quebec voters' intense desire for change. Ms. Fréchette took over as her party's leader in April after the resignation of the deeply unpopular François Legault. But Ms. Fréchette, a former minister of economy, has been unable to distance herself from her party's track record, especially the failure of several high-profile economic and government projects.
"It was time for a change," said Jonathan Crabey, 38, who works in construction and was voting at a school in Chambly, a city about 20 miles east of Montreal., where the Parti Québécois candidate defeated the incumbent of the governing Coalition Avenir Québec.
Mr. Crabey, who had voted for Ms. Fréchette's party in the past, gave his support to Conservative Party of Quebec this time because of its pledge to lower taxes. He said he "hadn't given much thought" to a referendum.
The federalist Quebec Liberal Party came in second on Monday, dominating in the diverse, multilingual electoral districts on the island of Montreal and making inroads elsewhere. The Conservative Party of Quebec also made gains and came in third place, followed by the left-leaning, separatist Québec Solidaire. The Coalition Avenir Québec came in last.
NEWS ANALYSIS
Turning an Eviction Into an Election Platform
Bar patrons on the outskirts of Madrid watching Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez' announcement.
BERNAT ARMANGUE/ASSOCIATED PRESS
By JASON HOROWITZ
MADRID — Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez of Spain, one of Europe's premier political escape artists, had searched in vain for months for a route to remain in power after nearly a decade in office.
He had tried to rally his left-wing base by presenting himself as a counterweight to President Trump, clashing with him on issues like the environment and the war in Iran. But scandals among Mr. Sánchez' inner circle kept dragging him down.
He won leftist plaudits for giving a pathway to legal status to more than a million undocumented people, whom he presented as critical to the economy's continued growth. But a chaotic surge of 80,000 migrants in July into Ceuta, a Spanish exclave in North Africa, muddied that picture and instead gave the conservative opposition a shot of energy.
So when Spanish lawmakers, including many conservatives, rejected Mr. Sánchez' proposal on Friday for emergency renter protections popular with left-wing Spaniards, he seized on the defeat as an opportunity to regain the political initiative.
He pulled the plug on his third consecutive government, called for early elections on Nov. 29 and, in a nationally televised speech Monday morning, framed the contest as a choice "to move backward or to keep moving forward."
The housing protections, which would have suspended evictions until 2030, were made in response to public outrage over the eviction last month of an 87-year-old woman in Madrid. Mr. Sánchez' minority coalition government lacked enough lawmakers to pass it on its own. By going to the polls over the issue, Mr. Sánchez hoped to give left-wing Spaniards a reason to return him power, this time with a majority.
Mr. Sánchez, who is trailing in the polls, said Spaniards must now choose between joining "that far-right wave that brings regression wherever it governs" or keeping Spain as "a bastion of openness, social justice and
Carlos Barragán contributed reporting from Madrid.
environmental responsibility."
On Tuesday, he fueled that narrative by announcing plans to push through the housing measures — including restrictions on evictions and a rent freeze — while Parliament breaks for the election.
The call for new elections adds to a period of destabilization in Europe, with students protesting poor school conditions in France, an industrial downturn and a far-right party surge in Germany, and inflation going up seemingly everywhere. Across the continent, governments are struggling to find ways to sustain a welfare model that guarantees free health care and generous pensions even as populations shrink, industry declines and debt interest payments spike. Frustration with a lack of solutions has helped fuel the rise of hard-right parties who have capitalized on the discontent.
Mr. Sánchez has portrayed his government as a last holdout against those far-right forces. His vision for a big government that favors generous social benefits, civil rights protections and increased immigration is increasingly fading from the European landscape. He hopes that Spaniards will see the election as an emblematic fork in the road with significance beyond its borders.
Mr. Sánchez has some data to bolster his position. Under his government, the Spanish economy in recent years has emerged as one of the European Union's fastest-growing, at times accounting for a large chunk of the bloc's total growth. Tax revenue has shot up, the nation's coffers have filled up and unemployment has shrunk. Renewable energy now powers much of the electricity in Spain, and the minimum wage has increased. Spain even won the World Cup.
The country's main conservative opposition party, the Popular Party, argues that Mr. Sánchez' record is much more mixed and aims to make the coming election a referendum on Mr. Sánchez himself.
His critics have seized on a raft of corruption cases including his closest advisers in the Socialist Party, his wife and his brother — which they deny — to paint a picture of a crooked regime abusing its power. They point out that his minority coalition, lacking enough votes in Parliament, has failed to pass a national budget for three years, something Mr. Sánchez once said no legitimate government should
do. All that has polarized Spain and made the Spanish right motivated to vote him out.
"Finally, Spain will speak its mind," Alberto Núñez Feijóo, the leader of the Popular Party, said at a news briefing on Monday.
But the Popular Party lacks enough support to govern on its own, and may need to team up with the far-right Vox party to take power. Support for Vox has surged in recent years, especially amid rising concerns over migration since the crisis in Ceuta.
In some ways, the louder Vox is, the easier it is for Mr. Sánchez to get his liberal base, as well as the polarized country's moderate voters, to rally to his side.
But analysts said Mr. Sánchez' tactic of creating a juxtaposition between himself and right-wing boogeymen had lost its power.
It was the housing issue, experts said, that gave Mr. Sánchez yet another escape route, in part by helping him re-energize what experts estimate are the roughly 1.4 million left-wing voters who had become more likely to skip the next election.
"The clear aim of the campaign will be to mobilize those voters," said Pablo Simón, a professor of political science at Carlos III University in Madrid.
A Separatist Leader Can Return to Spain
By CARLOS BARRAGÁN
MADRID — The Spanish Supreme Court has canceled an arrest warrant for Carles Puigdemont, the Catalan separatist leader who fled the country in 2017 and had been living in Belgium, allowing him to return to Catalonia.
The decision, which the court announced on Tuesday afternoon, paves the way for Mr. Puigdemont to benefit from an amnesty law passed by Parliament in 2024.
The decision came hours after Spain's Constitutional Court ruled that the Supreme Court must apply the amnesty law in full, after a Supreme Court judge had refused to cancel warrants for Mr. Puigdemont and other separatist leaders who were facing embezzlement charges. The Constitutional Court, which has the final say on constitutional matters in Spain, had already upheld the amnesty law itself.
"The Constitutional Court's decision to apply the amnesty is a victory for the independence movement," said a spokesman for the Catalan separatist party that Mr. Puigdemont leads, Junts.
As the president of the Catalonia government in October 2017, Mr. Puigdemont was at the heart of a national crisis when he organized a referendum on independence for Catalonia, the prosperous northeastern region, after Spanish courts had found it illegal. Catalonia's Parliament formally declared independence later that month. In response, the conservative Spanish central government sent in the police, dissolved the regional Parliament and took direct control of Catalonia.
The standoff, Spain's biggest constitutional crisis in decades, ended with some separatist leaders in prison and split Catalonia in half, leaving deep divisions. The tensions fueled nationalist feeling elsewhere in Spain, and a far-right party has capitalized on the discontent.
Spain's prime minister, Pedro Sánchez, pushed through the amnesty law in late 2023 with the stated goal of restoring "coexistence and reconciliation" to Catalan society. Mr. Sánchez' Socialist Party governs the region today and celebrated the Constitutional Court ruling.
"Time has proved us right; Catalonia is moving forward," Salvador Illa, the Catalan president, said on Tuesday in a post on social media.
Mr. Sánchez' critics seized on the canceling of Mr. Puigdemont's arrest warrant to attack the amnesty law. They see it as a political payoff after Junts backed Mr. Sánchez' return as prime minister in Parliament in 2023.
“Nothing can erase the fact that the amnesty is yet another deception by Sánchez,” the conservative opposition leader, Alberto Núñez Feijóo, said on Tuesday in a post on social media.
But Junts politicians, including Mr. Puigdemont, who briefly returned to Catalonia in 2024, have
SIMON WOHLFAHRT/AFP. — GETTY IMAGES
The Catalan separatist leader Carles Puigdemont has lived in Belgium since fleeing in 2017.
grown disillusioned with Mr. Sánchez. The party helped strike down a proposed housing bill on Friday, a loss for Mr. Sánchez that pushed him toward snap elections on Nov. 29.
When the amnesty law took effect in 2024, a Supreme Court judge refused to apply it to those were convicted of embezzlement. The judge argued that the use of public money for the independence push amounted to personal enrichment, one of the exceptions to the amnesty law.
One of the separatist leaders appealed to the Constitutional Court, which ruled on Tuesday that the Supreme Court could not exclude embezzlement cases from the amnesty. The decision established a precedent for other separatist leaders, including Mr. Puigdemont, who can now return to Spain without being arrested.
The New York Times
A campaign sign, above, for Representative Juan Ciscomani, a Republican from the Tucson, Ariz., area whose race centers on last year's budget legislation. A casino in Tucson, right, and below, counting tips at a golf resort.
PHOTOGRAPHS BY ANNA WATTS FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
G.O.P. Counts on Tax Cut for Votes, But Workers Point to Soaring Costs
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By CATIE EDMONDSON
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Keeping More of Tip Money Is Offset by Expenses Like Gas
ORO VALLEY, Ariz. — Outside the clubhouse at a golf resort nestled in the mountains framing Oro Valley, Ariz., Logan Bigelow corralled golf carts for players as he tallied how much he had benefited from a law enacted last year that limited taxes on tips.
Mr. Bigelow, 28, figured his tax refund had increased by \$200 to \$300, and some of his friends who work as bar backs at nightclubs in Tucson — pulling in as much as \$700 in tips in a night — had noticed bigger boosts.
But none of it seemed like enough to make up for the other costs he and his friends were shouldering.
"I wish it helped out a little more than it did," Mr. Bigelow said in an interview. "The cost of gas — it's getting outrageous. And how much health care premiums have gone up is out of control."
Republicans in Congress had hoped the major tax-and-spending-cut bill they muscled into law last year would redeem them on the campaign trail as they try to beat historical odds to keep their majorities in next month's midterm elections.
But in an election that has increasingly become defined by the high cost of living, the benefits of the measure — including sharply restricting federal income taxes on tips and overtime — appear to be getting swamped by economic stress. That stress has been exacerbated by the war with Iran, as well as other moves Republicans have made that yanked government support that many Americans rely on. Among those was the G.O.P. refusal to extend health care subsidies under the Affordable Care Act that expired last year, causing premium spikes like those Mr. Bigelow cited.
Arguably the only major legislative accomplishment congressional Republicans have mustered during the two years of their slim governing trifecta, G.O.P. leaders and vulnerable incumbents have promoted the bill as an answer to voter concerns about rising costs.
"We have more jobs coming home, more wages rising, more working families keeping more of what they earn, and that is our affordability agenda," Speaker Mike Johnson said last month during a campaign stop in a swing district in Arizona. "There is more and more of that on the way."
House Republicans' super PAC began running television and digital ads behind the message almost immediately after the bill passed, and recently announced a more than \$22 million campaign both promoting the tax cuts and attacking Democrats for opposing them.
One ad targeting Representative Marie Gluesenkamp Perez, Democrat of Washington, features constituents lamenting that she "voted for the largest tax hike in U.S. history" and "voted to tax seniors like me."
The Tax Foundation, a think tank that generally favors lower taxes, found in February that taxpayers would see a nearly \$2,300 average tax cut this year as a result of the legislation, which extended the tax cuts passed during President Trump's first term and created a handful of new, temporary cuts.
But there are signs those benefits are not motivating voters as much as Republicans had hoped.
An NBC poll in September found that 42 percent of voters said they were less likely to support a candidate backing the measure, while 36 percent said they were more likely to support one. A Politico poll in July found that one in three Americans polled said it had hurt their personal finances, compared with the 8 percent who said it had greatly helped.
In southeast Arizona, which has one of the critical races that will determine control of the House, Representative Juan Ciscomani, a two-term Republican, is leaning heavily on the tax cut measure as a selling point.
The legislation has become a central issue in the race. His Democratic challenger, JoAnna Mendoza, a retired Marine and former executive director of a group advocating a more progressive tax policy in the state, has hammered Mr. Ciscomani over the cuts to social safety net programs included in the bill. Mr. Ciscomani, in turn, has attacked Ms. Mendoza for opposing the tax cuts, as well as others considered in recent years by the state legislature.
It has been a frequent talking point for vulnerable Republicans campaigning for re-election across the country. In Pennsylvania, an ad in support of Representative Ryan Mackenzie showed the manager of a restaurant who said limiting taxes on tips had “made a real difference for our employees.” In Iowa, Representative Zach Nunn highlighted the provision at an August event with workers at a bar and grill in Ankeny where he appeared with the acting labor secretary.
Darrell Hussman, the president of the Tucson Police Officers Association, which has endorsed Mr. Ciscomani, said that his members had benefited from the limiting of taxes on overtime included in the G.O.P. legislation.
The Tucson Police Department is understaffed, Mr. Hussman said, and officers had been working so much overtime that the department recently imposed a cap requiring special permission to work more than 25 extra hours in a week. His officers reported seeing anywhere from \$500 to a few thousand extra dollars on their tax refund.
“That, to me, is thrilling,” he said. “We see there’s a benefit, and with prices going up — gas alone, you see the wear and tear. But now these officers are able to afford a little bit more for their family and themselves.”
Yet in conversations with nearly two dozen tipped workers across the district — bartenders and blackjack dealers at a casino, cart drivers at a golf club and servers at sports bars, dive bars, a Waffle House and a fine-dining restaurant — there was only muted enthusiasm for the “no tax on tips” provision.
Most said it had made a welcome but small difference, but became more impassioned when they began rattling off the increasingly unmanageable prices of gas and groceries. At least two tipped workers, including a blackjack dealer, said they had never heard of the tax cut.
Among its more celebratory backers was Alex Vargas, 20, who works during the day as a bartender and server at a golf club in Oro Valley and at night at a popular Mexican restaurant in Tucson. He estimated making \$700 in tips a week at the golf club and \$200 to \$400 a night at the restaurant.
The new law, he said, had made "a big difference," because he gets the majority of his income from tips. He plans to put away the extra money he receives from his tax refund to open his own business.
But while Mr. Vargas cited keeping taxes low as one of his highest priorities, he also said he had grown disillusioned with Mr. Trump's immigration crackdown.
"It shouldn't be as black and white," said Mr. Vargas, who said he had not previously voted but planned to do so in November. (He declined to say how.)
Eve Woods, 21, works as a server and bartender at a casino where campaign ads about the legislation were playing on televisions next to blackjack tables and slot machines.
She said she noticed a "slight increase"
on her tax refund this year, though it "wasn't that much."
"Honestly, the main issue I am focused on is minimum wage — we only get \$6.50 — so that's really a make-it-or-break-it type of deal," Ms. Woods said. "The no tax on tips is good, but I think wages definitely need to increase. I could serve you \$1,000, but it doesn't mean you'll give a 20 percent tip."
Ms. Woods, who said she usually supported Democrats, did not vote in 2024 because she felt “conflicted” about her options. But she said she planned to cast a ballot in November, citing in part her unhappiness with the cuts to the food assistance program from the tax cut legislation.
In an effort to defray the cost of the tax cuts that were the centerpiece of the package, Republicans included substantial reductions to Medicaid, the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program and other government aid, squeezing many voters.
In Arizona, cuts to food stamps have hit particularly hard. The number of people in the state getting SNAP benefits has fallen by about half in less than a year, in part because of red tape.
Lisa Fitzgibbons, the mayor of Casa Grande, a desert city of about 60,000 south of Phoenix, said that the cuts in the legislation were starting to take effect at a time when her constituents were already financially struggling.
A needs assessment conducted by Pinal County, which includes Casa Grande, found that 64 percent of residents reported running out of food before their next paycheck.
"There are certain pieces that are benefiting people, but then there's others that are really hurting people," Ms. Fitzgibbons said of the law. "These issues that are going to come up are really going to hurt people even more. People are struggling right now."
She said that local nonprofits in Casa Grande had “seen unbelievable numbers” of people asking for food, and that the Walmart had seen a large reduction in sales.
"People are almost at their wits' end," she said. "They're like, 'OK, enough is enough here.'"
"The no tax on tips is good," said Eve Woods, a server and bartender at a Tucson casino, "but I think wages definitely need to increase."
"I wish it helped out a little more than it did," Logan Bigelow, who works at a golf resort in Oro Valley, Ariz., said of Republican tax legislation. "The cost of gas — it's getting outrageous."
"People are struggling right now," said Lisa Fitzgibbons, the mayor of Casa Grande, citing the law's reduction in social safety net benefits.
2026 Election
Democrats Project a Milestone: 100 Women in the House
By ANNIE KARNI
"I'm incredibly confident that we will pass that 100 mark," said Representative Teresa Leger Fernández of New Mexico, third from right.
ANITA POUCHARD SERBA FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
CHRISTOPHER SMITH FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
Women seeking to secure House seats include, from left, Darializa Avila Chevalier, Claire Valdez, Paige Cognetti and Rebecca Cooke.
WASHINGTON — Democrats pressing to win control of Congress in the midterm elections are also reaching for a major milestone in their ranks: electing at least 100 women to the House, the most ever in a legislative body that is still heavily dominated by older white men.
With female candidates competing in many key districts that will determine the House majority, and polls showing the party gaining ground in those contests, Democrats are projecting they could have as many as 113 women in their ranks next year.
"I'm incredibly confident that we will pass that 100 mark," Representative Teresa Leger Fernández of New Mexico, chairwoman of the Democratic Women's Caucus, said in an interview. "The real issue is how far above it do we go."
The peak projection of 113 could only be reached if Democrats won every competitive race, including a few that more strongly favor Republicans, a highly unlikely scenario even in the best of years. But even reaching 100 would be a high-water mark that was unthinkable just a generation ago. When Emily's List, the largest funder of female Democratic candidates who support abortion rights, was founded in 1985, less than 5 percent of the House Democratic Caucus were women. Now, it is approaching 50 percent.
ANITA POUCHARD SERRA FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
KENNY HOLSTON/THE NEW YORK TIMES
"We have all along in this election cycle put women front and center to deliver the House majority," said Jessica Mackler, the president of Emily's List, who noted that women backed by the organization make up a majority of toss-up House races.
That didn't happen by accident. As of Monday, when six new candidates were added, 19 out of the 46 Democrats in the party's "Red to Blue" program that funds top contenders in battleground districts are women.
"Women are going to give Democrats the majority in two ways," Ms. Leger Fernández said. "We're going to elect women candidates who will flip the House, and it's also women voters who will come out and overwhelmingly vote for Democratic candidates, because the two hardest-hit groups by the Republicans' policies have been Latinos and women."
Currently, there are 97 women in the House Democratic Caucus (including two nonvoting delegates who represent Washington, D.C., and the Virgin Islands), a record for female representation accounting for around 45 percent of Democratic members.
While some are retiring, Democrats expect those who remain to be joined by a large crop of women running in safe Democratic districts and others who are favored to win competitive races in an environment that polls show is favorable to their party, resulting in even higher numbers next year.
TIM EVANS/REUTERS
The first tier of candidates Democratic leaders are counting on includes a dozen women who are running in open or safely Democratic seats, including Melat Kiros in Colorado; Darializa Avila Chevalier and Claire Valdez in New York and Stefany Shaheen in New Hampshire.
Three others pressing to flip Republican districts are seen as very likely to win: Marni von Wilpert, who is running in a newly drawn California district; Denise Powell, who is seeking a Democratic-trending Nebraska seat currently occupied by Republican Representative Don Bacon; and Rebecca Bennett, who is polling ahead of Representative Tom Kean Jr., the lawmaker who was absent from Congress for over 100 days for what he later revealed was a struggle with depression.
A dozen more women are running in races that the nonpartisan Cook Political Report ranks as "tossups." Ms. Leger said she was confident that three or more of them would win in November. They include challengers to some of the most vulnerable Republican incumbents, including Representatives Rob Bresnahan Jr. of Pennsylvania, Jen Kiggans of Virginia, Derrick Van Orden of Wisconsin, Juan Ciscomani of Arizona, Mike Lawler of New York and Mariannette Miller-Meeks of Iowa.
If a handful of Democratic women running to flip more Republican-leaning districts in Colorado, Florida, Iowa and South Carolina prevail, the ranks could swell even more.
In her state of New Mexico, she said, "we have a majority-women legislature with a woman governor and we have universal child care; I want to see that kind of progress."
Should Democrats win the majority, Ms. Leger said she expected women to be the driving force next year on an agenda focused on child care and elder care.
Kelly Dittmar, a professor of political science at Rutgers University, said that representation mattered also "for perceptions of legitimacy." Having more women serving in legislatures not only changes policy but "changes the institutions themselves," she said.
As an example, Ms. Dittmar pointed to the reaction in 2020 to an episode in which Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Democrat of New York, was called a "fucking bitch" by a male Republican colleague. Instead of letting it go, Ms. Ocasio-Cortez delivered a floor speech in which she read the vulgarity into the congressional record, and other female lawmakers rose to recount their own stories of experiencing sexism in the halls of power.
Ms. Leger said having more women in Congress would also be more effective than any policy change in addressing the culture of sexual harassment on Capitol Hill.
"When you have close to 50 percent of the Democratic caucus understanding what is it like to be on the other end of sexual assault, sexual mistreatment, sexual har-"
assment, the conversation changes," she said.
Republicans have far less gender diversity in their ranks in the House, where there are currently 32 G.O.P. women (including two nonvoting delegates) — around 15 percent of their members — and are at risk of those levels dropping further. To maintain the party's number of female House members, it's likely that six vulnerable G.O.P. women would have to succeed in fending off their challengers next month.
The G.O.P. is also losing much of its racial diversity in the House: All four Black Republicans serving there are leaving Congress
Number of Democratic Women in House May Top 100
The low-end projection includes races rated by the Cook Political Report as favoring Democrats; the high-end projection includes all tossup races.
Notes: Data is as of Oct. 2 and includes non-voting members. Years shown are the start of each congressional session. Sources: @unitedstates project on GitHub (historical data); Cook Political Report (ratings). ASHLEY WU AND ELENA SHAO/THE NEW YORK TIMES
next year.
The lack of diversity in their ranks is an issue that some Republican strategists are aware needs a fix. "Regardless of the outcome next month, Republicans need to recommit to building a conference that reflects our voters," Parker Poling, a Republican strategist, wrote on social media, adding, "We should recognize the importance of different perspectives to a majority."
Representative Emilia Sykes, Democrat of Ohio, said there were still small daily reminders that she served in an institution that was not designed with her in mind, even as the number of women climbed.
"The size of the chairs is a problem," Ms. Sykes said. "I'm not a big person; sitting in the chairs that are very large, my feet dangle."
She said she sometimes receives letters addressed to "the congressman," which boggles her mind.
"I think, 'OK, you're coming to advocate for millions of dollars and significant policy changes, and you have the lack of research to know the member isn't a man,' she said.
Ms. Sykes said her journey to Congress as a young Black woman has been challenging: Fund-raising has been more difficult for her, she said. Consultants were quick to overlook her when she first wanted to run. But she said she was a believer in the mantra "if you see it, you can be it."
"For the women who have found their way," she added, "the fights that they're fighting are incredible."
Attempting to Film Like Mamdani? Not All Mayors Can Pull It Off.
From Page AI
his message out and help propel him to victory last year.
But not all candidates are as skilled on camera. Some videos are charming, real-life glimpses into the day of a mayor trying to solve problems. Others come across as stilted, overproduced or even awkward. Most candidates are learning as they go.
"They can be effective, but the person has to be genuinely likable or it doesn't work," said Aviva Bowen, a political strategist in Chicago. "They're supposed to be raw and gritty and a peek behind the curtain."
Last month, Mayor Brandon Johnson of Chicago publicized his re-election bid with a video of himself dancing, albeit stiffly, on a rooftop. Mayor Daniel Lurie of San Francisco took to video to warn residents that a mountain lion was spotted at the corner of 44th Avenue and Ulloa Street. Jacob Frey, the mayor of Minneapolis, recently showed off his between-the-legs dribble, and a few bricked jump shots, while telling residents about a basketball tournament returning to the city.
Cynthia Silva contributed video research and editing.
Good or bad, the videos are increasingly a staple for an American mayor, or an aspiring one.
Campaign strategists say that the videos — which are also being adopted by governors, members of Congress and other elected officials — can be deceptively tricky to pull off. They are most compelling, the consensus goes, when they are candid, honest and shorter than 30 seconds.
The videos can also help push an obscure candidate into the spotlight. In Seattle, Katie Wilson was running for mayor last year as a nearly unknown community organizer and socialist when she released a video of herself standing on a sidewalk holding an \$8 slice of pizza and explaining how the cost was connected to the city's housing crisis. Her campaign took off, and months later she was elected, unseating the incumbent.
Ms. Wilson's videos worked because they leaned into her image as an awkward policy nerd, said Sandeep Kaushik, a Democratic political strategist in Seattle who was not involved with her campaign.
"They come across as really honest and authentic," Mr. Kaushik said. "And they showed you who she is as a person. They weren't formal or antiseptic or cerebral in the way most campaign communications are."
Annie Gabillet, the deputy communications director who oversees digital work for Mayor Lurie in San Francisco, said that his videos are an outgrowth of the early days of his campaign. Mr. Lurie had never run for office before and was fighting for name recognition. So he began making candid, in-the-moment videos, sometimes dropping in on small businesses or art galleries, places around the city that he loved.
"He didn't set out to become an influencer, so as he's filmed more videos himself, it's become more natural, as if he's just talking to San Franciscans," she said.
Mr. Lurie's Instagram audience is largely San Francisco-based, and he relies on Instagram reels to get his messages out. Some of his highest-performing videos this year have been snapshots of life in the city: a new Jollibee opening on Market Street, a how-to on cleaning storm drains, a scene of Mr. Lurie stopping by a salsa dancing event in Union Square.
Mayors have to be careful to ex- ude not just authenticity but com- petence, as Mayor Karen Bass of Los Angeles learned the hard way.
After Mr. Mamdani touted the pothole-filling prowess of his administration, a Los Angeles resident posted a video asking Ms. Bass to fill a hole on her street. Ms. Bass responded with her own video, explaining why it could not be addressed right away. Social media mockery ensued. Ms. Bass followed up the next day with a video showing the fixed pothole.
“Sometimes content lands differently than you intended,” said Leslie Gamboni, senior director of digital communications for Ms. Bass, adding that the reaction didn’t necessarily make the video a failure. “We did see that the video reached a lot of people, and hopefully people came away understanding more about 311 and how to report an issue.”
As next year's mayoral election in Chicago begins to heat up, mayoral hopefuls are elbowing each other for attention in real life — and on Instagram reels.
Alexi Giannoulias, the Illinois secretary of state and a mayoral candidate, has been making the rounds of block parties, concerts and food festivals and posting videos of his interactions with voters.
Last month, Mr. Giannoulias shared videos of himself jumping into the Chicago River, speaking at an event celebrating Chinese heritage and downing tequila at the city's Mexican Independence Day parade.
"Alexi believes it's important to communicate directly to voters where they are, whether that's knocking doors or short-form video on social media," said Jordan Abudayyeh, a campaign spokeswoman.
Mayor Johnson, who is running for re-election, has hired social media influencers to make posts promoting his campaign, circumventing traditional media. "We hope to showcase the mayor in his element," said Christian Perry, a campaign spokesman.
Ms. Mendoza is not on the air with television ads yet, but she drops new social videos regularly, sometimes filming several at once.
In September, as rain continued to threaten her shoot, Ms. Mendoza said that she sees the videos — which she said she had been posting long before Mr. Mamdani's rise — as crucial to her nascent mayoral campaign, less than five months from the February election.
"When I bump into people in real life, more and more and more, they're like, 'Oh my gosh, I love your videos,' she said. "They feel like they already know me. Then I get to seal the deal with them."
Can Power Of G.O.P. Rule Kansas Anymore?
By TIM BALK
Kansas has not elected a Democrat to the Senate since before World War II.
But this year, this reliably Republican state has unexpectedly lurched toward the center of the battle for control of the Senate.
Senator Roger Marshall of Kansas, a first-term Republican, is in such a competitive race that the top super PAC for Senate Republicans is diverting millions of dollars to the state that it would prefer to be spending in traditional battlegrounds.
With a month until Election Day, Mr. Marshall and his Democratic challenger, the Rev. Adam Hamilton, are roughly tied at 45 percent each, according to a New York Times/Siena University poll released this weekend.
The nonpartisan Cook Political Report still grades the race as leaning toward Republicans. But Democrats have become more optimistic, and Republicans are increasingly nervous.
Here are three reasons Kansas is competitive:
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The state's economy has been hit hard in President Trump's second term.
Kansas's farming-heavy economy has been buffeted by challenges both of the president's making and out of his control.
Mr. Trump's war with Iran has driven up the costs of gasoline and diesel.
The president, as part of his trade wars, has allowed a flood of ground beef imports into the United States with lower tariffs, squeezing Kansas cattle farmers.
And the administration's immigration crackdown has rattled ranchers who rely on immigrants to keep the cattle supply chain moving.
Then there's a deepening drought in the state that has hampered yields of soybeans, wheat and corn.
Put it all together, and the state's farmers are in an anxious mood.
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The Democrat is a unique candidate.
Mr. Hamilton is a strong fund-raiser from a well-populated part of the state — near Kansas City — who has led a politically diverse, thousands-strong congregation.
He is running on a centrist platform focused on getting the United States out of the Iran war, unwinding the president's tariffs and regulating data centers.
Mr. Hamilton has deep roots in Kansas. His great-great-grandparents settled in Dickinson County, in the middle of the state, in the 19th century.
Among his backers are two Republican former Kansas governors: Bill Graves and Mike Hayden.
Arch Naramore, who won a fifth of the vote in a Republican Senate primary challenge to Mr. Marshall in August, has endorsed Mr. Hamilton, too.
Mr. Hamilton has positioned himself as someone who will "lead from the middle." Mr. Marshall's allies are trying to counter that pitch by branding Mr. Hamilton as an "extremist."
Mr. Hamilton is less likely to be seen as "extreme" than Mr. Marshall, according to the Times/Siena poll.
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The Republican incumbent has struggled.
Mr. Marshall has had a series of headaches.
Last month, The Times reported that he had filed lawsuits against more than 700 patients with outstanding bills during his decades-long career as an obstetrician-gynecologist and routinely charged patients an 18 percent annual interest rate. That has become a campaign issue.
Then there is the issue of his alignment with Mr. Trump, who has grown deeply unpopular in Kansas as economic conditions have worsened. Fifty-five percent of Kansas voters say they disapprove of the president, compared with 40 percent who approve, according to the Times/Siena poll.
Mr. Marshall is campaigning on an argument that he gets results for Kansas. His opponents say he has not stood up enough for Kansas against Mr. Trump.
Mr. Marshall has sought some distance from Mr. Trump. The senator has criticized the administration's immigration enforcement actions, and his representatives have not said if he would be open to campaigning with the president. (Mr. Marshall campaigned with Vice President JD Vance last month.)
Still, half of Kansas voters say they think Mr. Marshall would support Mr. Trump too much, the Times/Siena survey found.
Texas Democrats' Long-Delayed Dream May Be Within Reach
James Talarico, the Democratic Senate candidate, campaigning in the border city of McAllen, Texas. Below, Gina Hinojosa, a popular Democrat running for governor, has held a polling lead over the G.O.P. incumbent, Greg Abbott.
CHRISTOPHER LEE FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
CHRISTOPHER LEE FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
TAMIR KALIFA FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
By ROBERT DRAPER
AUSTIN, Texas — In the go-big-or-go-home collective consciousness of Texas, no ambition is deemed too reckless, no daydream too wild. Save perhaps one.
It is the idea, fantastical to many as it is irresistible to others, that the Democrats will win a statewide race in Texas for the first time in 32 years.
According to the latest New York Times/Siena University poll of the race for U.S. Senate, James Talarico, a 37-year-old state legislator seen by national Democrats as one of the breakout stars of this cycle, is ahead of his Republican rival, Ken Paxton, the state's scandal-plagued attorney general, by six points. The poll was conducted from Sept. 21 to Sept. 30. A survey from mid-September, the ReconMR/Siena Research Institute poll, also showed the Democratic gubernatorial candidate, Gina Hinojosa, four points ahead of the three-term G.O.P. incumbent, Greg Abbott, the most dominant political figure in Texas.
Cue the fluttering heartbeats. Cue, as well, the eye rolls.
Given how thoroughly Republicans have dominated the state, and how the hopes of Democrats have repeatedly crashed, some Texas pollsters remain skeptical.
"At some point, you do get conditioned by all that's happened in the past," said James Henson, the director of the University of Texas at Austin's Texas Politics Project. "I mean, you look at the trends and you have to admit that something's going on. But you still don't want to believe your lying eyes, because you've been burned for so long."
Mr. Henson was referring to the perennial spectacle of much-ballyhooed Texas Democratic aspirants face planting against the Lone Star State's red wall.
First came Tony Sanchez Jr., the swag- gering and self-funding Laredo oilman whom Gov. Rick Perry dispatched in 2002 by an 18-point margin. Next was the state senator Wendy Davis, who attracted worldwide attention for her fili- buster in the Texas Legislature against an anti-abortion measure but whom Mr. Abbott demolished by 20 points in 2014.
Finally, the El Paso congressman Beto O'Rourke came up 2.6 points short of defeating Senator Ted Cruz in 2018 but then suffered a 10-point loss to Mr. Abbott four years later.
Even with the awareness of such humiliations, Democrats find themselves maintaining that 2026 could, at long last, be the year. President Trump's deep unpopularity and the prospect of a blue wave could, they insist, extend into the state he won by nearly 14 points in 2024. According to a September survey conducted by Texas Southern University, Mr. Trump is seven points underwater in Texas.
Mr. Talarico has run an energetic and well-financed campaign, while Mr. Paxton has staged far fewer public events and has had to rely on outside groups to fund an attack-ad blitzkrieg against his Democratic opponent. Mr. Abbott, meanwhile, has outspent Ms. Hinojosa by a 10-to-one ratio, yet has been unable to build an insurmountable lead.
"People have vastly underestimated Gina," said Ms. Davis, now a political consultant and a senior adviser to Planned Parenthood Texas Votes, an advocacy organization. "Dollar for dollar, she's running the best statewide campaign we've ever seen."
Such optimism stands in defiance of the political axiom that Texas is where idealistic Democrats go to be mugged by reality. The party's demise there is not a product of ill fortune, Mr. Henson said. "Governor Abbott has built an impressive election machine that has benefited state-level Republicans again and again for a decade and a half," he said. "And the Democratic machinery here is almost nonexistent."
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A 'Hollowing-Out'
I have written about the politics of my native state at regular intervals for more than three decades. After watching the Democrats' century-long rule in Texas come to a decisive end with Gov. Ann Richards's loss to George W. Bush in 1994, I saw the party descend into atrophy in which failure begot more failure.
"The 30-year drought has done a lot of things," said Luke Warford, the chairman of the Travis County Democratic Party and the founder of the Agave Democratic Infrastructure Fund. "It's kept donors on the sidelines, which makes a lot of potentially good candidates not run because there's no belief they can win. And it also makes a lot of really talented staff leave to find better-paying work in true battleground states."
The Democratic Party has no counterpart to Mr. Abbott, and hasn't since 1993, when Senator Lloyd Bentsen moved to Washington to join President Bill Clinton's cabinet. Its weaknesses are even more glaring farther down the hierarchy.
In recent elections, as many as one-third of state races have gone uncontested by Democrats. One-fifth of the party's county chairs and two-thirds of its precinct chairs have been left unfilled. Until last year, the state party had a negative operating budget. As the veteran Democratic consultant Matt Angle observed, "There's been a hollowing-out of the party."
Still, those of us who recall the satisfied sense of invincibility among Texas Democrats after roughly a century of one-party rule have detected similar signs of overconfidence among the state's ruling party. The party's rightward tilt, increasingly forceful with each legislative session, reached its apotheosis in March, with Mr. Paxton's primary victory over the more moderate Republican four-term incumbent, Senator John Cornyn.
'You still don't want to believe your lying eyes, because you've been burned for so long.'
JAMES HENSON, the director of the University of Texas at Austin's Texas Politics Project, on Democrats' vision of winning a statewide race.
HILARY SWIFT FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
'A lot of really talented staff leave to find better-paying work in true battleground states.'
LUKE WARFORD, the chairman of the Travis County Democratic Party and the founder of the Agave Democratic Infrastructure Fund.
Mr. Paxton, a close ally of Mr. Trump's, was impeached by the Republican-controlled State House (and later acquitted by the State Senate) in 2023 over allegations that included bribery. He was also accused by his wife of adultery. Mr. Trump endorsed him anyway, all but guaranteeing his landslide primary triumph over Mr. Cornyn but in the process testing the allegiance of center-right Texans.
In similar fashion, the Texas G.O.P. is in danger of losing many Latino voters who voted for Mr. Trump in 2024 after years of siding with Democrats. "We adopted a lazy way of campaigning that bit us on the ass, and we've learned from that," Mr. O'Rourke said. "Now it's the Republicans who've gotten really lazy and complacent and comfortable."
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Republican Overreach?
Simply spending one week driving through the vastness of Texas, as I did in September, is all it takes to appreciate an underdog party's uphill battle.
The state's 32 million residents are spread across 20 media markets, many of them distinct ecosystems, from the urban colossi of Houston and the Dallas-Fort Worth metroplex to the oil patch of the Texas Panhandle to the Latino-dominated borderlands of the Rio Grande Valley.
"When national donors are deciding where to invest, they look at a place like Iowa, where \$5 million can fully fund a race," said Katherine Fischer, the director of the Texas Majority PAC, which was established by the liberal philanthropist Soros family. "That's why Texas is always at the bottom of their list. It's just so damned big."
Reaching so many markets presents a daunting challenge for an upstart candidate like Ms. Hinojosa, a state representative from the border city of Brownsville. "There's still 20 percent of the electorate that doesn't know who I am," she said in an interview in mid-September. To date, Ms. Hinojosa's campaign has said that it has raised about \$20 million.
For his part, Mr. Talarico spent about \$30 million earlier this year to introduce himself statewide as a man of Christian faith and a member of the Texas House with a record of supporting bipartisan legislation.
Since that time, however, Mr. Paxton and his associates have invested more than \$100 million in an effort to redefine his opponent as “radical” and “weird,” with ads that quote from remarks Mr. Talarico made several years ago (and later renounced) suggesting that “God is non-binary” and that there are six biological sexes. Mr. Paxton and his allies have at times questioned Mr. Talarico’s manhood and even his Christianity, an effort to jolt the sensibilities of a state prone to mythologizing godly and masculine archetypes.
"How they're negatively defining Talarico is kind of a bank-shot way of saying that he's not a true Texas conservative," Mr. Henson said.
Whether money can overwhelm conditions on the ground is the riddle looming over the Texas races. In the border city of Laredo, which Mr. Trump won in 2024 — the first time a Republican had done so in over a century — signs of buyer's remorse are evident. Arrests by Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents in Laredo were higher in July than in any other American city. Mr. Trump's erratic trade policies have further created instability at the city's port of entry.
While acknowledging the economic concerns that many border residents share, Adrian Zapata, a business executive in the health industry who voted for Mr. Trump in 2024, said in an interview that the negative ads against Mr. Talarico were resonating with some of his family members. “They see Talarico as an ultraliberal,” he said. “They’re done with the ‘they/them.’ They’re going to vote for Paxton just because of that.”
As for Mr. Zapata, "I'm not ready to vote for Talarico," he said. "But I don't like Paxton. He's never done anything for South Texas, and his personal and business dealings have hurt him a lot with folks down here."
There is a similarly muddled electoral picture in the cattle country of deep West Texas adjacent to Big Bend National Park. Mr. Trump and Mr. Abbott have aggressively championed a border wall and artificial intelligence data centers, both of which threaten to disrupt the region's pastoral ethos.
A coalition of more than 200 landowners has sued the federal government over the border wall, while other residents have circulated a petition to protest the construction of a new data center near Fort Stockton. George Johnson, a cattle feed operator in Alpine, waved off such concerns, saying: "Folks worrying about data centers were also worried when the internet got started. It's Talarico who scares me to death, him and all that socialist talk."
Others in this largely conservative region harbor the view that Republicans have failed to make good on their promises. Thaddeus Cleveland, the Republican sheriff of Terrell County, said that both he and his county had voted for Mr.
Trump in 2024, but added, “Everything he campaigned on, we’re seeing the opposite of, like going to war.” Sheriff Cleveland predicted that the negative campaign ads by the Republicans would not factor as significantly into the votes of his neighbors as “the price of groceries and gas, which are compounded here because we’re so far from everywhere else.”
But it is in purple Tarrant County, dominated by Fort Worth, where the party could pay the price for having potentially overestimated its mandate from the voters. Conservative leaders have cut funds for nonprofits that aid at-risk children, subjected school library books to right-wing litmus tests and eliminated free bus rides to polling stations in poor neighborhoods.
"The far-right leaders here have implemented Project 2025 on a county level," said Alisa Simmons, a Democrat and county commissioner who is running to unseat the conservative county judge, Tim O'Hare.
In an early sign this year that area Republicans may be out of step with Tarrant County's constituents, a Democratic aviation machinist and union leader, Taylor Rehmet, defeated Leigh Wambsganss, a well-funded Republican Christian activist who led the conservative takeover of several metroplex school boards. He won by 14 points in a January special election for a State Senate seat covering a region that Mr. Trump won by 17 points in 2024.
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A 'Gradualist' Theory
Which party prevails in Texas is a complicated riddle. Historically a low-turnout state — it ranked second to last in the 2024 election, ahead of only Arkansas — Texas held a primary in March that saw nearly one in four voters showing up to the polls, a modern record for midterm participation, with Democrats slightly outpacing Republicans.
A few factors could conspire to thwart a blue wave in Texas. As of 2020, straight-ticket voting is no longer possible in the state, which could impact the mostly Democratic urban counties where that practice has frequently been used by voters in past elections. Texas is one of only eight states that lack universal online registration, while voting by mail is also highly restricted.
In January, Mr. Abbott turned over the state's list of approximately 18.7 million registered voters to the Trump administration, and 1.2 million of them have subsequently been put on the "suspense list" because their addresses have not been verified. The recent shuttering of nearly one-third of Tarrant County's polling sites by its Republican-controlled county commission is particularly worrisome for Democrats.
"The reason we've lost these statewide races in the past is because we've never gotten enough out of Tarrant County to overcome the margins in rural Texas," Ms. Davis said of the turnout. "If we don't get it to 53 or 54 percent this November, it's game over. James and Gina can't win."
But the state's Republicans have reasons of their own to be fretful. Partly because of the recruitment efforts of the Texas Majority PAC and Blueprint Texas, a down-ballot candidate support organization co-founded by Ms. Davis earlier this year, the Democrats are fielding a full slate in all 150 state races for the first time in a half-century. Though many of these aspirants face long odds, their presence on the ballot could energize the Democrats in predominantly conservative regions who have not bothered to turn out in the past.
"If we win on Nov. 3, most of those names running down-ballot in really tough areas like East Texas and the Hill Country and the Panhandle will be responsible," Mr. O'Rourke said.
Mr. Henson added that while he remained skeptical about Democratic enthusiasm being sufficient to carry the day for Mr. Talarico, he also doubted that a last-minute avalanche of negative ads would prove decisive for Mr. Paxton. "At a certain point, there's diminishing impact once you get past an absurd level of spending," he said.
Rather than project a winner in November, Mr. Henson said he felt more comfortable embracing a "gradualist" theory, one in which Texas does not become blue overnight, but instead competitive.
"Even if Talarico loses by a Beto-like margin," he said, "the next cycle is a presidential election, where Trump likely won't be popular and Democratic turnout will be higher. So there are reasons for Texas Democrats to be optimistic."
DEGREE ROKS FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
Ken Paxton, the state attorney general and G.O.P. candidate for Senate. He has held far fewer public events than his Democratic opponent.
| 3. Ban cellphones | 3.7 | 1.7 | # Top Ideas for Fixing Schools, Ranked by the Experts
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U.S. math and reading scores are in a decade-long slump. We posed the question: What could turn things around?
By SARAH MERVOSH, FRANCESCA PARIS and CLAIRE CAIN MILLER
Schools in the United States are facing a daunting problem. Students simply can't read or do math as well as they used to.
Student test scores have declined over the last decade, in an academic slump that started before the pandemic and has continued since. Compared with 2015, reading scores are down in 83 percent of districts, and math declines are nearly as pervasive.
But improving student achievement is notoriously difficult. Do schools need more money? Better teachers? More standardized testing? Less?
What could actually help turn things around? We asked 37 top academics and researchers who study education to rate a range of ideas for both effectiveness and cost, on a scale of 1 to 7.
Overall, no single idea was enough on its own, experts said. And no idea would be successful unless it was executed well. But the results showed there are a number of ideas that can work.
We asked experts to evaluate each idea for its impact on academic achievement, which is generally measured by standardized test scores.
Lots of other things matter, too, including enrichment activities like the arts, teacher
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TheUpshot
The Upshot provides news, analysis and graphics about politics, policy and everyday life. nytimes.com/upshot
work satisfaction, and student excitement about learning. Children also have other needs beyond academics, including mental health and well-being.
But given the results of the last decade, we were interested in what could lift student achievement, which is tied to many later life outcomes, for students, society and the economy.
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MOST EFFECTIVE
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Tutoring, science of reading
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Top five most effective ideas
INTERVENTION EFFECT COST
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1. Small group tutoring
Students meet in groups of three or four, with the same tutor, during the school day, at least three times a week.
"High-impact tutoring is perhaps the most promising intervention we have based on the available evidence. The biggest issue is the supply of quality tutors, which could be costly to overcome."
BRENDAN BARTANEN, University of Virginia
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2. Science of reading
Require schools to teach explicit, phonics-based curriculum and other evidence-backed strategies. Train teachers on best practices.
"This is affordable, effective, and should be done everywhere."
JAMES SOLAND, University of Virginia
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3. Universal pre-K
4.8 5.9
Free, high-quality public preschool for all children ages 3 to 5.
"Quality is the key here. The literature is clear that high-quality pre-K is highly cost effective. Low-quality pre-K is basically subsidized day care."
LORI TAYLOR, Texas A&M University
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4. Increase per-student funding 4.8 6.5
Increase the amount given to school districts to spend at their discretion. For example, about \$30,000 per student, like the top-spending state, New York.
"Money matters, but it depends how the money is spent."
JOSEPH CIMPIAN, New York University
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5. Increase teacher pay 4.8 4.1
Pay effective teachers more to work in high-poverty schools.
\*This strategy can attract effective teachers to high-need schools, where they tend to maintain their effectiveness, but the bonuses need to be substantial."
MARTIN WEST, Harvard University
Two ideas surfaced as most effective: frequent small group tutoring during the school day for students who need it, and the science of reading, a systematic approach to teaching reading that puts a focus on phonics and other evidence-based practices.
Both of these ideas are already being carried out in schools, to varying degrees.
Other ideas deemed highly effective? High-quality preschool, which can help close early gaps that develop even before students start school. And paying effective teachers more to work at high-poverty schools, a strategy that is not widely used but can help encourage the best teachers to work with students who are most behind.
Notably, the most effective ideas were some of the most expensive. Some changes — like paying more for certain jobs — may also need to be negotiated with local teachers' unions, a potential sticking point.
And all of these ideas came with an important caveat. We asked researchers to rate effectiveness "when done properly." In the real world, a lot can fall apart because of the details.
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About the data
To build our list of interventions, we consulted policymakers and researchers and pulled examples from districts and states. We also considered leading proposals by groups that leaned Democratic and Republican.
For our survey, we asked experts to evaluate each idea on a scale of 1 to 7, considering the impact on improving academic achievement. For both effectiveness and cost, we asked researchers to rate each idea assuming it was done properly and at the highest quality. Our panel consisted of 37 academics and researchers who have studied education and who responded to our survey in August. We see our survey not as a scientific poll, but as a useful measure of how experts steeped in the research view these ideas.
The panel included: Dominique Baker (University of Delaware), Brendan Bartenan (Virginia), Phil Capin (Harvard), Prudence Carter (Brown), Joseph Cimpan (N.Y.U.), Sarah Cohodes (Michigan), Thomas H. Jones (Alabama), Thomas A. Jones (Alabama), and Robert North Carolina State, Dan Goldhaber (University of Washington), Eric Hanushek (Stanford), Douglas Harris (Tulane), Heather Hill (Harvard), Iana Horn (Vanderbilt), Juvya Jabbar (U.S.C.), Tom Kiré (Kirk) (Arkansas), Thomas K. Smith (Arkansas), Andrew Matthew Kraft (Brown), Sarah Winchell Lerhoff (Wayne State), Sarah Lubienski (Indiana); Robert Maranto (Arkansas), Sarah Novicoff (Public Policy Institute of California), Harry Anthony Patrinos (Alabama), Michael Brown (Alabama), Marqueline Roza (Georgetown), Jack Schneider (University of Massachusetts Amherst), Beth Schueler (Stanford), Jonathan Schweig (RAND), Jeremy Singer (University of Michigan-Flint), James Oakland (Michigan), Kathaniel Struck-Patriot, Lori Taylor (Toxos A&M), Chris Toma (Michigan), Martin, Krist (Harvard) and Patrick-Lowk (Arkansas).
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BEST VALUE
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Accountability, curriculum
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Top five most effective ideas
INTERVENTION EFFECT COST
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1. Science of reading
Require schools to teach explicit, phonics-based curriculum and other evidence-backed strategies. Train teachers on best practices.
"This is affordable, effective, and should be done everywhere."
JAMES SOLAND, University of Virginia
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2. School accountability
Give schools a rating based primarily on test scores and academic growth. Require low-performing schools to make improvements. "Having the rating system demonstrates a level of urgency around student achievement." DAN GOLDHABER, University of Washington
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Effectiveness vs. Cost
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3. High-quality curriculum 4.5 3.0
Require schools to adopt an approved high-quality curriculum, vetted by a state or district.
"This requires trust in a district or state to recognize high-quality curriculum when they see it."
SARAH LUBIENSKI, Indiana University Bloomington
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4. Expand access to advanced classes 4.7 3.2
Offer high-achieving students advanced coursework, such as eighth-grade algebra or Advanced Placement classes in high school.
"The key here is to make sure advanced material is available across all schools and students have access to it. However, pushing students into material they haven't prepared for can backfire."
SARAH COHODES, University of Michigan
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5. Fire underperforming teachers 4.3 3.0
Give schools more autonomy to replace ineffective teachers.
"D.C. has used this effectively. Ineffective teachers truly harm kids."
ERIC HANUSHEK, Stanford University
When we compared effectiveness and cost, other ideas rose to the top.
School accountability — giving schools a rating, like an A-F letter grade, and requiring underperforming schools to make changes — emerged as highly cost effective.
It is also an approach that the federal government and many states have backed away from since the end of No Child Left Behind, the federal school accountability law from 2002 to 2015. The law was seen as punitive and overly reliant on standardized testing. In recent years, though, some states have used a model of accountability that focuses more on student progress, not just whether they're on grade level, and gives underperforming schools support to improve.
Our experts also liked requiring schools to use research-backed, high-quality curriculums, vetted by a state or school district (as opposed to having individual schools or teachers select their own materials, the approach in some places).
Offering more access to advanced classes was another cost-effective idea.
This doesn't mean just sorting students into gifted and talented programs, but offering more students advanced classes, such as eighth-grade algebra, or Advanced Placement classes in high school. Experts recommended expanding access at low-income schools, which tend to offer fewer college-prep classes, and choosing qualified students based on their performance, not just parent or teacher selection.
These cost-effective strategies had something in common: a focus on increasing academic rigor for more students.
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MOST LIKELY TO SUCCEED
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The idea executed well
So what should be done?
The results suggest that any meaningful change will probably require multiple evidence-backed strategies, with a focus on executing them well for the long term, and based on the needs of the students and teachers in each place.
That is what has happened in places like Mississippi, which has climbed in the national rankings, and in Louisiana, which is making leaps. Both states have used several strategies our experts deemed effective, including the science of reading, school accountability and a focus on high-quality curriculum.
"The reality is that improving education at
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WORST VALUE
Vouchers, smaller class sizes
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Five least cost-effective ideas
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1. Private school vouchers
Make all or nearly all families eligible for taxpayer money to pay for private school or home-schooling. For example, \$9,000 per student to pay for private school.
"The main certain effect will be to substantially reduce costs for wealthy families."
DOUGLAS HARRIS, Tulane University
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2. Smaller class sizes
For example, no more than 20 to 23 students per class in elementary school and 25 per class in high school, as mandated in New York City.
"The evidence on the effectiveness of class size reductions is more mixed than many people admit. It is obviously costly, as it requires more teachers."
PATRICK WOLF, University of Arkansas
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3. Increase all teacher pay
Pay all teachers more, comparable to other jobs that require the same education and experience.
"Teachers definitely deserve better pay, and the profession should be elevated, but do higher status and income really make a teacher a better instructor remains the question."
PRUDENCE CARTER, Brown University
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4. Increase mental health spending 3.5 5.0
Fund more counselors, special education teachers and school psychologists.
"Probably makes a big difference on a broad set of outcomes, not sure about achievement narrowly."
JEREMY SINGER, University of Michigan-Flint
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5. Allow A.I. use
Give students access to A.I., such as Google Gemini or learning apps that use A.I., on their school devices.
"I don't think we have sufficient evidence to assess this."
KATHARINE STRUNK, University of Pennsylvania
Some politically popular ideas — on both the left and the right — ranked as both costly and less effective, at least when it came to improving student achievement.
One high-cost, less effective idea was private school vouchers, a leading reform put forth by conservatives, now available in a growing number of states.
While competition can help spur broad improvements across schools, most experts said that vouchers come with minimal academic benefits, particularly compared with the cost.
In places that have tried vouchers, much of the money goes to students already in private school. And there is little evidence that students who transfer into a private school do much better academically. The subsidies can drive tuition increases, and often do not cover the full price, leaving the top private schools out of reach for many students.
On the political left, smaller class sizes are often talked up by parents and teachers, who envision less stress, better working conditions and more attention for each child.
But experts were skeptical that classes can realistically be kept small enough to reap the academic benefits, which research shows happens somewhere around 15 students. In New York City, a state law has tried to cap class sizes at 20 to 23 students in elementary school.
To reduce class sizes, districts also need to hire many more teachers. That can lead to issues with teacher quality, experts said, detracting from the benefits.
scale is incredibly hard work, but there are a lot of things that can move the ball down the court," said Matthew Kraft, an education professor at Brown University.
It also takes a "relentless commitment to troubleshooting," he said.
If there was one thing our expert panel agreed on, it was that how well ideas are carried out matters.
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WORTH A TRY?
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Going lower tech
Take universal preschool, an expensive idea that our experts deemed effective. Lori Taylor, a professor at Texas A&M University, noted that "high-quality pre-K is highly cost effective," while "low-quality pre-K is basically subsidized day
Little to no screen time on school devices in early grades and gradually more time as students get older.
"No evidence (yet). You would also need to replace extra time with effective instruction."
HARRY ANTHONY PATRINOS, University of Arkansas
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2. Restrict A.I. use
Ban or limit A.I. use for younger students, and use guardrails for older students.
\*We have very limited evidence on the effect of A.I. restrictions on student achievement.\*
SARAH NOVICOFF, Public Policy Institute of California
Ban student cellphones during school hours.
"The most recent evidence suggests the positive impacts of this aren't as high as we once thought, but I think there are academic and social benefits that are hard to quantify."
SARAH WINCHELL LENHOEE Wayne State University
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4. Require reading full books 3.4 1.6
Require students to read a minimum number of full books each year, which has become less common in many schools.
"It's really obvious, so why do we not do it!"
ROBERT MARANTO, University of Arkansas
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5. Student attendance data
Collect student attendance data in real time. Notify parents whose children are on track to be chronically absent.
"This is a nudge, not a reform. That said, it does offer some benefit at minimal cost."
JACK SCHNEIDER, University of Massachusetts, Amherst
In some cases, there was little empirical evidence that an idea was academically effective, at least not yet. But experts believed that it could work. In cases where the idea was also not expensive, they saw few downsides to trying it.
Going lower tech — limiting screen time in school; restricting A.I. in the classroom, especially for younger students; and banning cellphones— fell in this category.
We also asked experts for other ideas not on our list. Their ideas included allowing high-performing charter schools to expand and limiting children's social media and tech usage outside of school.
Several experts also said that schools should think beyond test scores and focus on making learning less boring and more engaging — less passive listening and memorizing for tests, for example, and more open-ended research and project-based learning.
"How do we get an education system that promotes high academic achievement, but is also a place where kids really want to be?" said Chris Torres, an associate professor at the University of Michigan.
RICARDO TOMÁS
care." (It also needs to be paired with high-quality instruction in elementary school so that gains are not lost.)
This emphasis on quality helps explain why education debates can seem so intractable, and why what works in one place may not transplant. Success often comes down to a visionary leader — a school principal, superintendent or state chief — who can lay out a plan and stick with it.
"In practice, simply doing anything well may matter more than any handful of interventions," said Marguerite Roza, director of the Edunomics Lab at Georgetown University. "Implementation is everything."
Tariffs May Be Endangering Music Programs as Instrument Costs Soar
Jeff Lipscomb, a high school orchestra director in Kanawha County, W.Va., above, has had to buy instruments out of his own pocket.
PHOTOGRAPHS BY MADDIE McCARVEY FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
Teachers on tight budgets, especially in lower-income districts, worry that rising costs will leave students stuck with old instruments.
From Page AI
particular threat to lower-income districts where enrollment and budgets are shrinking.
An elementary school music teacher in Beaverton, Ore., has considered 3-D printing ukuleles because she cannot afford them. In Passaic, N.J., an arts administrator is doubling down on encouraging students to clean and care for their instruments so they last longer. The superintendent of a small district in Washington County, Pa., has taken to scouring eBay and Facebook Marketplace for used instruments.
Proponents of musical education say the tariffs are endangering school music programs and threatening to push the extracurricular activity out of reach for many families. John Mlynczak, the chief executive of the National Association of Music Merchants, a trade group, warned that higher instrument prices could lead to "empty music classrooms."
"The camaraderie that happens in a community when everyone goes and supports the Friday night football game?" he said. "Imagine that without a marching band."
Some instruments, such as higher-end Fender and Gibson guitars, are made in the United States. But most elementary, middle and high schools rely on less expensive beginner instruments that are largely made in China. Many school districts own or rent instruments they lend to students at no or little cost.
As Mr. Trump escalated his trade war with China last year, music teachers grew wary.
Schools were already dealing with a confluence of challenges, including the end of federal pandemic aid, budget cuts and declining enrollment. Inflation was driving up costs.
"It's kind of like a perfect storm of all these different things happening at once that can cause a bigger mess," said Annamarie Bollino, a seasoned public school arts administrator who sits on the executive board of the National Association for Music Education, an advocacy group.
She said she expected that the proposed tariffs on brass instruments would further push up prices.
The effective tariff rate on instruments in June was about 13 percent, said Cullen Hendrix, a senior fellow at the Peterson Institute for International Economics. That was down from a peak of nearly 24 percent last September but more than twice as high as before Mr. Trump's second term.
Band and orchestral instruments have been hit the hardest, he said. In the second quarter of this year, imports of instruments were down nearly 20 percent from the same period in 2024. Imports of orchestral string instruments, including violins, violas and cellos, dropped 50 percent. Brass instruments fell 43 percent.
"It's hitting the horns, it's hitting the strings, it's hitting the percussion," Mr. Hendrix said. "All of those things combined are kind of sapping the available pool of tools that we can provide these children to begin their journey."
Carolynn Langston has been teaching music at low-income elementary schools in Oregon for two decades. Her room this year, at a school in Beaverton, has a colorful rug surrounded by a rainbow of paw prints to indicate where her students should stand. In one corner are patterned drums and other percussion instruments. She described her musical philosophy as "sing, dance, play."
Schools like hers will feel the higher instrument prices most.
"I don't even have a budget," Ms. Langston said. "Zero money."
When she wants to buy instruments — or a carpet, for that matter — she applies for grants, including from a local educational foundation. Sometimes she requests money from people directly. She considered using a 3-D printer to make plastic ukuleles. At least they would be more durable.
In May 2025, Ms. Langston asked the local foundation for \$700 to replace a large bar on one of her xylophones. "It's one note you can play — it's very loud and very low," she said.
By the time she went to buy the part that fall, the cost had jumped to \$750. The foundation agreed to pay the extra, but the increase stung.
"Instruments are more expensive, which then squeezes even tighter on somebody like me," she said.
Latasha Casterlow-Lalla, the supervisor of visual and performing arts for Passaic Public Schools in northern New Jersey, said many instruments had doubled or tripled in price since the pandemic. A student saxophone that used to be \$420 is more than \$900. Tubas are at least \$9,000, and the high school band wants four. If the proposed brass tariffs go into effect, she said, buying all of them would probably take her five or six years. By then, the would-be tuba players would have graduated.
Students are hard on their instruments, and Ms. Casterlow-Lalla estimated that each one lasted 10 years at most, and often less. Anticipating that costs will continue to rise, she is pushing principals for better storage to keep instruments functioning longer. She is also emphasizing proper cleaning and care to students and parents.
She worries above all that she will not have enough instruments for all the students who want to play. If registration in school music programs falls as a result, it could create a domino effect where the district pulls funding.
"We're going to eventually hit our rubber-meets-the-road moment," she said.
When Mr. Lipscomb was growing up, he variously wanted to be a paleontologist, an astronaut or a computer programmer. But from the moment he graduated from high school, he dreamed of teaching music. He got a college degree, a teaching degree and a master's degree and then a doctorate in music composition from Louisiana State University.
"I like how it sounds — I like how it makes me feel," he said. "I'm normally an introverted person, but it's one of the few times that I actually enjoy being around people."
For 15 years, Mr. Lipscomb has taught orchestra classes in Kana-wha County's high schools, including Capital High School, his alma mater. The only full-time orchestra director in the district, he spends a lot of time driving from one school to the other.
His music program is small, typically around 60 students. When he has a particularly strong class, he teaches it a challenging repertoire. Otherwise, he focuses on scales and technique.
The district provides instruments for some students who cannot afford to buy or rent them, but Mr. Lipscomb's \$500-to-\$600 annual budget is not enough. He spent all of the money he was allocated last year and this year on two cellos.
One student, a freshman viola player, told him shortly after the school year began that she had to drop his class because her family could not afford to rent her instrument. He said he could lend her one free of charge, but she declined.
Mr. Lipscomb worries that rising instrument prices mean the students who stay will be stuck playing old instruments. He knows that when children play on instruments that sound bad, they do not blame the instruments. They blame themselves.
But the district is in a budget crunch, in part because it is losing students. He wishes he had thought to buy more instruments earlier in his career, before prices rose so much.
"It's tough for me to say, but you got to work with what you've got," Mr. Lipscomb said. "Unfortunately a lot of these old instruments, it's what I got."
Why Cities and States Are Turning to Courtrooms to Fight Climate Change
The case before the Supreme Court could affect dozens of others. Protesters gathered on Monday as the court heard arguments.
ALEX KENT/THE NEW YORK TIMES
By KAREN ZRAICK and CLAIRE BROWN
The fight over who should pay the soaring costs of climate change — the intensifying wildfires, storms and heat waves — has moved to the courts.
Nationwide, more than 60 state and local governments have filed dozens of lawsuits seeking damages from oil companies over global warming, which is caused by the burning of fossil fuels. With a president who has called climate change a hoax and a gridlocked Congress, courtrooms have become one of the few remaining options for communities seeking relief.
"Globally, neither national legislatures nor governments are taking adequate action, and so the advocates of climate action are turning to the courts," said Michael Gerrard, director of the Sabin Center for Climate Change Law at Columbia University.
Now the highest court in the land has entered the fray. On Monday, it heard arguments over a lawsuit filed by the city and county of Boulder, Colo., against two energy companies. Many, if not most, of the dozens of other cases nationwide hinge on the Supreme Court's decision.
The city and county had sued Exxon Mobil and Suncor Energy, claiming they misled the public about climate change and should pay for damages. The energy companies have asked the Supreme Court to throw out the case.
One of the industry's main arguments has been that climate change is too complex a problem to be handled by individual courts. "This case and others like it reflect an all too regrettable trend of trying to resolve major political issues in court rather than leaving
Brad Plumer contributed reporting.
them to the political branches where they belong," Kannon Shanmugam, a lawyer for the companies, told the justices on Monday.
If that argument prevails, then many similar lawsuits around the country are likely to be invalidated.
Kevin K. Russell, who argued on behalf of the city and county of Boulder, said the case was not about dictating policy, but rather about using state laws to seek damages for injuries suffered by residents, which he said was a core right. Since the nation's founding, he said, "states have had the power to provide court remedies for injuries occurring within their borders."
Mr. Russell argued that the lawsuit would require companies "to internalize a portion of the costs of their activities by paying for some of the damage that those activities inflict."
Justice Brett M. Kavanaugh said that was "a little cavalier," continuing, "It is going to bankrupt — you know, if there are enough of these — bankrupt these various defendants and certainly other defendants out there."
The court showdowns are happening as greenhouse gas emission have reached all-time highs, and the goal of limiting global warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius above preindustrial times, a goal set in the 2015 Paris Agreement, is all but out of reach. Last year, weather disasters in the United States exceeded \$100 billion in costs, according to researchers at Climate Central, a nonprofit group.
At the same time, an emerging field called attribution science has bolstered researchers' ability to pinpoint the role of climate change in extreme-weather events. That has given new ammunition to environmentalists who argue fossil fuel companies should help pay for damage.
Outside the Supreme Court on Monday, dozens of protesters assembled, including two longtime cattle ranchers from Colorado who support the Boulder lawsuit. Deirdre Macnab, 70, who owns a ranch with about 600 Black Angus cattle in northwest Colorado, said that two wildfires last year killed cows in the region and that increasing heat and drought were making it harder to ranch, drying up fields and driving up the price of hay.
"This is food security, and it's directly connected to climate change," said Ms. Macnab, who was previously the president of a voting rights organization. "And these corporations, if they are not held accountable, they'll never come to the table and be part of the solution. They're making record profits while people's cattle are dying."
A new field called attribution science is bolstering plaintiffs.
Coastal communities in California and New York had forged the legal path that Boulder County followed, filing suits starting in 2017 based on state laws that largely focused on sea-level rise. They argued that the oil companies had concealed their knowledge about the dangers of using their products.
Boulder's case, filed by the city
and county in 2018, focused on extreme heat, decreased snowpack, wildfires and floods.
None of the cases have gone to trial. Some have been dismissed, but about two dozen remain active. "The stakes are extremely high for the future of all these two dozen or so pending cases," Mr. Gerrard said.
been paused as judges await a decision from the Supreme Court.
In recent months, some have
But the number of lawsuits continues to grow. Last week, Middlesex County, N.J., filed a new case, which argued that it "has been reeling from the devastating impact of one climate disaster after another. And there is no end in sight."
Erika Kranz, a senior staff attorney in the Environmental and Energy Law Program at Harvard Law School, said it was hard to tell from Monday's arguments where the justices might land. Some justices adopted the oil companies' view "that this case is really an attempt by Boulder to regulate out-of-state greenhouse gas emissions," she said, "and other justices were more focused on Boulder's framing, which is that this is a case about deceptive marketing."
Boulder County and city argue, among other things, that the energy companies misrepresented the science of climate change in order to sell more oil and gas.
The energy companies are seeking to overturn a decision by the Colorado Supreme Court allowing the case to continue to trial. The justices could rule broadly in the companies' favor, potentially blocking the whole batch of litigation. Or they could rule that it's too early for the Supreme Court to weigh in, which would let the Boulder lawsuit proceed through the state courts in Colorado.
Proponents of the litigation point to the vast tobacco settlement of the 1990s and the more recent litigation over opioids as models for the climate cases. On Monday, some of the justices appeared to home in on that argument.
"This suit appears to be based on the old 1990s tobacco suits that were brought by states and local
governments," Justice Elena Kagan said at one point. She was trying to ascertain whether, under the same logic that Mr. Shanmugam was putting forth, federal law would have also blocked the tobacco and opioid cases.
Mr. Shanmugam responded that the cases were very different.
"This is the same kind of lawsuit against the same kind of actors for the same kind of harm," Justice Kagan said.
The case is reaching the Supreme Court at a time when the Trump administration is laser-focused on increasing fossil fuel production and has scrapped many climate policies in the process.
Last year, the Republican-controlled Congress rolled back many tax breaks for clean energy that were part of the 2022 Inflation Reduction Act. The administration has taken aim at federal Environmental Protection Agency regulations and at state-level climate policies, and it overturned the “endangerment finding” that allowed the E.P.A. to regulate greenhouse gases at all. Those moves are themselves the subject of copious litigation. (And whether the endangerment finding changes the calculus in the Boulder case is an open question.)
And the court battles over climate are playing out other ways as well. New York and Vermont have passed climate “Superfund” laws seeking to force polluters to pay for adaptation measures, but legal battles have put them on ice. Meanwhile, industry supporters are pressing for laws that would shield fossil fuel companies from liability over climate change. Utah, Iowa, Oklahoma, Tennessee and Louisiana have recently passed such measures, and a similar shield law has been introduced in Congress, which could potentially block verdicts from being enforced.
RYAN YOUNG FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
KYLE GRILLOT FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
Austin Beutner, left, whose house incurred smoke damage from the fire in the Pacific Palisades neighborhood of Los Angeles in 2025, right, is suing his insurance company for professional negligence.
L.A. Power Broker Is Suing Over His Uninhabitable \$20 Million Mansion
By RUKMINI CALLIMACHI and SHAWN HUBLER
Behind a towering hedge in the Los Angeles neighborhood of Pacific Palisades sits a house that Tom Cruise bought in 1990 and Nicole Kidman sold after their divorce. A few doors down is Steven Spielberg's estate. Across the street is Bill Cosby's.
The property shares a fence line with that of the boxing legend Sugar Ray Leonard — “our dogs bark at each other,” said Austin Beutner, who bought the house from Ms. Kidman in 2002.
Few blocks in America hold more fame, money and access. But nearly 21 months after the house was damaged in the Palisades fire, it sits empty. Valued at around \$20 million, it is uninhabitable, its walls laced with lead at levels far above what federal regulators consider hazardous, according to testing commissioned by the family.
On Monday in Los Angeles County Superior Court, Mr. Beutner and his wife, Virginia, sued their insurer, Chubb — whose subsidiary Bankers Standard Insurance Company issued their policy — and two environmental consulting firms Chubb hired. The suit accuses Chubb of breach of contract and professional negligence for refusing to pay for the full cleanup of lead and other toxins. In a letter to Chubb last month, the family's lawyer accused the company of relying on "pay-to-play" consultants and "junk science."
A Chubb spokesman, Michael Tomaso, declined to comment. The two consulting firms did not immediately respond to requests for comment.
The lawsuit joins a mounting pile of litigation filed by homeowners whose houses survived the January 2025 fires, but not the smoke. What sets it apart is who filed it.
Mr. Beutner has spent his career in rooms where decisions are made. At 29, he became the youngest partner at the Blackstone Group, and then co-founded the investment bank Evercore. He is the former deputy mayor of Los Angeles, the former publisher of The Los Angeles Times and the former superintendent of the nation's second-largest school district. In 2022, he authored a ballot measure that now sends around \$1 billion a year to arts and music programs in California's public schools.
"I'll be fine either way," he said in a telephone interview before filing the suit. "But there are thousands of others who have claims like mine who may not have the agency I do. They may not be able to afford the lawyers." Insurers are pushing families back into contaminated homes and keeping the danger quiet — a public health crisis — and litigation might be one of the few ways to sound the alarm, he said.
The Los Angeles fires killed 31 people and incinerated more than 16,000 buildings. Of the more than 40,000 insurance claims filed in the aftermath, approximately 13,000 — or nearly one out of three — were for smoke-damaged homes, according to the California Department of Insurance.
Many of those claims remain unsettled and families continue to be displaced, according to advocates for policyholders.
At the heart of this issue is a regulatory vacuum: With no state or national standards for when a smoke-damaged home is considered clean, insurers often test only for soot, char and ash — the visible traces of a fire — and pay for equally visible fixes: vacuuming, wiping and painting, a New York Times investigation found.
Last month, Gov. Gavin New- som, a Democrat, signed two bills that are meant to address that is- sue. One directs the state to create science-based standards for measuring and cleaning heavy metals and other contaminants in- side homes. The other requires in- surers to pay for cleanup in line with those standards, and presumes that smoke damage in a fire zone is a result of a fire.
Those laws, the first of their kind in the nation, take effect over the next three years and are not retroactive, stranding homeowners like the Beutners and thousands of others of lesser means.
Disputes over insurance claims normally unfold out of sight, in adjusters' letters and confidential settlements. But the scale of the Los Angeles fires has pushed them into the open. The 2025 fires were the costliest wildfire disasters on record for insurers, with estimates putting insured losses at as much as \$35 billion, more than double the previous record,
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Who pays when a house survives flames but not the smoke?
set by the 2018 Camp fire, according to Verisk, an insurance data firm.
Smoke has turned out to be one of the main reasons: In the first 30 days after the fires, 30 percent of homeowners' claims were for smoke damage, compared with just 3 percent after the Camp fire, according to data collected by Verisk.
The Beutners had insured their home with Chubb for 18 years, paying millions of dollars in premiums, the lawsuit says. And while Chubb writes only around 2 percent of homeowner premiums in California, it took an outsize hit: In 2025, it recorded about \$1.7 billion in California homeowner losses — roughly five times the premiums it earned on those policies, state data show.
On Jan. 7, 2025, the Palisades fire swept through the Beutners' neighborhood but stopped short of their house, even as 100-mile-per-hour winds drove soot, char and ash inside. The family's first Chubb adjuster called it the "worst house we have seen," according to the suit filed on Mon-day.
Two weeks after the fire, Chubb sent Environmental Testing Associates, one of the two firms now being sued, to test the house. The firm's 17 tape samples measured soot, char and ash, but not the heavy metals inside them, nor did it test in concealed spaces like wall cavities and attics. The firm recommended air filters, cleaning and vacuuming — treating the damage "as if the problem could be fixed with Lysol wipes," the Beutners' lawyers later wrote.
Like so many other families affected by the wildfire, the Beutners soon found themselves locked in a battle of experts. When the family hired its own industrial hygienist to test the house, he found alarming levels of toxins — including in the ceiling of the front hallway, which contained 9,575 micrograms of lead per square foot, a reading that is 239 times the federal limit for lead found indoors, according to the testing results shared with The Times.
The consultant described the home as "hazardous" and recommended tearing out the walls, ceilings and insulation — essentially a gut renovation.
By contrast, the consultant hired by Chubb insisted that the lead came from old paint in the home, built in the 1940s, and that lithium and arsenic came from the soil or else from the Earth's crust, according to the reports they produced, which were shared with The Times, as well as the family's suit.
Chubb has paid millions of dollars in claims so far for repairs and relocation assistance for the Beutner household. Mr. Beutner said that money has amounted to less than a quarter of the cost of remediating the smoke damage, Mr. Beutner said.
Regulators have set limits for the amount of lead found inside homes, but there are no such limits for the numerous other poisons unleashed in an urban fire — including lithium and arsenic, as well as cadmium and chromium. Several of these toxins are regulated in workplaces such as factories, but the lack of a corresponding standard for residential settings has left families in limbo.
The families who have sued are only a small share of the more than 13,000 households whose homes survived the fires but not the smoke. For many, time is running out: January marks the deadline to sue their insurer.
Woman Who Survived Execution in Tennessee Regains Consciousness
By EMILY COCHRANE
rest of her life in prison.
NASHVILLE — Christa Pike, who survived two doses of a lethal injection drug last week during a botched execution in Tennessee, is conscious and speaking, her lawyers said in a statement on Tuesday.
Ms. Pike continues to receive critical medical care at a Nashville hospital, the lawyers said. The prognosis remains unclear, they said, but they expect a long recovery.
"Christa is a survivor and will take recovery one day at a time," the lawyers said.
Ms. Pike, 50, is believed to be the first person to have survived doses of a lethal injection drug. She has been hospitalized since the execution attempt on Sept. 30, after it became clear to witnesses that she was still breathing after two doses of pentobarbital, the drug used in lethal injection executions.
She had been unconscious and on a ventilator in recent days as medical staff members worked to rid her body of the drug. The lawyers pointedly noted that Ms. Pike, who they said had sustained burns and other injuries to her arm, remained handcuffed and shackled to her bed.
Ms. Pike's lawyers are set to appear in court in Nashville on Wednesday as they push for transparency and details about what went wrong.
Ms. Pike had been on death row for three decades after a conviction for her role in the 1995 torture and murder of a classmate, Colleen Slemmer. Ms. Pike's lawyers have renewed their plea for Gov. Bill Lee, a Republican, to reconsider allowing her to serve the
DENNY SIMMONS/USA TODAY NETWORK, VIA REUTERS
3. MILES CARY/USA TODAY NETWORK, VIA REUTERS
Ms. Pike's medical condition is likely to determine whether Tennessee officials try to execute her again. The U.S. Supreme Court has forbidden the execution of someone who does not have a "rational understanding" of why they are being put to death.
Mr. Lee, in the final months of his term as governor, put a moratorium on executions after the failed attempt with Ms. Pike, given that it was the second time this year that Tennessee had been unable to carry out a capital punishment.
But state Republicans — including Senator Marsha Blackburn, the front-runner in the governor's race next month — have signaled a desire to press forward with executions using a different method. Ms. Blackburn has suggested the electric chair.
A spokeswoman for Mr. Lee did not immediately respond to a question about whether he would grant Ms. Pike clemency.
The failed attempt to execute Ms. Pike left potent questions about the secretive process of lethal injection in Tennessee and how transparent the state would be about what went wrong. The state's Department of Correction has not answered questions about Ms. Pike's condition beyond acknowledging her hospitalization last week.
"The whole judicial system is called into question, the way this happened and the way it's being handled," said David Raybin, a Nashville lawyer who helped write Tennessee's death penalty law. The failure in Ms. Pike's case, paired with the government's secrecy, he said, is "eroding public
Emergency vehicles at Riverbend Maximum Security Institution, above, after the execution of Christa Pike was halted last week. Ms. Pike remains in critical care at a Nashville hospital, her lawyers said.
confidence."
Mr. Lee said on Saturday that he had tapped Ed Stanton, a former U.S. attorney, for an independent investigation.
At the hearing on Wednesday, Ms. Pike's lawyers are expected to argue that a judge should order the state to preserve records related to the failed execution and that an expert should examine any residual amounts of chemicals, as well as syringes and intravenous lines, used in the execution.
The office of the Tennessee attorney general said in court filings on Tuesday that the request was "unnecessary and unreasonably cumulative because it targets evidence that must already be preserved."
The prison agency and state officials, the office added, had "taken the necessary steps" to get Ms.
Pike medical care and figure out what happened.
In a screenshot of an email included with the filings, an assistant attorney general wrote to Ms.
The death row inmate was hospitalized after two doses of a lethal injection drug failed.
Pike's lawyers on Friday denying that the Department of Correction was controlling access to her in a private hospital and rejecting the request for independent testing.
In 1995, Ms. Pike was at a Knoxville educational program with Ms. Slemmer, a 19-year-old who had come to Tennessee from Florida to pursue her interest in computers. Ms. Pike, along with two other classmates, lured Ms. Slemmer into the woods, where they tortured and killed her.
Ms. Pike's case became riddled with ethical complexities over decades of appeals and litigation. Her boyfriend at the time, Tadaryl Shipp, was also convicted in connection with Ms. Slemmer's killing, but was spared the death penalty because he was 17. Ms. Pike was 18.
Ms. Pike would have been the first woman in more than 200 years to be executed in Tennessee. As the lone woman on death row for most of her time in prison, she was effectively in physical isolation for most of her life.
Her lawyers had argued against lethal injection, saying it would be particularly painful and traumatic given her history of childhood sexual trauma and medical conditions that led to smaller veins. Her request for hanging as the execution method, as well as her warnings over the lethal injection process, were dismissed in court and by the state.
The uncertainty of Ms. Pike's fate has been particularly painful for both her loved ones and those who want to see capital punishment carried out. May Martinez, the mother of Ms. Slemmer, has said that she feels her family has been denied justice.
Paxton Pressures Texas Pediatricians in Anti-Vaccine Push
PHOTOGRAPHS BY KAYLEE GREENLEE FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
At the clinic of Dr. Rachel, a Texas pediatrician who asked to be identified by her middle name to protect her from retaliation. Ken Paxton, the state's attorney general, and other officials have accused doctors, drug makers and insurers of conspiring to push parents to vaccinate their children.
From Page AI
you are in possession, custody or control" of material, "involving potential misleading or deceptive acts regarding incentives associated with the administration of childhood vaccines," it said, adding that such acts could be in violation of the state's deceptive trade practices law.
The letter also requested her practice's vaccine policy, and said it would not be sufficient to cite the childhood vaccine schedule recommended by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
Mr. Paxton has also implicated the nation's largest organization of pediatricians, the American Academy of Pediatrics, in the alleged conspiracy over the work-day task of protecting children from polio, measles, meningitis and more than a dozen other dangerous and sometimes life-threatening diseases.
"I will ensure that Big Pharma and Big Insurance don't bribe medical providers to pressure parents to jab their kids with vaccines they feel aren't safe or necessary," he said when announcing the investigation in January, describing his efforts as working "alongside President Trump" and Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr.
"Together, we will Make America Healthy Again," he said, using the rallying cry of a movement that helped elect Mr. Trump and propel Mr. Kennedy into the top health position in the federal government.
In many ways, pediatricians, among the lowest-paid specialists in medicine, make for an unlikely target. But they are a focus in what has become a wide-ranging campaign to raise doubts about vaccination, part of a 20-year quest for Mr. Kennedy that some of his political allies have joined.
The efforts have gained steam despite decades of evidence of the effectiveness of vaccines. More than 1.1 million deaths, from diseases like diphtheria, hepatitis B and measles, were prevented by childhood vaccines in the United States from 1994 through 2023, according to an estimate from the C.D.C.
Unlike many organizations that have drawn fire from the Trump administration and its surrogates, the 67,000-member American Academy of Pediatrics has not retreated. It has sued the Trump administration over policy changes and grant cancellations, with some success so far.
"Everybody thinks of pediatricians as these mild-mannered people who have animals on their stethoscope and would not fight their way out of a bag," said Dr. Kathryn Edwards, a professor of pediatrics at Vanderbilt University who helped develop a vaccine against a deadly bacteria, Haemophilus influenzae, or HIB.
In August, Mr. Paxton said he was starting an investigation specifically into the American Academy of Pediatrics, accusing the organization of “deceptively promoting childhood vaccines for financial gain.” His office has served the academy with an extensive document demand.
"This is another attempt at intimidation," Dr. Edwards said, "but they're not being intimidated because their moral core is about the well-being of children."
In a statement, the academy said that its vaccine advice is "rooted in decades of peer-reviewed science" and that the "investigation" serves only to undermine public health, sow confusion and put more children at risk of preventable disease.
Mr. Paxton's office did not respond to a request for comment. In the past, his office has sued federal officials over vaccine mandates and Pfizer claiming that the company overstated the efficacy of its Covid vaccine.
It is unclear why he opened this investigation, though some people in Texas have speculated that he began it to court Mr. Trump's endorsement in a competitive primary race (which he eventually received) or to appeal to vaccine-skeptical Texas voters.
So far, Mr. Paxton is the only attorney general to investigate pediatricians for vaccinating children. But a wave of vaccine-limiting bills were introduced into state legislatures this year, including some to eliminate vaccine requirements for school entry. None of those passed, but other measures were signed into law that require death reports of infants and children to list vaccines the child had recently received.
In Florida, state officials are holding a hearing this week on a proposal to remove the requirement for schoolchildren to be vaccinated against hepatitis B, chickenpox, pneumococcal disease and
Haemophilus influenzae.
It is also unclear how many pediatric practices the investigation has contacted. Dr. Rachel said she did not know why the attorney general's office targeted her tiny practice in an inquiry that he announced as directed toward the state's "largest medical providers," vaccine makers and health insurers. She said that responding to the demand for her records had so far cost her nearly \$15,000 in legal fees, and sent her digging for receipts for \$18 vaccines given a decade ago.
The document demand letter asked her to keep the inquiry private: "You are requested NOT to inform other entities of this request, as this request relates to an ongoing confidential investigation that would be jeopardized and impeded by disclosure."
enabling them to download a form rather than order it by mail.
Rekha Lakshmanan, the executive director of the Texas-based Immunization Partnership, an advocacy group, said that the investigation could have a chilling effect on pediatricians, making them think twice about urging vaccinations or opening a practice in Texas.
Ms. Lakshmanan said she also worried that the publicity could accelerate the erosion of uptake of vaccines. The rates of measles and polio vaccine coverage among Texas kindergartners fell to about 93 percent last school year, from nearly 97 percent in 2019.
Adding to her concerns, a new state law made it easier for parents to get exemptions from vaccinations required for school entry,
Mr. Paxton's claims echoed those long made by Mr. Kennedy suggesting that pediatricians were motivated by profit to vaccinate children.
Most pediatricians reject the claim that they profit heavily from vaccines as ludicrous. They note that they must pay upfront for the vaccines, refrigerate them according to federal guidelines and then haggle with insurers to cover the cost.
Prices for vaccines are far lower than the cost of many new therapies and range from about \$30 per dose for a vaccine that protects against diphtheria, tetanus, and pertussis to as much as \$595 for a newer antibody treatment that protects infants against RSV.
Nearly half of children's vaccines are covered by the \$8 billion federal Vaccines for Children program, which Mr. Kennedy, as health secretary, oversees. The program was created after measles outbreaks 32 years ago to ensure protection for lower-income families.
In Dr. Rachel's office, a large refrigerator contains what she estimates to be about \$125,000 worth of vaccines to protect children from diseases like polio, measles and hepatitis. She supplied information in response to Mr. Paxton's office's request for every "reward, financial benefit, bonus, discount, return, rebate or other consideration" from a vaccine maker, giving details that included a \$40 batch of cookies a vaccine maker's representative brought to her office. She said her most significant discounts were small reductions vaccine makers gave her for paying a bill promptly.
Mr. Paxton's office fired back with a follow-up to its 28-item document demand, dismissing some of the initial responses as frivolous or improper.
While Dr. Rachel has responded to the demands, the American Academy of Pediatrics has been actively pushing back on the Trump administration.
The academy and other public health groups successfully challenged Mr. Kennedy's purge of an influential vaccine committee, whose members were replaced with vaccine skeptics.
In March, a federal judge ruled that the new members were unlawfully appointed and blocked the new vaccine guidelines that recommended dropping protection from six diseases. Mr. Kennedy's office has challenged the ruling and the case is ongoing.
In another case, a federal judge ruled in January that Mr. Kennedy's department had retaliated against the academy when it cut \$12 million in grants that were used to address sudden infant death, fetal alcohol disorders and newborn hearing screenings.
Ten days later, Mr. Paxton announced his investigation in Texas.
On the same day, Children's Health Defense, the anti-vaccine nonprofit that Mr. Kennedy founded, sued the American Academy of Pediatrics making similar claims, including of a "racketeering" scheme to "defraud" parents by asserting that vaccines were safe when questions remained unanswered. The case is ongoing.
After two rounds of document requests from Mr. Paxton's office, Dr. Rachel is now waiting, uncertain what to expect next.
She recalled the anxiety she felt opening her own practice. She built a busy practice and accounts for her successes with trinkets in her office: hand-scrawled cards, a drawing from a child that she framed and hung on the wall, and the gift of a little girl's favorite marble. The suggestion that she was motivated by greed, she said, was maddening.
"I took it very personally," she said, "because I take pride in what I do. It felt like it was such a slap in the face and an insult."
Hochul Declares Measles Crisis as Cases Rise in Rural New York
By JOSEPH GOLDSTEIN
Gov. Kathy Hochul declared a statewide health emergency in New York State on Monday as measles cases increased dangerously across rural counties where vaccination rates have lagged.
As of Saturday, 108 measles cases had been reported across the state this year, the most since 2019, when New York was the epicenter of a national outbreak. Most of the cases are in rural areas, concentrated in the Finger Lakes region.
Ms. Hochul's declaration will relax rules about who can administer vaccines to make it easier for midwives, pharmacists and other health care workers to give shots to prevent measles.
"After reviewing the latest data on measles cases in New York State, I am declaring a state disaster emergency to strengthen our ongoing efforts to confront this disease," the governor said. "No one should get seriously ill or die from a vaccine-preventable disease."
The United States is experiencing a resurgence in measles, driven by declining vaccination rates, with case counts soaring in 2026. Across the nation, 3,887 cases have been recorded this year, by far the highest in more than 30 years. South Carolina and Utah have been especially hard hit, along with Pennsylvania, which has had more than 1,000 cases and five deaths, state officials say. The virus has torn through Amish communities where vaccination rates are especially low.
Three counties, including Seneca and Steuben, both in the Finger Lakes, account for about half of New York's measles cases. Otsego County, best known for the National Baseball Hall of Fame and Museum in Cooperstown, has had 20 cases this year, the most of any county.
New York City has registered seven cases this year, which is not an unusually high number.
No one has died from measles this year in New York State, the state Health Department said.
In an August advisory, the Health Department said that a few cases involved New Yorkers who had traveled to other states but others were locally transmitted.
Measles is one of the most contagious diseases, spreading when someone who is infected coughs or sneezes. The virus can linger in droplets suspended in the air for up two hours indoors. Known for its telltale rash, measles can lead to pneumonia and swelling of the brain, resulting in blindness. Babies who are too young to be vaccinated are particularly at risk.
Measles was largely eradicated from the United States a quarter-century ago. Cases had begun to drop precipitously after a second vaccine dose became routine following a 1989 outbreak. But vaccination rates have declined amid fears that the M.M.R. vaccine — which protects against measles, mumps and rubella — might be linked to autism. Dozens of scientific studies have debunked that claim, finding no association between the shot and autism.
The coronavirus pandemic and mandatory vaccination policies also fueled skepticism toward vaccines. Robert F. Kennedy Jr., the Trump administration's health secretary, has waged a campaign against them that has further weakened public confidence in immunizations.
In the New York counties with the most measles cases, fewer than 80 percent of children had received their first dose of the measles vaccine by the time they turned 2. In most counties in the state, more than 80 percent of children had received their first dose by then.
In a few places, vaccine coverage is much lower, including in sparsely populated Yates County, where the rate is about 53 percent. Yates County has logged three cases this year.
The surge in cases appears to have led to a last-minute effort by some families to get vaccinated. A Health Department bulletin noted that reports of new infections "have prompted some previously unimmunized individuals to request vaccination."
The U.S. Centers for Disease
Control and Prevention recommends that children get their first dose of measles vaccine at 12 through 15 months, with a second dose between ages 4 and 6. Some families delay vaccination until children are older.
"This is entirely preventable, and we know the vaccine is safe," said Dr. Howard Markel, a retired pediatrician and leading historian of epidemics and quarantines. As more families opt out of vaccinating their children — or delay it by a few years — communities grow more vulnerable to an outbreak.
"You're seeing what happens when you start poking holes in the net," said Dr. Markel, whose books include "Quarantine!" about New York epidemics.
New York's rules that require vaccines for school attendance are among the strictest in the United States. They do not allow students to opt out of vaccinations for religious reasons. That may change. Last year, the U.S. Supreme Court signaled it may favor loosening New York's requirements.
Justice Dept. Split on Peril Of Pandemic To Schools
By DEVLIN BARRETT
WASHINGTON — The Justice Department issued a report on Monday that showed career officials in the agency sharply disagreed with a Biden-era memo about alleged threats to school officials, worrying that it seemed like a politically charged entry into the fight over Covid restrictions that was “stupid, stupid, stupid.”
The internal documents were an unusually substantive exhibit in the Trump administration's long and often hyperbolic campaign to suggest that the Biden administration weaponized the Justice Department against conservatives.
The report on Monday concluded that the 2021 memo was "the product of political pressure from outside groups and White House officials in the Biden administration" who sought to "inappropriately weaponize the Department of Justice and to chill the constitutional rights of parents."
But the report also shows that many of the loudest voices inside the F.B.I. and Justice Department arguing against the memo by Attorney General Merrick B. Garland were later forced out by the Trump administration — meaning that the administration purged some of the very people who had defended conservatives and parents from what they viewed as unjustified investigations.
The Garland memo, issued as schools around the country started a third academic year of Covid-related restrictions, aimed to create a nationwide task force to investigate purported threats to school officials. It was
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In odd twist, Trump purged officials who cited anti-right bias.
prompted by a letter from the National School Boards Association that raised concerns about the security of school administrators and called some threats potentially "the equivalent of a form of domestic terrorism or hate crimes." The letter prompted immediate blowback from conservatives and parents, and the organization eventually apologized.
The new report shows that veteran Justice Department lawyers and F.B.I. agents saw the Garland memo as a misguided overreach that erroneously conflated free speech activity — parents complaining about decisions made by school administrators — with terrorist threats.
Inside the department, a number of senior career officials, including George Toscas, a national security official, and Corey Amundson, a public corruption prosecutor, argued against the effort.
"Stupid, stupid, stupid," Mr. Amundson wrote to a colleague, Kevin Driscoll. Mr. Driscoll agreed. "It's like they're affirmatively trying to make this thing not work and look political," Mr. Driscoll wrote, frustrated that Biden administration officials wanted to combine the school issue with a separate effort to investigate threats to election officials. "If they do this, they might as well rename the damn thing the Anti-MAGA Task Force."
Mr. Toscas and Mr. Amundson were among a small group of senior, respected officials at the department who were removed from their positions on the first day of the second Trump term, as administration officials sought to assert immediate control over decision-making. Mr. Amundson and Mr. Toscas eventually resigned from the department entirely.
About a month later, when senior Trump administration officials demanded that the Justice Department drop corruption charges against the mayor of New York City, Eric Adams, Mr. Driscoll resigned.
At the F.B.I., a number of senior officials also objected to the Garland memo, including Steven Jensen, a senior counterterrorism official.
A few days before the memo was issued, Mr. Jensen warned colleagues in an email that it was "potentially dangerous ground, to blanket label generalized activity" as domestic terrorism. "Not all who oppose school board actions or legislative decisions are domestic terrorists. Not all who threaten politicians are" domestic terrorism subjects, he added.
Mr. Jensen was fired by the Trump administration in 2025 after disagreements over how to treat F.B.I. agents who had worked on cases arising out of the Jan. 6, 2021, riot at the Capitol. He has sued over his termination.
Cornell Rape Investigation
Cornell Names Yates to Lead Rape Investigation
By DEBRA KAMIN
Cornell University named Sally Yates, the former acting U.S. attorney general, on Tuesday to lead an independent internal review of a former student's rape claim amid growing outrage about how it was first handled.
Ms. Yates, 62, will also examine the school's policies related to sexual assault allegations, including how they are investigated and what support is given to students, the university said in a statement.
Anne Smalling, the head of the committee that hired Ms. Yates, told The New York Times the university was obligated to the woman who had filed the rape complaint. "We owe it to her and to our community to take a hard look at what happened so that we can determine what we can do better around both prevention and response," she said.
Ms. Yates and the white-collar law firm King and Spalding, where she is a partner, will "have independence in conducting the review," Cornell said in a statement on Tuesday.
Students and politicians have demanded answers from Cornell after a former student sued the university, seven men, a fraternity and her sorority in September, claiming she was sexually assaulted in October 2024 at a fraternity party. She claimed the university allowed a culture to flourish that led to the assault, and then did not conduct a proper investigation after she alerted campus police. Her claims have set off a wave of shock and anger across the country and renewed national conversations over sexual assault on college campuses.
Three weeks after the incident in 2024, the woman, identified as Jane Doe in court papers, filed a report with campus police, which was then passed to the Tompkins County district attorney, who declined to file charges.
All of the men have denied any wrongdoing. None of the men have been charged with a crime. Their fraternity, Chi Phi, has been banned from campus.
The university, though, conducted its own monthslong investigation, which includes more than 1,000 pages of transcripts, text messages, hours of interviews with a dozen people, and the woman's statement to police, which she signed. A three-member panel at the school met on Zoom over 12 days in May 2025 and expelled two men, barred one who had graduated from campus, suspended two and gave lighter punishments to the rest, according to the documents.
The panel did not conclude that Jane Doe was sexually assaulted by all the men she had accused, according to discipline summaries reviewed by The Times. The district attorney, Matthew Van Houten, has said that the Cornell
Sally Yates
University Police Department only forwarded a six-page summary to him.
But, according to the records, the police did offer Mr. Van Houten
more evidence to review, but he declined to do so. Gov. Kathy Hochul rebuked Mr. Van Houten on Thursday and appointed the state's attorney general, Letitia James, to review the evidence and determine whether criminal charges should be filed.
It is a common practice for universities to turn to outside law firms when faced with a significant public scandal, and the reactions to those inquires have typically been mixed. In 2011, Penn State hired the former F.B.I. director Louis Freeh of the firm Freeh, Sporkin & Sullivan to identify what the university might have known about the allegations of child abuse against Jerry Sandusky, a former assistant football coach. Mr. Freeh delivered a damning indictment that declared several leaders had known about the abuse and concealed it from law enforcement. Critics said he had overstepped his mandate.
Columbia University also commissioned Joan Loughnane, a partner at Sidley Austin, to conduct an external investigation into the school's handling of sexual abuse allegations made against the former Columbia gynecologist Robert Hadden in 2012. In her findings, released this year, Ms. Loughnane documented systematic failures by administrators to address his abuse, but the university was criticized for the slow process of the report.
Ms. Yates is a high-profile choice for a role that will inevitably be deeply scrutinized. She previously led the U.S. Soccer Federation's investigation into allegations of abuse and misconduct in women's professional soccer, and currently leads King and Spalding's crisis management practice.
Under Trump, Sexual Assault Cases Receive Less Focus
HEATHER AINSWORTH FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
Students at Cornell. "I don't know that much about it," President Trump recently said about the case.
From Page AI
ment had resolved dozens of sexual harassment and sexual assault cases, but declined to provide documents or explain why they were not in the database. The New York Times could not independently verify the full scope of the department's claim.
On Tuesday, after this article was published online, the Education Department announced it was opening Title IX investigations into school districts in eight states over allegations of sexual misconduct against students.
The Justice Department, where civil rights investigators examine allegations of systemic discrimination in colleges and universities under Title IX, has seen a similar shift away from sexual assault and harassment cases over Mr. Trump's two terms.
In addition to the San Jose State settlement, which resolved an investigation into the school's head athletic trainer abusing female student athletes, the department in Mr. Trump's first term resolved an investigation into Utah State University after reports that the school had failed to respond to numerous reports of sexual assaults.
In the second Trump administration, the Justice Department has not produced anything similar.
Civil rights lawyers who previously led investigative units at both departments said they would have opened investigations into Cornell by now.
Catherine E. Lhamon, who oversaw the Education Department's Office for Civil Rights under Presidents Joseph R. Biden Jr. and Barack Obama, said the allegations had received "a wildly tepid response" from the university and the government.
Ms. Lhamon said the threshold for resolving a federal inquiry was whether a school had taken sufficient steps to end a hostile learning environment and to ensure the discrimination did not persist.
"It is the school's job to ensure that students have equal access to education and can learn without discrimination," said Ms. Lhamon, now executive director of the Edley Center on Law and Democracy at the University of California, Berkeley. "That has been a Title IX requirement since the law was first passed in 1972."
Shaheena Simons, who led the Justice Department team focused on civil rights in schools under Mr. Trump and Mr. Biden, called the administration's lack of resolved cases by this point in Mr. Trump's term a sign that it doesn't take seriously its role vetting sexual assault allegations under Title IX.
"D.O.J. absolutely would and did look into allegations like this," Ms. Simons said. "Our investigations exposed some really profound failures by colleges and by campus police. And now that avenue for accountability is effectively gone."
A spokeswoman for the Justice Department, Kiersten Pels, said the department "does not generally confirm or deny the existence of investigations," though it has announced other civil rights investigations.
Protecting women and girls "remains a top priority," Ms. Pels said, adding that "protections against discrimination based on sex are fully in force, and schools that fail to meet their obligations will be held accountable."
Ms. Hartman, the Education Department spokeswoman, said the situation at Cornell was "horrific" and should not be politicized to criticize the Trump administration.
The drop-off in resolved sexual misconduct investigations comes after a decades-long political battle in Washington over how to enforce the sexual discrimination ban under Title IX. Each of the past three presidential administrations has rewritten, or tried to rewrite, those enforcement rules.
In 2011, Mr. Obama's administration issued a public letter telling colleges that sexual harassment and assault create an environment so hostile that women's access to education is jeopardized and violates their civil rights.
Mr. Trump's administration rescinded that letter in 2017 and re-wrote the guidelines, providing more protections for people facing accusations.
In 2024, Mr. Biden's administration attempted to overhaul those rules again, extending protections from sexual discrimination to transgender students. A federal court blocked the move, and the Education Department announced last week that it had formally repealed those changes.
But the most significant change to civil rights enforcement during Mr. Trump's second term has been his push for a broader reorientation of federal investigation targets. Those changes include ending the federal government's oversight in dozens of school desegregation orders, focusing on antisemitism cases that mostly stem from anti-Israel protests, and purging programs that promote diversity, equity and inclusion.
The administration's shift to using Title IX to reverse transgender protections is rooted in a series of executive orders Mr. Trump started signing on the first day of his second term. The orders have led educators to de-emphasize sex discrimination, victims' advocates and civil rights lawyers said.
"I had one university president ask me if they really needed to hire a Title IX coordinator," said Jody Shipper, a civil rights lawyer and consultant who, in 2004, became the first person in that role
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A decades-long battle over how to enforce a ban under Title IX.
at the University of Southern California.
Title IX coordinators generally oversee a university's compliance with the federal law's ban on sex discrimination. The university president, she said, told her: "No one is going to fault me if I don't have one."
"If university presidents think their governor doesn't care, and that Trump doesn't care — what do I even say to that?" Ms. Shipper said.
At the same time the university's investigation into the rape allegations was unfolding, Cornell was among a handful of elite schools facing the full force of Mr. Trump's civil rights inquiries with very different focuses.
On March 20, 2025, the Education Department opened an investigation into Cornell's handling of pro-Palestinian demonstrations tied to the war in Gaza. Four days later, it opened a second investigation — this time into allegations of fostering anti-white and anti-Asian discrimination with school admissions policies.
In April, as Cornell administrators were already deep into grappling with the gang rape allegation, the Trump administration identified \$1 billion in funding cuts to the university's research grants to pressure the school into adopting the administration's new discrimination priorities.
Cornell agreed to some of the changes last fall as part of a settlement with the government that shelved the investigations.
Mr. Trump has shown interest in one aspect of the Cornell case: the appointment by the New York governor of Letitia James, the state's attorney general, as a special prosecutor to review the allegations and the handling of the complaint.
Ms. James led a civil fraud lawsuit against Mr. Trump and his company in 2022 that resulted in a large financial penalty. A federal grand jury indicted her on bank fraud and false statement charges last October, but a federal judge in November dismissed the charges, which Ms. James called baseless and politically motivated.
When reporters asked on Friday about the appointment of Ms. James to look into the Cornell case, Mr. Trump said, "I feel badly for whoever she's looking at, because they won't get a fair shake."
How Ketamine Emerged As Key Element of Case
By NICOLE HONG
The woman who would come to be known as Jane Doe walked into her sorority house in a daze, feeling bruises starting to ache on her body. When her sorority sisters asked what had happened, she remembered responding with one word: "Ketamine."
The recollection, detailed among the more than 1,000 pages of Cornell University files obtained by The New York Times, underscores the central role played by the powerful anesthetic in an alleged gang rape that has spurred outrage and debate about sexual assault and consent on college campuses nationwide.
The drug, which has surged in popularity in recent years, appeared time and again on the night in question, at a Chi Phi fraternity party in October 2024, according to the documents and a lawsuit filed last month by the former Cornell student who identified herself as Jane Doe.
She said in her lawsuit that during the party, she felt pressured by some members of the fraternity to take ketamine with them, her first time doing the drug, before seven of them sexually assaulted her.
Before the night was over, she said in her lawsuit, all seven of the men would also snort lines of ketamine off her body.
All of the men have denied wrongdoing, saying that any sexual contact was consensual. None has been charged with a crime.
In her initial interview with campus investigators in November 2024, Jane Doe said a combination of drugs and alcohol — she had been drinking heavily before arriving at the fraternity and continued drinking once there — made it impossible for her to consent to sexual activity that night.
She said she did not remember taking the first hit of ketamine, only realizing that she had done so later in the night when a Chi Phi brother asked if she wanted "more" ketamine.
"Whenever the ketamine went down, I would say, is when things really start becoming a problem," she told investigators.
In the investigative files obtained by The Times, the word ketamine appears hundreds of times, and the witness statements allude to a drug culture on campus where ketamine was easily accessible in certain social circles. In August alone, the Cornell University police responded to two reports of ketamine potentially being stolen from the university's veterinary medical center, according to the agency's crime log.
In interviews with 11 current and recently graduated Cornell students, many of them told The Times that cocaine and marijuana were common at regular campus parties, while ketamine was more typically found within the heavy partying crowd, including in certain fraternities.
"It was not hard to get your hands on it if you wanted it," said Hasham Khan, 22, a former fraternity member who was not in Chi Phi and graduated from the university this year.
Jane Doe told campus investigators that the first time she had ever seen ketamine was about two weeks before the night of her alleged assault.
She was hanging out with some of the Chi Phi members she would later accuse of rape, she said, when one of them took out a plastic bag filled with white powder.
She said she turned down an of-fer to try it then.
But when she asked the man how he could be sure that it wasn't laced with something dangerous, like fentanyl, he replied that his drug dealer worked in a Cornell lab, she told investigators.
(The man subsequently said he does not remember saying this and denied having a ketamine dealer from a Cornell lab, the investigative files show.)
At one point on the night of the alleged assault, Jane Doe said she was upstairs in a room at the Chi Phi fraternity, surrounded by men. She told one of the members that she felt uncomfortable.
She said he laughed and poured a line of ketamine onto his erect penis, and she said she felt coerced into snorting it, according to her interview in November 2024 with campus police. (He later told investigators he had "no recollection" of this.)
"I had become extremely uncomfortable with how this night was turning out, so my thought was, if I do ketamine again, maybe I will pass out," she told investigators, according to the files. "My thought was that if I passed out and these men had sex with me, then they could be charged with rape."
Another fraternity member then asked if all the men in the room could do drugs off her body, and she replied "Sure," she told investigators.
Henry Fernandez, Emma Goldberg and Hurubie Meko contributed reporting. Susan Beachy contributed research.
A Cornell disciplinary panel found last year that for at least one of the men, there was insufficient evidence to conclude he had ingested ketamine off Jane Doe's body, after he submitted a drug test showing he had tested negative for ketamine after the party, court records show.
As she snorted more ketamine throughout the night, "it made my eyes feel like they were spinning in opposite directions," she said.
She said she felt coerced into having sex with the men — and that they should have known how intoxicated she was based on how she was slurring her words.
The records suggest that the men in the room were also feeling the effects of the ketamine. One fraternity brother wrote in a statement to investigators that within 10 minutes of taking ketamine, he was gasping for breath, lost consciousness for several seconds and told Jane Doe he thought he was about to die. Another said the mix of ketamine, liquor and marijuana made him vomit violently for about 15 minutes.
The accused male students gave conflicting accounts to investigators of the ketamine use that night. One of the fraternity members said he never took ketamine that night, nor did he see anyone taking it — directly contradicting another member who recalled seeing this person inhale ketamine off Jane Doe's body. A third fraternity brother acknowledged inhaling ketamine off Jane Doe's body but said he did so only after she gave him verbal permission.
Around 6 a.m., as Jane Doe was drifting in and out of sleep inside a fraternity member's bedroom, she heard a group of men knock at the door, she told investigators. They wanted to snort cocaine off her body, but one of the men who had assaulted her earlier told them to leave, she alleged.
In Jane Doe's lawsuit last month, she said Cornell should have known that the fraternity had a history of ketamine use, citing a response from police officers to a drug-related incident at the fraternity house a week before the alleged assault.
The Tompkins County district attorney who reviewed Jane Doe's initial statement and declined to bring criminal charges, Matthew Van Houten, said he was unaware of that police visit.
Cornell's crime log shows that the campus police made a drug-related arrest at the Chi Phi fraternity less than 24 hours before Jane Doe's alleged assault, an arrest first reported by The Cornell Sun.
The timing of the arrest matched a reference in court records to a ketamine overdose that took place at the house "on or about" Oct. 18, 2024.
The investigative files also show that on the night of the alleged assault, Jane Doe ran into a fraternity member she knew who was the D.J. of the party. Later on, she said another student told her that the D.J. had overdosed on ketamine and other substances the night before, the records show.
"I feel like OD'ing is a pretty big deal," she told investigators. "But to be back at it again the next day? It's crazy."
Cornell is far from the only place where ketamine has recently gained a foothold, both as legitimate treatment and as a party drug.
Legal with a prescription and often used to anesthetize both humans and animals, ketamine has become an alternative treatment for depression and anxiety. That has made it more widely available — but has also created more opportunities for abuse.
Joseph Palamar, a professor at the New York University Grossman School of Medicine who has researched ketamine for decades, found that from 2017 to 2024, the percentage of New York City nightclub attendees who reported having used ketamine has nearly doubled.
He warned that the disassociating and numbing effects of the drug can be especially dangerous if mixed with alcohol, as alleged in the lawsuit by Jane Doe.
"Even on relatively small doses, you're very detached from things," Professor Palamar said. "You're not as in touch with your emotions. It's very hard to communicate, especially as you hit larger doses."
Although Jane Doe said ketamine played a role in making her vulnerable to assault — it can have hallucinogenic effects and impair memory — its use is also likely to complicate the revived criminal investigation into her accusations, legal experts have said. New York State's rape law makes it difficult for a person who knowingly became intoxicated to prove that they did not consent to a sexual encounter.
That investigation will now be led by the New York State attorney general, Letitia James, whom Gov. Kathy Hochul appointed as special prosecutor after saying she had lost faith in Mr. Van Houten.
Trump-Appointed Judge Accuses ICE of Lying and Fabricating Records
By LUIS FERRÉ-SADURNÍ
A federal judge in New York has reprimanded the Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency, accusing its officers of lying, lacking proper training and fabricating records to cover up illegal arrests.
In a scathing 28-page ruling on Monday, the judge, Gary R. Brown, condemned the agency's tactics when it mistakenly arrested two Hispanic men, including a U.S. citizen, in the Bronx in May, finding that ICE had "falsified official records trying to conceal" its "illegal actions."
Judge Brown wrote that immigration agents involved in the arrests had given "inconsistent, false and misleading testimony" in court, and said that they had probably perjured themselves. He found that the officers were inexperienced, possessed little understanding of the law and used "false testimony to conceal these failings."
More broadly, Judge Brown concluded that the agency's claim — that it had confused the two men it arrested with the intended targets — was part of a "troubling" pattern by ICE to justify erroneous arrests.
"The claims of misidentification here prove baseless, the arrests were procedurally deficient and legally invalid, and ICE agents falsified official records trying to conceal their illegal actions, which included significant injury to a U.S. citizen," Judge Brown wrote. He was appointed by President Trump in 2019 to serve in the Eastern District of New York.
ICE did not immediately re-
spond to a request for comment.
The ruling joins a growing wave of decisions by federal judges — including those appointed by Republicans — who have sharply rebuked ICE. Judges have said that the agency has conducted warrantless arrests and trampled due process rights amid the Trump administration's deportation push.
In numerous cases, ICE has argued that it has mistakenly detained people after mis-identifying them, drawing scrutiny from judges and immigration lawyers who argue that the arrests are indiscriminate. Last month, immigration agents in the Chicago suburbs detained a U.S. citizen — who suffered injuries to his head, neck and teeth during the arrest — after claiming they mistook him for a fugitive.
Judge Brown's ruling came in response to a lawsuit filed in June by one of the two men mistakenly detained on May 6 — around the time that ICE began escalating operations across the United States — in the Norwood section of the Bronx.
In back-to-back arrests, ICE detained a 26-year-old Dominican immigrant, who filed the lawsuit, which sought his release, and a 19-year-old U.S. citizen, who sustained head injuries after officers tackled him to the ground. At the time, news outlets published surveillance footage that showed an ICE agent pointing a gun at the back of the U.S. citizen while he walked on a sidewalk.
In response to the lawsuit, ICE submitted evidence and testified during hearings that offered a window into the arrests. Judge Brown determined on Monday that the agency's actions had been riddled with "failings," which he ordered ICE to correct.
The episode began when at least five immigration officers arrived on Hull Avenue in three unmarked vehicles to conduct a targeted operation, three of the officers testified in court.
The three officers, Judge Brown said, had "relative inexperience." One of them, the team's leader, had worked for two years as a deportation officer, while the other two had joined ICE eight months earlier, after working for U.S. Border Patrol.
The three officers said they had been searching for an undocumented immigrant with a criminal history and a second person who had no criminal record but had failed to show up to an immigration appointment. The officers said they had photographs of their targets, but provided conflicting testimony as to whether they also had their physical descriptions, including their weight and height, Judge Brown said.
While conducting surveillance, the officers said they had seen a man who resembled one of their targets exchanging drugs for money outside a building. As the agents moved in, the man darted away. Four or five masked ICE agents took him down, handcuffed him and hustled him into a vehicle, according to court filings.
Soon after, the agents realized they had apprehended "the wrong person," the team leader testified in court.
They had detained Angel Jesus Almonte, 26, an undocumented immigrant from the Dominican Republic, who was five inches taller and 80 pounds heavier than the man the officers said they had been after, according to the judge. The ICE team leader acknowledged in court that "it's very easy to see they're two different people."
While handcuffed inside the vehicle, Mr. Almonte acknowledged to the agents that he was in the
United States illegally.
But the judge found that the ICE agents had improperly arrested Mr. Almonte — and then tried to cover up their mistake. He found that ICE had faked an arrest warrant after the fact, claiming official databases had already confirmed that Mr. Almonte was in the country illegally. In reality, initial searches turned up nothing — so agents arrested him first, entered his information into the system afterward and lied on official forms to cover their tracks, the judge said.
“ICE agents prepared a substantially false administrative
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A rebuke from the bench after two men are arrested in error.
warrant in an attempt to rationalize their actions," Judge Brown wrote.
He also questioned whether Mr. Almonte had been seen dealing drugs, saying that testimony from ICE agents on the matter “bear all the hallmarks of coordinated fabrication.” No drugs or money were found on Mr. Almonte, he said, and no observations of drug dealing were mentioned in ICE records.
In an interview, Mr. Almonte said that ICE had lied about him selling drugs, saying that he was returning home from a nearby store when the agents ambushed him.
"I just started running to save myself after seeing how ICE treated people," Mr. Almonte said in Spanish. "I was scared."
Mr. Almonte, whom the judge ordered released after nearly two months in detention, said that he had crossed the U.S.-Mexico border illegally in 2022 in search of "a better quality of life." He has continued working in bodegas and making food deliveries, and is now in deportation proceedings in immigration court.
Michael Musa-Obregon, a lawyer for Mr. Almonte, argued that ICE had fabricated a story of "mistaken identity" to justify randomly stopping and illegally detaining his client.
"Clearly a different person," Mr. Musa-Obregon said. "Yet ICE arrested him anyway — and the court found that they tried to manufacture the justification afterward. The government cannot arrest first and invent the reason later."
A few minutes after Mr. Almonte was detained, officers ran up to another man on the same block whom they said they had believed was their second target.
Video shows a masked ICE officer brandishing his gun and briefly pointing it in a man's direction while he walks on a sidewalk with two other men, their backs turned to the officer. The officer then grabs the man's arms before he is tussled to the ground and handcuffed with the help of two other masked officers who pile on top of him.
The man was later identified as Jeury Concepción, 19, an American citizen who said he had been on his way to get a haircut when the ICE officers began following him. He sustained a gash on the right side of his head that required stitches.
"I'm from New York, I was born and raised here," Mr. Concepción told News 12 in an interview in May, after he was released, adding that the agents had never asked to see his ID before he was arrested.
Joshua Dayan, a lawyer for Mr. Concepción, said that his client planned to sue the agency.
"We are pursuing litigation on behalf of our client because what happened to him should not happen to anybody just walking the street innocently on any given day, let alone a U.S. citizen," Mr. Dayan said. "All they did was run up to Jeury and attack him."
In court, the ICE officers said that Mr. Concepción's arrest had also been a case of mistaken identity and that they had been trying to arrest an undocumented man with motor vehicle charges on his record.
In his ruling, Judge Brown included side-by-side photos of Mr. Concepción (skinny, without much facial hair) and ICE's intended target (heavily built and heavily bearded), suggesting there was little resemblance. The judge described Mr. Concepción's arrest as illegal and "extremely violent."
Judge Brown has repeatedly criticized ICE's behavior, including in December, when he accused the agency of holding migrants in filthy conditions in a Long Island lockup and said it had presented false information in a Jamaican immigrant's arrest and violated court orders.
On Monday, he ordered the agency to explain within three weeks the steps or disciplinary measures it would take to ensure future enforcement actions are conducted lawfully, and to address illegal arrests and falsified records and testimony.
He did not rule out imposing penalties or holding ICE in contempt in the future.
'Take Out Los Angeles': What Trump Said, Exactly
By SHAWN MCCREESH
GRAND ISLAND, Neb. — The White House went on the defensive Tuesday over confusing comments President Trump made the night before about the war with Iran and high gas prices, with the administration's top communications official insisting that Mr. Trump's remarks were taken out of context.
While speaking to a packed-out rally in Grand Island, Neb., Mr. Trump said exactly this:
I want to see a tremendous victory. You want to see a tremendous victory because it verifies all the things we did. And again, remember, with the war, it's just artificial. It's a little bit high. It's a small price to pay for keeping the world safe, keeping our country safe.
They can take out a city. Let them take, let them take out Los Angeles; let them take out San Diego. That's — this is a very small price to pay, and it's going to be over with very soon. It's essentially almost over with.
And they might keep going a little long. You know, they always say they have a big threshold for pain. They need it. Let me tell you, they need it. But it's going to end very soon. And it'll end one way or the other. And your gas and your gasoline and all of the things.
And don't forget, we also took on a country known as Venezuela. They never talk
Shawn Hubler contributed reporting from Los Angeles.
about that. They never talk about Venezuela. And we're taking in hundreds of millions of barrels of oil every week. We're pouring oil. We're pouring oil into this country like nobody's ever seen before.
The audience cheered when he said "let them take out Los Angeles; let them take out San Diego," and the moment instantly went viral. An uproar ensued among critics — both Democrats and Republicans — who interpreted Mr. Trump's comments as either inviting Iran to "take out" cities in California or as his seeing those cities as collateral.
On Tuesday morning, the White House's communications director, Steven Cheung, responded: "The media freakout over President Trump's comments is not rooted in reality. He was clearly stating U.S. cities would have been threatened if a nuclear Iran hadn't been stopped. America is safer because of the president. Iran has no nuclear, no navy, no air force, and no money."
President Trump said at a rally in Grand Island, Neb., on Monday that an attack on an American city would be a "small price to pay."
DOUG MILLS/THE NEW YORK TIMES
Mr. Trump has repeatedly referred to elevated gasoline prices as a small price to pay for the war in Iran.
Gov. Gavin Newsom of California jumped on the president's remarks. "After sending the National Guard and Marines to occupy California," Mr. Newsom wrote online, "Donald Trump is now saying our foreign enemies should 'take out' Los Angeles and San Diego."
Karen Bass, the mayor of Los Angeles, responded by saying she was "just shocked" at the president's comments. "It would really be helpful to our city if you would apologize and say, of course, you would never stand for a foreign power attacking a U.S. city," said the mayor, a Democrat whom the president frequently attacks. "That is the appropriate response the day after from the president of the United States."
Jim Desmond, a Trump-endorsed Republican seeking an open House seat in California, wrote online that he "vehemently" disagreed with Mr. Trump's comments.
"The first responsibility of our commander in chief is to protect the American people and our homeland," he wrote. "As a Navy veteran, I served to protect Americans, not write off American cities as an acceptable price of war. Our job is to keep Americans safe, stand up to our enemies, and make sure a threat like that never becomes reality. No American city is expendable, and no American family should ever be treated as collateral damage."
Mr. Trump has a rambling style of off-the-cuff speaking, especially while holding forth at rallies, and this is far from the first time something like this has happened.
In 2024, much of the political and media worlds were consumed with a dayslong debate about the intent behind remarks he made describing a violent hypothetical involving Liz Cheney. Mr. Trump has been defensive of his disjointed way of public speaking, christening it "the weave," and claiming that he has "friends" who are "English professors" who have told him it is "the most brilliant thing I've ever seen."
Other times, he has ignited public uproar with the words he has purposefully chosen to discuss violence. Last year, for example, he was condemned even by Republicans for what he said about the Hollywood director Rob Reiner after he and his wife had been stabbed to death.
The president also has a history of using callous language to describe hypothetical mass annihilation. In April, he threatened to wipe out Iran in a post online. "A whole civilization will die tonight," he wrote, "never to be brought back again."
But the Trump administration says that this time, the president has simply been misunderstood.
"MY RALLIES ARE SAVING THE REPUBLICAN PARTY, AGAIN!!!" Mr. Trump wrote online Tuesday morning.
Mamdani Backs Bill to Let Consumers in New York Sue Over Unfair Business Practices
By DANA RUBINSTEIN
A real estate company unfairly withholds tenants' security deposit. A bank issues a loan to a struggling taxi driver who is likely to default. In New York City, both the tenants and the driver have limited recourse.
In a bid to put more power into consumers' hands, Mayor Zohran Mamdani is expected on Thursday to introduce legislation in the City Council — via Harvey Epstein, a Democratic councilman from Manhattan and the bill's sponsor — that would give individuals a "private right of action," or the right to file civil lawsuits against companies on the basis of unfair and abusive business practices.
"Our administration will not sit back while New Yorkers are taken advantage of," Mr. Mamdani said in a statement.
The bill, called the Power Act, is Mr. Mamdani's first major piece of legislation in the City Council. It evokes the economic populism of Lina Khan, an adviser to the mayor who formerly ran the Federal Trade Commission. In 2024, Samuel Levine, then Ms. Khan's deputy, urged the state to enshrine a private right of action for unfair practices in an expansion of its consumer protection law. Ms. Khan publicly backed the expansion the next year. (That right was ultimately excised from the legislation after industry lobbying.)
As the mayor's commissioner of the Department of Consumer and Worker Protection, Mr. Levine is now trying again. Consumer advocates are hailing the proposal as a potentially transformative expansion of consumer rights at the municipal level, while industry representatives are warning that the bill could entangle businesses in endless litigation.
"You can see the floodgates opening for consumer class action litigation — plaintiffs' lawyers champing at the bit," said Preetha Chakrabarti, a partner at Crowell & Moring.
A spokesman for Julie Menin, the City Council speaker and the former consumer affairs commissioner, said Ms. Menin "looks forward to reviewing this bill as it moves through the legislative process."
Under current New York law, individuals can sue corporations for deceptive business practices, but not for those defined as abusive or unfair. The state accords that right only to the attorney general's office. (City law allows the Department of Consumer and Worker Protection to take action against companies by invoking a related concept known as "unconscionability.")
The proposed legislation defines an abusive act as one that in-
Samuel Levine, commissioner of the Department of Consumer and Worker Protection.
terferes with a consumer's ability to "understand a term or condition of a good or service," or takes "unreasonable advantage" of that lack of understanding. It defines an unfair act as one that is likely to harm consumers but "is not reasonably avoidable by consumers."
In an interview, Mr. Levine explained the legal notion of "unfairness" by offering an example involving elder fraud, a phenomenon that the AARP says cost New Yorkers \$408 million last
year.
Say a scammer uses voice-cloning software to impersonate an elderly person's daughter in an effort to extract cash. Under current state law, the victim could probably sue the scammer for deception, Mr. Levine said, but would not be able to sue "the company that made this voice cloning tool available to anyone."
Including the "unfairness" standard in the law means "you can actually say, 'You are putting out a harmful product into the world that is facilitating fraud,' Mr. Levine said, adding: "Deception is 'you lied to me.' Unfairness is 'you engaged in conduct that harmed me.'"
Mr. Levine listed other experiences that might engender civil litigation under the proposed law: drugstore patrons who are inaccurately tagged as shoplifters by faulty facial recognition systems; bodega owners who are charged higher soda wholesale rates than chain stores; freelance artists who share their work on an online platform, only to find that the platform is using that work to train artificial intelligence.
The federal government has banned unfair and deceptive corporate practices since 1938. Since then, states and municipalities have developed their own laws, with varying degrees of breadth. New York's law, even with its 2025 expansion, is viewed by consumer advocates as unnecessarily narrow, because of its omission of a private right of action for consumers.
The mayor's and Mr. Epstein's proposed legislation would also grant the private right of action to nonprofits, which would enable tenant unions, whose growth the Mamdani administration has encouraged, to take action in court.
"If the same landlord is withholding the security deposit of a bunch of tenants in the same building, those tenants could sue collectively — assert the practice is unfair or deceptive," Mr. Levine said.
That clause allowing nonprofits, including tenant unions, to sue offers a potential workaround to the arbitration clauses that consumers often unknowingly agree to when they sign up for services.
"I've never heard of another municipality doing anything like this, to this extent," said Diane Thompson, deputy director of the National Consumer Law Center.
Mr. Levine believes the legislation will help rein in corporate misconduct during a time of federal "under-deterrence of white-collar crime," and in an environment where law enforcement agencies' bandwidth is inherently limited.
"These are not new standards, and the people to whom they are being applied are not new," said Winston Berkman-Breen, legal director at Protect Borrowers, a consumer advocacy group. "But no one at the federal level is enforcing these laws, so there's an accountability gap that New York City would fill by empowering local people to enforce protections on their behalf."
The bill's detractors — including those who have regularly faced off against city regulators — argue that New York City would essentially be outsourcing enforcement "to thousands of billboard lawyers who would define the rules lawsuit by lawsuit," as Josh Gold, a spokesman for Uber, put it.
Mr. Levine countered: "We can never sue every company that's harming the public. There's just not enough capacity to do that. And what that means is that companies, I think, do sometimes feel a sense of impunity."
The New York Times
COLUMNIST | THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN
Two Fighters for Democracy Have Lessons for America
I WAS IN Greece last week attending the Athens Democracy Forum — a gathering of democracy activists and experts from around the world — so I have been thinking a lot about the privilege and the responsibility that go with living in a democracy. Every morning I ate breakfast at my hotel's rooftop restaurant, which had a view of the Parthenon — the iconic Greek temple built in the fifth century B.C.E., at the height of Athenian democracy. And every morning the waitress would ask me: "Do you have any allergies?"
Every morning I would bite my tongue to keep from saying: "Well, since you asked, I have two allergies — but they're political, not biological. I have an allergy to lazy, performative online activism, like 'Hey, I tweeted about that,' or 'Hey, I posted my favorite pop star's denunciation of Israel on my Facebook page, so get off my back.' But I also have an allergy to no activism when your own democracy is on the line, like 'Hey, my law firm does a lot of business with the federal government — we had to cut a deal with Trump.'"
What got me thinking hard about my political allergies was talking to two old friends from the Middle East. Both have taken huge personal risks to tell hard truths and fight for the right to vote in a free and fair election. So they are vexed that so many Americans would sit on their hands in the face of the greatest threat to our democracy in my lifetime — President Trump's willingness to break rules to hold power.
One of these courageous democracy activists is Tawakkol Karman, the first Yemeni and the first Arab woman to win a Nobel Peace Prize. She won it for her nonviolent leadership of Yemen's Arab Spring protests demanding democracy, women's rights and freedom of speech. Karman played a leading role in the peaceful uprising in 2011 that led to the ouster of Ali Abdullah Saleh, the strongman who ruled North Yemen from 1978 and a unified Yemen from 1990 until 2012.
Karman told me over coffee at the Democracy Forum (which is held in association with The New York Times) that she was shocked to see how easily American law firms, universities and even some media companies bent to Trump's political demands without a fight.
"For me," Karman said, "as someone who opposed dictatorship, who knows how dictatorship works and knows what we needed to free our country from the dictatorship, it all starts when the head of state controls the media, accuses the media of lies and discredits the media — and then does not play by the rule of law, and the institutions work only for the benefit of him and his family."
The trigger for the democratic revolution in Yemen was when President Saleh "put his son and his family in the most important institutions," Karman added. "He attacked the judiciary and emptied it of its work. He escaped all accountability through immunity and interfered in the work of Parliament and the legitimate institutions. And now all of this I am seeing in the United States. What is that?"
WILL MATSUDA FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
The most dangerous thing in a democracy, she said, is when you start to ask yourself: "If I do this, what will happen to me? What will the leader do to me?"
Karman hasn't given up on America, though. "I gave a speech in North Dakota," she told me. "There were a lot of conservative people there. They were so welcoming. I told them: 'Don't think you are divided because you have the soul of division. It is because someone wants to divide you through hate speech.' People got very emotional."
Karman and I first met in Sanaa, Yemen's capital, in 2013, when I went to observe Yem-
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U.S. activists need to get off Facebook and into someone's face.
en's broad-based national dialogue. New parties, young people, women, Islamists, tribes, northerners and southerners all took part, with the aim of writing a new Constitution and holding presidential elections. The process fell apart when the Houthi movement seized the city in September 2014. The Houthis, a Shiite group based in the north of Yemen, were backed by Iran and allied with forces loyal to Saleh. The Houthi takeover plunged Yemen into a catastrophic civil war from which it still has not escaped.
Karman travels the world now promoting democracy through her foundation, while working every day with followers in Yemen to try to win its democracy back from the long arm of Iran.
“What we need from the world is to stand with the Yemeni people and confront Iran's project to control Bab al-Mandab through the Houthi militia,” she said, referring to the strait at the mouth of the Red Sea. “If Iran, through its Houthi proxy, succeeds in controlling Bab al-Mandab in addition to its leverage over the Strait of Hormuz, the consequences for global security could be even more dangerous than Iran possessing a nuclear bomb. This is Yemen's battle for freedom, democracy and sovereignty, but it is also the world's battle for peace, security and the freedom of global trade."
While I was in Athens, a Palestinian democracy activist from East Jerusalem, Samer Sinijlawi, reached out to me with a similar alarm bell. Sinijlawi leads Masar Jadid (New Path), one of the many new parties seeking seats in the Palestinian Legislative Council elections — the first such elections since January 2006.
Unfortunately, there are forces around the authority's leadership pressing to have these elections postponed again. Sinijlawi urged me to tell the world: "Do not let that happen." (At least seven parties have submitted candidate lists for the council's 132 seats.)
Yes, folks, there are three big elections coming up that will shape the Middle East: Israel's on Oct. 27, America's on Nov. 3 and the Palestinian Authority's first legislative elections in two decades, scheduled for Nov. 28.
It is such a breath of fresh air to talk to someone like Sinijlawi. He understands that no matter how many European or American rallies there are to "Free Palestine," the only thing that will do so is a freely elected, legitimate Palestinian government and legislature ready and able to be a partner for a two-state solution.
The repeated postponement of Palestinian legislative elections in the West Bank, Gaza and East Jerusalem “reinforced Hamas’s argument that change could never be achieved through democratic or peaceful means,” Sini-jlawi wrote in a Sept. 18 essay in The Jerusalem Post urging President Trump to support the Palestinian elections. “When ballot boxes are closed, extremists offer other boxes — filled with weapons, funerals and false promises. We must not repeat that mistake.”
His party, he said, is drawing the support of registered Palestinian voters — women and students, professionals, academics, entrepreneurs and people entering political life for the first time, even young Gazans living in tents.
"We support a demilitarized Palestinian state, regional economic integration and a negotiated two-state solution that provides Palestinians with freedom and dignity while ensuring security for Israelis," Sinijlawi wrote.
An East Jerusalem Palestinian, Sinijlawi speaks both Arabic and Hebrew. He learned his Hebrew largely during five years in Israeli prison after being arrested as a teenager in the First Intifada.
There is no way to pressure the Israelis, Sinijlawi explained; "the only way is to persuade them."
"We Palestinians continue denying the historical links of Jews to this land," he continued. "Instead, we must move from a question of who belongs and who does not belong to this land to the question of how we both belong to this land."
This is a point Sinijlawi and I have long had in common: There are seven million-plus Jews and seven million-plus Palestinians living between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea — and neither are leaving. The only solution is two states — no matter how long that takes.
And the person who understands the power of that logic best is Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Why do you think he made it a top priority for most of his premiership to strengthen Hamas in Gaza? He wanted to keep it divided from moderate Palestinians in the West Bank and East Jerusalem who accepted the Oslo peace accords. Netanyahu knows what would happen if a non-corrupt, legitimate, unified Palestinian leadership came together — one that had learned from past mistakes. The whole world would insist that Israel negotiate with it on a two-state solution.
What I admire about Tawakkol Karman and Samer Sinijlawi is that they know how to get off Facebook and into somebody's face — to actually fight for democracy, not just pop off with slogans, which are a substitute for both thought and action. That used to be us in America. We used to model that for the world.
If there was ever a time to get back to that, it's now. It starts with voting on Nov. 3 in our election and getting others out to vote too, for any candidate who puts loyalty to our democratic institutions over loyalty to any single person.
Big Tech Is Crushing Mom-and-Pop Online Retailers
Corissa Steiner
The founder of Lunaweft, a milk-fiber bedding company.
I OPENED an online storefront last year, even though everyone told me not to. An investor friend warned me it would be a "capital incinerator."
He was right. I sold my product and I struggled to earn a dime. A hundred dollars spent on online advertising brought \$100 in sales. My only profit came from chatting up strangers at parties, at bars, in Ubers, which was fun but, sadly, not going to put me on Easy Street.
New business openings, e-commerce included, have exploded since the pandemic, but long-term viability is questionable. Big Tech platforms like Amazon and Meta are turning the screws on American mom-and-pop online businesses and empowering deep-pocketed mega-retailers like Quince, which a Times newsletter called a “well-branded dupe emporium.” That’s reducing choice for consumers and limiting paths to upward mobility for millennials like me and generations that follow.
Like all the other e-commerce operators I spoke to for this piece, I was initially convinced consumers would be drawn to my thoughtfully branded product. Last year I stumbled across a gentle fabric woven from the protein fibers in milk and saw an opportunity. Americans spend more than \$250 million annually on beauty pillowcases, including the frizz-battling silk and satin varieties, but I thought they looked garish and greasy.
Armed with a bit of capital, a finance background and an optimism bordering on naïveté, I placed my first order and put together a whimsical photo shoot on a ranch in
Texas (cows ... get it?). My friends gave rave reviews, and I got a glowing product nod from the wellness "It" girl Alexis Page. All I needed were buyers.
Given the kind of customers who would likely purchase my pillowcases — wellness-curious women with disposable incomes — I knew I had to buy ads on Instagram. I budgeted \$50 in daily ad purchases and waited for sales to roll in.
There was a time, not so long ago, when you could still make millions selling everyday products online such as mattresses (Casper), suitcases (Away) and sunglasses (Warby Parker). In the early 2010s, advertising online was inexpensive and effective. There was plenty of pie to go around.
The pandemic changed everything. Stuck at home, people shopped feverishly online. Soaring demand attracted billions in investor money, which in turn triggered an explosion in demand for online ads. Advertising prices went through the roof.
In 2021, Apple rolled out a new policy that limited iPhone apps' ability to track user behavior. It was a win for privacy, but it also made ads on Meta platforms Facebook and Instagram less effective. If you were selling ramps for dachshunds, you went from buying ads that reached likely dachshund owners to suddenly having to buy ads that reached all likely dog owners, regardless of dog size. Researchers found a 39 percent reduction in revenues for Meta-dependent advertisers as a direct result of the switch, an effect they noted was felt primarily by small businesses.
I was stuck. Advertising on other Big Tech platforms was just as expensive. In August the Federal Trade Commission and the attorneys general of 22 states sued Amazon, accusing the company of imposing "undis-
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Small businesses are at the mercy of virality.
closed surcharges on its advertising customers, which include over 500,000 small- and medium-sized businesses that participated in auctions for advertising placements." Meta and Amazon control so much of the market they can charge top dollar — recall Jeff Bezos' gristly bon mot: "Your margin is my opportunity." Those costs are passed on to small-business owners like me who are unaware that the risk is unevenly distributed.
However long the odds of success, I still harbored castle-in-the-sky dreams. It helped that opening an online store was so easy that it could be done while rewatching "The Agency." But as fun as it was to have a business, it dawned on me that this business-in-a-box was just a purchase in disguise.
I realized how many people I knew owned online storefronts. They were all selling specialty products: jujitsu journals, vegan caviar, dried salad dressing blends, luxury apparel for plus-size men. Were any of them making money?
From what I could tell, the answer was no. I asked my friend Leif Frey, a onetime successful entrepreneur who heads a fund that purchases e-commerce brands, what it takes to succeed selling online today. (His first suggestion: \$500,000 in capital.) "Authenticity is still key for smaller brands, so founder-led content is really important," he said. Translation: Smartphone videos showing the founder speaking directly to the camera.
A hot name in the founder-turned-smart-phone-star space is the yogurt brand Sour-milk, which was founded by two camera-ready Stanford grads. In their videos, they film themselves doing such stunts as hand-delivering 8,000 yogurts via CitiBike. It was all very charming, but even watching them
made me tired.
There is another cost of trying to run a small business in an economy of Goliaths. Let's say I managed to make my milk pillow-case an "It" item on TikTok or Instagram. There is nothing to stop Amazon and the like from copying my viral product, lowering prices and quashing my business. (Amazon employees reportedly said the company uses its internal data to sell products that compete directly with successful sellers on its platform, an accusation the company denies.)
And if profitability depends on winning the lottery of virality, owning an e-commerce business has more in common with sports betting or options trading than the slow and steady route to the American dream most people envision when they put their savings into a small business.
The net effect is deadening. Amazon, which accounts for nearly 40 percent of U.S. retail e-commerce sales, hosts thousands of listings for seemingly identical silk pillow-cases. In the second quarter of this year, Meta's average price per ad increased 12 percent over the previous year. These costs aren't just shouldered by the business; they get passed on to you, the consumer — an overlooked answer to the question of why everything is so expensive.
I'm still selling pillowcases. I've made some friends, I've had some fun, I love the product. I'll keep selling to strangers. But I've made my milk fiber bed with Meta, and now I have to lie in it. I've given up on the idea that this product will lead to riches, or that I will even break even. The business, now, is a way to connect with people. And that will have to be enough.
COLUMNIST | BRET STEPHENS
There's One More Cockpit That Israelis Need to Rush
"THREE DAYS BEFORE I got released, the Hamas commanders came to tell me, 'Listen, Avinatan, say hi to your family, then pack your things and move to Europe or the U.S. Because as long as Israel exists, we will do Oct. 7 over and over again.'"
Avinatan Or, a 33-year-old electrical engineer for Nvidia, recounted this anecdote near the end of our long conversation about the 738 days he spent as a hostage in Gaza, almost all of them in solitary confinement in a stifling underground tunnel. On the 409th day, he was caught in an elaborate escape attempt that involved pilfering a pickax from a nearby storage room, getting behind the sandbags that formed the back wall of his cell and digging his way upward through more than 30 feet of earth, rock and concrete until he broke the surface, breathed fresh air and, for an exhilarating if fleeting moment, saw the stars.
For his audacity, Hamas tied him to a chair, whipped and clubbed him for a week, then chained him to his cell for close to 11 months. At his lowest point, he told me, he lost more than 80 pounds. Why, I asked, did he take the risk of trying to escape in the first place? "I will not let other people decide my destiny," he said. "Soldiers outside are fighting for me; I have to fight, too."
Or, whose Hebrew-language memoir, "Through the Ground," has been an instant best seller in Israel, believes there will be no peace for either Israelis or Gazan civilians (toward whom Or expresses abundant sympathy) until Hamas is permanently defeated. It hasn't been, even after three years of war. That fact, in turn, is a result of two deep and possibly unbridgeable divisions: the first within Israel; the second between Israel and the world.
The division inside Israel, in the broadest sense, is between the spirit of entitlement and the spirit of service. That's the basic choice that faces Israelis when they go to the polls late this month.
On the entitled side: the leaders of the fast-growing ultra-Orthodox population, who believe their voters are owed welfare from the government along with a categorical exemption from military service, even as the army groans under an acute manpower shortage. Also, the far-right Messianics, who are convinced they have a divine right to the entirety of the West Bank, along with an exemption from legal consequences for bullying and terrorizing their Palestinian neighbors.
Most entitled: Benjamin Netanyahu. The prime minister has real achievements to his name, above all his willingness to confront Iran head-on instead of fighting only its proxies. But he also thinks he can stay in office forever by assembling coalitions of the entitled, seeking legal impunity, dividing the country against itself, resisting calls for an independent commission of inquiry into Oct. 7, blaming his own senior security and ministerial officers for the catastrophe and taking credit for achievements against Hamas, Hezbollah, Iran and other foes that remain tenuous.
On the opposite side are the service Israelis. They are the hundreds of thousands of Israeli civilians, finished with their regular army service but still in the reserves, who have spent hundreds of days in uniform and often in combat, away from careers and communities and families. They are the spouses of those reservists, who have raised children, gone to work, kept up appearances of normality and prayed they won't be left bereaved. They are the Israeli passengers who last week rushed the cockpit of the almost-hijacked FlyDubai flight, unhesitatingly risking their necks for the common good. They are the thousands of Israelis who have lost loved ones in this war. That includes Gadi Eisenkot, the former army chief of staff and leading opposition candidate, who spent 41 years in uniform and lost a son and two nephews in the fighting in Gaza.
OFIR BERMAN FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
The difference between the two sides is profound and potentially irreconcilable. It's also nothing new in Jewish history. "Ancient Israel's political collapse was spawned by internal strife, underscored by a dozen civil wars, which ultimately resulted in Israel's loss of its power, dignity and land," Amotz Asa-El, author of "The Jewish March of Folly," a brilliant reinterpretation of Jewish political history, told me over drinks last week. "All these forces are now back in play in Israel."
Asa-El reminded me that the Roman Empire's sacking of Jerusalem in 70 C.E. was preceded and facilitated by brutal Jewish fac-
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What it will take to overcome the ghosts of Oct. 7.
tional infighting. Israelis are now waking up to the fact that they run the risk of a new kind of sacking, this time at the hands of a moral calumny and an economic boycott campaign from abroad.
Thus the second division, between Israel and the world. In Britain on Sunday, the Green Party voted to declare Zionism a type of racism (a throwback to a U.N. resolution from the 1970s, denounced at the time by Daniel Patrick Moynihan as “this infamous act”) and endorse “a single democratic Palestinian state in all of historic Palestine” with “equal rights for all.”
There will be more where that came from. And while some of it builds on legitimate objections to Israeli policy, it also builds on a mixture of willful idiocy and cunning defamation that aims not to change Israel's policies but to destroy the state itself. As the Israeli commentator Amit Segal noted of the Green Party's resolution, "Few sentences have contained as much hypocrisy and ignorance: hypocrisy in branding Jewish nationalism racist and Palestinian nationalism just, and ignorance in believing that any such Palestinian state would be a democracy, let alone guarantee equal rights."
This is where the perfervid criticism of Israel goes off the rails: It somehow imagines, or pretends, that blame for the crises in the Holy Land falls on one side alone and that Israel's security challenges are either a product of its imagination or payback for its own policies.
Israel came into existence with its enemies avowing its extermination, and nearly eight decades later those intentions remain unchanged. The experience of Israelis in this century is that every time they have vacated territory, whether in southern Lebanon in 2000 or Gaza in 2005, they have gained neither international grace nor physical security.
Instead, their retreats created staging grounds for the kind of horror that so many Israelis experienced firsthand on and after Oct. 7 — horrors that many of the world's so-called humanitarians and justice-seekers chose to celebrate, downplay or flat-out deny. Constant critics of Israel, in foreign ministries, in the media and on college campuses, might try to remember that Israelis aren't simply hallucinating their own peril.
They might try to remember, too, that, in their tiresome demonization of Israel, they are strengthening the very forces in Israel they claim to most abhor. There's a reason Netanyahu, in his speech last month to the United Nations, aimed his rhetorical fire at Zohran Mamdani, the New York mayor: The prime minister was playing to a political base that believes, not entirely without reason, that the whole world is against Israel and that the state must therefore respond with the most uncompromising policies possible. In a country where, as the political philosopher Micah Goodman told me, "the only swing state is the center-right," it's a political tactic that could yet keep Netanyahu in office.
All of which is why, on this third anniversary of the Oct. 7 massacre, stories like Avinatan Or's and the FlyDubai passengers' are so instructive. For Israelis to surmount the formidable challenges they face, in pursuit of both victory and peace, the spirit of service — of giving yourself, doing it yourself, taking possession of your destiny against daunting odds — must win out over the spirit of entitlement. And for Israel's genuine well-wishers, including the good-faith critics, to push that spirit forward, they need to draw a firm moral line against those who simply want Israel gone.
At the ballot box this month, there's one more cockpit the people of Israel need to rush.
LETTERS
A Reckoning at Cornell, and Beyond
TO THE EDITOR:
Reading The New York Times's extensive coverage of the accusations of rape at Cornell has both enraged and reassured me.
The details of what happened to Jane Doe are horrifying, but at least they are now being reported and considered credible. This has not always been the case.
In fact, when Ms. magazine published the results of the first national study of sexual assault on college campuses in the mid-1980s, the term "date rape" was relatively new. That study found that one in four college women reported being victims of rape or attempted rape, and only one in four women whose sexual assault met the legal definition identified their experience as rape.
The backlash was immedi-
ate. Among the arguments was
that women were just reacting
to a “date gone bad.” More than
40 years later, despite activism
by student groups employing
Title IX mandates, and the
#MeToo and Time’s Up move-
ments, many colleges and
universities have failed to
protect their students from
sexual assaults.
Now there is a public outcry for transparency and accountability that can't be ignored. Let's hope colleges and law enforcement finally learn their lesson.
ELLEN SWEET, NEW YORK
The writer is a former Ms. magazine editor and was the coordinator of the Ms. Magazine Campus Project on Sexual Assault.
TO THE EDITOR:
Re "Cornell Student's Shame Slowly Turned Into Outrage" (front page, Oct. 2):
Coverage of the Cornell rape investigation needs to highlight how response to trauma unfolds. It often takes time, weeks in the case of Jane Doe, to arrive at the monstrous realization that one was sexually assaulted — that life as it was cannot and will not continue.
The newly uncovered texts from The Times's investigation paint a picture of a woman confused about what happened to her, defensive of people she thought were her friends and longing for any semblance of normalcy. This is consistent with trauma responses after sexual assault.
However, someone unfamiliar with how a person can react to a traumatic event could read the article and assume that Jane Doe's ostracism after the episode prompted her to accuse the seven men of rape.
There is a range of trauma responses. Without that context, readers may mistake the often complicated aftermath of sexual assault for evidence that an assault never occurred.
LARA-NOUR WALTON, BROOKLYN
TO THE EDITOR:
Re "As James Takes Over, Rape Inquiry Enters New Phase" (news article, Oct. 4):
I am a law enforcement officer with 34 years of experience and an adjunct professor of criminal justice. It seems to me that no one has mentioned the elephant in the room. The biggest stakeholder in Tompkins County would be Cornell University, with much of the county's revenue and employment dependent on the school.
Arrests, indictments and court proceedings in a sexual assault case of this graphic nature would garner attention harmful to the university. The district attorney was given a six-page summary of Jane Doe's interviews, declined to review additional evidence gathered by the campus police department and did not see the statement by the victim in which she said she was raped. He chose not to prosecute.
Is it possible that there was collusion between the university and the district attorney, that he was told it would be handled internally? This would maintain Title IX confidentiality, and the public would not hear the allegations.
It is also unclear why the district attorney apparently did not contact the New York Special Victims Unit, which is more experienced in these investigations and has more resources than campus and local police.
Attorney General Letitia James, who has been appointed special prosecutor, should look into the relationship between Tompkins County and Cornell.
KEVIN G. COLLINS
NEW HYDE PARK, N.Y.
TO THE EDITOR:
I attended freshmen teas held by fraternities at Cornell in 1964, and I was offered a spiked punch, then later a pot brownie, which left me utterly stoned. A kind fraternity member called a cab and sent me home.
The 10-minute cab ride felt as if it took hours. I could have been assaulted without being aware of what was happening, or able to say no.
I wish I knew that fraternity member's name, to say thank you now.
ELIZABETH REED, ITHACA, N.Y.
TO THE EDITOR:
Perhaps most striking, beyond Jane Doe's ordeal and the horrific Snapchat messages recently exposed, is that not one young man — inside that room at Chi Phi fraternity house or who received those messages — interrupted, questioned, sought help or stepped in to aid the woman who was in a vulnerable state.
Did not one of these men see Jane Doe as a real person, rather than as an object for their use or abuse? Or was this scene just a tad more extreme than the norm at Chi Phi and other notorious fraternities?
LISA SHOGLOW, WESTON, CONN.
TO THE EDITOR:
Perhaps the solution is to do away with fraternities and sororities and return to college dormitories and no alcohol on campus.
I'm a 1961 graduate of Smith College. Our rules included no alcohol on campus, no guests on the floors after 10:30 p.m. and the requirement to keep your door open if you had a male guest. That would be unfathomable today, I assume.
ALICE SCHAFFER SMITH
PALO ALTO, CALIF.
Mackie Would Give the Met Gala a Razzle-Dazzle Reset
TED DAYTON/WWD AND PENSKE MEDIA, VIA GETTY IMAGES
David Colman
A critic and a former Possessed columnist for The Times.
THE Metropolitan Museum of Art's Costume Institute has yet to announce a replacement for its Spring 2027 exhibition, which was originally supposed to celebrate John Galliano.
That plan went down in flames. It became clear that many influential people were not ready to forgive and forget the designer's past antisemitic statements, despite the fact that he still gets work in the industry and is a longtime friend of Anna Wintour, a Met trustee and the Vogue grandee.
After this P.R. fiasco, the Met and Ms. Wintour should instead pick an underappreciated crowd-pleaser who understood, decades ago, the celebrity-first, red carpet look that has taken over fashion: Bob Mackie, the Sultan of Sequins, who died last month at 87.
The Sultan of Sequins should get his due.
Mr. Mackie became famous as a Hollywood costume designer, not a member of Ms. Wintour's inner circle. As Cher, one of his best-known clients, put it in the 2024 documentary "Bob Mackie: Naked Illusion," "Bob did costumes, and fashion people looked down on him for some reason."
He won nine Emmy Awards — including the first one ever awarded for costume design, which he shared with Ray Aghayan, then his partner — and was nominated for 23 others. He designed showstopping dresses for generations of performers from the 1960s to the 2020s: Tina Turner, Barbra Streisand, Dolly Parton, Madonna, Whitney Houston and Beyoncé. Some of his more comic expressions — including the Scarlett
O'Hara curtain-rod parody dress he designed for Carol Burnett — are now in the Smithsonian. He designed the dress Cher wore to the 1986 Oscars after she was snubbed for her performance in "Mask." "As you can see, I did receive my Academy booklet on how to dress like a serious actress," Cher tartly quipped from the podium.
Mr. Mackie understood the viral-dress moment before there was an internet to spread it.
The fashion world just never quite accepted him as one of their own. He never had much success with ready-to-wear. In an oral history for Vogue, he recalled that the Council of Fashion Designers of America wanted to honor him with a prize in 2001: "They wanted to give me something, but they didn't know what to do with me, so they gave me an award for fashion exuberance, which I still think is funny."
The designer Tom Ford told Vogue, "Costume designers have long been overlooked for the importance of their work in creating and influencing mainstream contemporary fashion," and Mr. Mackie's longtime design director, Joe McFate, said of his boss, "I think he could never really get a footing in the fashion world."
It's time for Mr. Mackie to finally get his due.
Mr. Galliano and Mr. Mackie actually have a lot in common. Over their careers, they have both displayed technical brilliance, meticulous craftsmanship, wit and showmanship. But there are differences. Mr. Galliano is a part of the hierarchical fashion system, rooted in runway shows, haute couture, socialites, ready-to-wear collections, "It" bags, perfume launches and big advertising budgets. The single-de signer shows mounted by the Costume Institute are usually more in step with Ms. Wintour's runway-fashion-first perspective. More often than not, they spotlight a designer known for practicing haute couture — Alexander McQueen, Gianni Versace, Karl Lagerfeld, Coco Chanel.
One might argue that a man who has designed thousands of costumes for weekly television shows and made dresses that can show off (and stand up to) Tina Turner's performances is practicing couture of the first order. It's also worth noting that the Costume Institute (as its name suggests) has its roots in the theater world of the Lower East Side, not Paris. It was begun in
1937 as the Museum of Costume Art, led by the Neighborhood Playhouse founder Irene Lewisohn.
A Bob Mackie show could help repair the tarnished profile of the Met Gala. The \$100,000-a-ticket “party of the year” has started to seem to some people an absurdist display of modern-day wretched extravagance. That was brought into stark and unpopular relief when Jeff Bezos, the executive chair of Amazon, and his wife, Lauren Sánchez Bezos, were brought on as honorary co-chairs for this past spring’s gala, the theme of which was “Costume Art.”
Mr. Mackie is popular and populist. Both the Met and Ms. Wintour could use that. And unlike some of the head-scratching themes the Met has cooked up over the years ("Sleeping Beauties: Reawakening Fashion"; "About Time: Fashion and Duration"), a Mackie-themed Met Gala would be about the razzle-dazzle. It should be an easy sell to persuade someone like the self-professed showgirl Taylor Swift to host.
His dazzling kinetic dresses cost thousands of dollars and worked far better on dancing theatrical performers than idle cocktail guests. But in the business of show, he was an equal-opportunity glamorizer. His dresses were spectacularly flattering, get-out-of-the-way glam. You could be built like Bette Midler, or Tina Turner or Cher. What mattered was where you were going and how you looked when you got there. That is most true on today's mother of all red carpets: the one at the Met Gala.
Another of Mr. Mackie's clients, RuPaul, told Vogue, "It's too bad that people have sort of put him in the costume realm because it really is high art, actually."
Time to show it in the Met museum.
Jim Bakker, Preacher Whose Scandals Shattered Empire, Dies at 86
BERENSON—Robert L.
Jim Bakker in 1987. The TV ministry he founded with his first wife, Tammy Faye Bakker, brought in as much as \$129 million annually.
LOU KRASKY/ASSOCIATED PRESS
BETTMANN/GETTY IMAGES
LOU KRASKY/ASSOCIATED PRESS
By CLYDE HABERMAN
Jim Bakker, a television evangelist who lost his popular and prosperous ministry in a 1980s sex scandal and then lost his freedom for five years, imprisoned for having violated federal laws with his conflation of God and mammon, died on Monday. He was 86.
His wife, Lori Bakker, announced the death in a statement on Mr. Bakker's official Instagram account. She did not cite a cause or say where he died. Mr. Bakker had what was described as a mild stroke in 2020.
In the 1970s and '80s, Mr. Bakker and his first wife, Tammy Faye Bakker, rode to fame and riches preaching the gospel of prosperity, the notion that those who embraced genuine Christian faith would reap material rewards. Their pulpit was the television ministry PTL, which stood for Praise the Lord and People That Love, and their appeal was a combination of sermons, songs and tears. Both had a penchant for crying in public. Tammy Bakker wept on the air so often that she made sure her thickly applied mascara was waterproof.
The Bakkers drew as many as 13 million viewers a day and brought in yearly revenue as high as \$129 million. On a 2,500-acre site in Fort Mill, S.C., they created and sold shares in Heritage USA, a sort of Christian Disneyland, with water slides and skating to go along with prayer and Bible study.
Mr. Bakker (pronounced Baker) was a gifted speaker who made no apologies for doing well in the name of the Lord. "Excess and success are close together," he said in 1985. "Anyone who is successful has got to be excessive."
By any measure, he and his wife enjoyed a life of opulence, which he defended by saying that they needed "good bait" to be effective "fishers of men." Their bait included six-figure salaries and bonuses for themselves, a 55-foot houseboat, a mini-fleet of Mercedes-Benzes and Rolls-Royces, diamonds and gold jewelry, gold-plated bathroom fixtures, an air-conditioned dog kennel, and homes and apartments in South Carolina, Florida, Tennessee and Palm Springs, Calif. The spending was so lavish, and the appeal for contributions so insistent, that some critics recast PTL as standing for Pass the Loot.
The Bakkers' world came tumbling down in 1987 with a revelation that in 1980, when he was 40, he had sex with a 21-year-old secretary in his Assemblies of God ministry. The woman, Jessica Hahn, claimed she had been raped. Mr. Bakker denied the accusation. Nonetheless, he tried to buy her silence in 1985 by tapping the PTL treasury to make a \$265,000 payoff, equivalent to roughly \$825,000 in 2026 dollars.
The transgression led to his banishment from the Assemblies of God, a Pentecostal denomination. Other evangelists turned on him. The Rev. Jerry Falwell, who took over the PTL ministry, strongly suggested that Mr. Bakker's sins, despite his denials, included homosexual relations. With characteristic hyperbole, Mr. Falwell dismissed Mr. Bakker as "the greatest scab and a cancer
Mr. Bakker in 1986 with news articles about investigations into his behavior, and with his then-wife the same year. They divorced in 1992. "Excess and success," Mr. Bakker once said, "are close together."
on the face of Christianity in 2,000 years of church history."
Worse lay ahead for the tele-vangelist couple. After persistent reporting on their behavior by The Charlotte Observer and a 16-month inquiry by a federal grand jury, Mr. Bakker was indicted in 1988 on 24 counts of fraud and conspiracy. During a six-week trial the following year, federal prosecutors described him as a "most brazen, accomplished con man" who had bilked the PTL faithful out of \$158 million with offers of lifetime vacations at Heritage USA that could not possibly have been provided. The government said that \$3.7 million had also been siphoned off to support the Bakkers' grand living.
At one point during the trial, Mr. Bakker, who in 1969 had what was described as a nervous breakdown, landed in a mental institution for observation. He was found in his lawyer's office hallucinating and cowering in a fetal position under a couch. But the proceedings soon resumed, and he was found guilty on all counts. The judge imposed a 45-year prison sentence, which came to be whittled down. After five years, Mr. Bakker was freed in 1994.
Tammy Bakker, who was never charged, did not stand by her man. Long before the trial, the marriage had been shaky, and in 1992 she divorced him. A year later she married Roe Messner, who had been a Bakker business associate and who in 1996 would be sentenced to 27 months in federal prison for bankruptcy fraud. Tammy Bakker died of cancer in 2007 at 65.
Jim Bakker tended to quote the
Bible to justify his behavior and to discredit his accusers. Interviewed, for instance, on ABC's "Nightline" in 1987, he invoked Psalms 38:12: "Those who want to kill me set their traps, those who would harm me talk of my ruin; all day long they scheme and lie." Psalms 37:4 was a go-to favorite, dovetailing with his prosperity gospel: "Take delight in the Lord, and He will give you the desires of your heart."
Over time, he came to acknowledge that his grasp of scripture had been tenuous. In a 1996 book, "I Was Wrong," he wrote that his studies in prison had led him to understand that Jesus "did not have one good thing to say about money." He added, "When I came to the awareness that I had actually been contradicting Christ, I was horrified."
James Orsen Bakker was born in the Pentecostal faith on Jan. 2, 1940, in Muskegon, Mich. The middle name was his parents' misspelled tribute to Orson Welles, whose radio broadcast of "War of the Worlds" had been a national sensation 14 months earlier.
James was the youngest of four children of Raleigh Bakker, a machinist in a piston-ring factory, and Furnia (Irwin) Bakker, a housewife. His paternal grandfather handed out Bible readings on street corners, and his father claimed to have seen two angels while on a trip to Florida. For his part, James said he had gotten religion in his teens after he accidentally ran over a boy while driving. Upon learning that the boy would live, he said, he decided to put himself in God's hands.
After schooling in Muskegon,
Gaining riches and fame on TV before sex and fraud cases led to scorn and prison time.
he attended North Central Bible College, now North Central University, in Minneapolis. There he met Tamara Faye LaValley, a fellow student, and married her in 1961 after only their third date.
The newlyweds dropped out of college and set off as itinerant evangelists. In 1966, they signed on with Pat Robertson's Christian Broadcasting Network in Portsmouth, Va., hosting a children's variety show. They were so successful that Mr. Robertson put Mr. Bakker in charge of a new prime-time program, "The 700 Club," whose name was derived from its goal of raising \$700 a month by way of 70 people each contributing \$10.
The Bakkers and Mr. Robertson had a falling-out, and the couple turned elsewhere. In 1976, having moved to Charlotte, they began their PTL ministry, which came to be known also as "The Jim and Tammy Show."
Post-prison, in 2003, Mr. Bakker re-emerged with yet another television program, "The Jim Bakker Show," broadcast out of a cafe in Branson, Mo., and carried by several dozen Christian-themed stations. His partner this time was his second wife, Lori Beth Graham, who had a troubled past of her own and whom he married in 1998 seven weeks after they met at an urban ministry in Los Angeles.
Mr. Bakker is survived by his wife; two children from his first marriage, Tammy Sue Chapman and Jamie Bakker; and five children whom he and Ms. Graham adopted in 2002: Maricella, Lori, Clarissa, Marie and Ricky Bakker.
The new ministry was low-key compared with that of the Bakkers' high-flying PTL days. Its focus was different, too. The end of days was nigh. Mr. Bakker now preached, and he offered viewers what he said they would need to ride out the Apocalypse: long-lasting food, 10 buckets of it for \$600 plus shipping costs. His message had a bluntly conservative political cast. "God has called" Donald J. Trump, he said. Barack Obama "sounded like the representative for Antichrist," he said in 2016, and Hillary Clinton was "a bride of Satan."
Yet, once again, he ran afoul of officialdom by marketing a colloidal silver supplement that he had billed as a cure for assorted physical woes, including Covid-19. The authorities in Missouri and New York ordered him in 2020 and 2021 to cease making such claims and to return \$156,000 to followers who had bought his silver solution.
Through it all, Mr. Bakker presented himself as an avatar of redemption. "I'm not back for the perfect people, the people who have it all together," he said of his ministry in 2007. "I'm here for the broken and the bruised and the hurt. I'm here to say we have a God of second and third chances."
Beaton, Howard Berenson, Robert
Deaths
Davis, Gordon
Herrmann, Jeffrey
BEATON—Howard L., M.D.,
12:45pm, 30 November on October 5, 2026. Born in New York City, he graduated from the University of Rochester, University of Rochester School of Medicine and Dentistry. A new school was located in New York City for more than 12 years. He is especially proud of his service during the September 11st century. The Church was a good service and Emergency Services at NYU Downtown Hospital, the Church was a very serious case of the casualties from the World War. He has been increased by his beloved wife of 28 years, Betty Beaton. He is also a victim of the Church (Beth), daughters, Audrey Margarite (Mike) and Jessica Magardine (Mike). He is also a child with Jacob, Olivia, Cameron and Noa, siblings Dianne Heaps (Bath), and a partner, Irit Granger. A funeral service will be held Thursdays' home in New York City. The 12:45pm at Sharon Gardens. Shiva will be observed Thursdays' home in New York City. In lieu of flow and donations may be made to the CC in Sherman, Connecticut.
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Bob Berenson, age 86, died at home in San Diego, CA on April 15, 1940. He graduated from Manhattan's High School of the State of Ant-Syracuse University's Newhouse School, where he was located in the city and received on M.S. from Northwestern's Medill School of the State of Ant-Syracuse University, which is conducted into their inaugural Hall of Achievement. Bob resulted in a career of a Grey Global Group after a 40-year career serving national level of employment within the mid-80s he was instrumental in transforming its economic status as a government agency to a communications conglomerate, cresting or according to the National Association of the Central Sydney and Sydney's subsidiaries. He served on several boards, including The Council of Ontario, who were also interested where he created a Restaurant Marketing and Operations Center for the last week, taught for eight years, bringing top chefs and restaurants.
teurs to the college's Hyde Park Campus. Bob was also a member of the government of the Federal Law Enforcement Foundation, supporting the law enforcement officers killed in the line of duty. After the last week he had been born by Bob was a coach/mentor for his duty. He had been moving Navy SEALS and Marine Raider Special Ops forces. The police were also a member of the business world. A part owner of the Burbundy Wine Company, who was a collector, Bob was also a gourmet chef and a regulator, who was not a good member of the accomplished man of varied men. Bob was always an old member of the Horse ranch in Sedona, Arizona, Bob is survived by his behavior. He had been born by Mrs. Cindy (Neil) and Kat Bonnono, she spoke daughter. An adult david of the young grandchildren, Livia, Ethan and Mrs. Jim and Mrs. Lee (Peeky), sister-in-law Marcia, his for child and the father of the people whose lives he touched.
---
DAVIS—Gordon.
DAVIS—Gordon.
The Central Park Conservancy staff and Board of Trustees mourn the passing of Gordon L. Davis, Estate, Founding Trustees and champion of Central Park's revitalization. As New York City Parks Commissioner under Mayor Ed Koch from 1978 through 1983, Gordon helped found the Central Park Conservancy and in 1979, he appointed urban planner and Olmsted historian Betsy Barreeder to new created role of Central Park Administrator. Together, Gordon and Betsy established one of New York City's most enduring and successful public-private partnerships, the Central Park Conservancy, to restore the Park to the park, and to restore the beautiful, peaceful respite for all. Since the restoration of the Central Park is a Gorden and Betsy's first major collaboration - the Conservancy's efforts in 200 capital projects in the Park. A venerable leader has been an important civic, and legal affairs, Gordon's impact stretched well with the government instrumental in reviving New York's entire parks system, which was also a bankruptcy as Parks Commissioner, Gordon's many innovations included the creation of the National Park and the revival of Bryant Park. He continued to shape the park's life with key leadership and board positions at Lincoln Park, and have been made up the Arts, Jazz at Lincoln Center, the New York Public Library, and the Museum of Modern Art, and more. Gordon's ability to explore his dedication, foresight, and aspirations for Central Park - the National Park will continue to inspire the Conservancy's efforts to protect the park for generations.
Elizabeth W. Smith,
President & CEO,
Central Park Conservancy
Thomas L., Kempner, Jr.,
Chair, Board of Trustees,
Central Park Conservancy
---
DAVIS—Gordon J.
DAVIS—Gordon J.
The board and staff of The Public Theater mourns the loss of longtime board member, thought-partner, and fellow advocate for free access to arts, culture and parks, Gordon J. Davis, Esq. Gordon joined the board in 1990 and since then has served as a tireless advisor of the Public and its work providing guidance on numerous Public Theater projects ranging from governance to capital projects including renovations of the Public and public spaces downtown and the recent renovation of the Delacorte Theater in Central Park. The board and staff express their condolences to Gordon's Beffler, Duggy, daughter Lizzy, grandchildren, family and friends.
Oskar Eustis, Artistic Director; Petrick Willingham, Executive Director; Luis A. Miranda, Jr., Chair; Pat Fill-Krushel, Co-Chair
DAVIS—Gordon J.
The Trustees and staff of The Trustees, who are a library in the Library mourn the passing of Gordon J. Davis, a beloved and dedicated member of the Library family, Gordon joined the Library at 1993 and became a Life Trustee in 2016. A celebrated civic leader, Gordon played an international meeting in New York City, and his contributions will continue to have a profound impact on future generations of New Yorkers. At the last time, he is successful for his expertise, generosity of spirit, and unwavering commitment to public services. He also has been represented by sympathies to his wife, Peagy, their daughter, Lizzy, and their friends and family.
Abby S. Allstein, Chair
Evan R. Chesler, Catherine Marron,
Neil L. Rudenstine,
Chair Emeriti
Anthony W. Marx,
President
HERRMANN—Jeffrey Mark.
Jeffrey Mark Herrmann, age 78, originally of Larchmont, Vermont, New York, NY, passed away peacefully on October 5, 2020. Jeffrey and Robert H. M. was born in 1948 in New York, NY to Martin Herrmann and Rose Herrmann had been married with the family moved to the Riverdale neighborhood of the State of Virginia. He lived later as a young adult. He graduated from Hunter College in the Bronx in 1968, and has been married in Political Science. He then traveled upstate "far above" in the state of Virginia. He would often say - to the Cornell University Law School, at St. Louis, New Jersey. In 1972, he was admitted to the Bar of the State of New Jersey, who had been appointed an attorney. In 1978, Jeffrey met his future wife Sandra and Mrs. William H. M. in Arlington, Vermont. They married on May 4, 1980 in New Jersey, and also went to him in a farm of his soon-to-be sister.
and brother-in-law Lynn and Bob Hughes. Jeffrey and Sandra then moved to Mamondia, who had been a second son of their first son Benjamin. Soon afterwards they moved to a second son of the American Larchmont where they had a second son, William, and George H. He had been a non-ski-cades. After meeting his spouse, he was also being to an avid skie throughout his life, favoring the former of the Hunter and Stowe. He passed this passion on to his sons, William, and George H. He owned own living in ski towns, Jeffrey was an enthusiastic music. He was also a strong lover of opera and classical music. He could often be given by the Sun. The Sunday afternoon with a new stack of library books and literature were carried out from WQXR. He especially appreciated the chance to see a lot of interest in the evening and looked forward to attending the annual Viernesee's music. He was survived by his sons Benjamin and Williams, Benjamin's wife and her son, William, and George Y. The granddaughter Lake and grandson Ethn, and Mrs. James, Edward and Joseph Elise James, Kate, and Edward. He was born in the old years of the principal of the Low Offices of Jeffrey Herrmann. He had been a great deal for its matters, including trusts and estates, commercial transactions, and advertising. As a fluent German speaker,
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The New York Times he often represented German-speaking European countries, as a new professional designation - as "The Lower Business Group" has been received in 60 Minutes' coverage of a nonprofit organization and is not only laundering. The anti-corruption organization adopted the European law by lawyers, posing as an international businessman looking to be a great deal with the United States. Jeffrey was the only lawyer to immediately develop the company's offer, telling the undercover knowledge of the United States, "my standards are higher." After Sandra passed away in the United States, he had made more to be closer to his son Ben and his grandchildren. He also had been a good piece of interest, and it is not used to enjoy the daily New York Times and a good piece of interest. He had been held at 10:45am on Wednesday, October 7, 2026 at the time of the next week. The United States may have larger meteries in Paramus, NJ at The Chapel at the Sanctuary of the United States. The United States also shows a local soleum. All are welcome.
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3 MEDIA
The Television Academy will move the Emmys telecast to streaming, following the Oscars. It will be on Amazon.
5 TECHNOLOGY
TECH | ECONOMY | MEDIA | FINANCE
The OpenAI executive Jason Kwon appeared at a hearing after its A.I. models hacked the Australian government.
6 SPORTS
Business
Gabby Williams needed a team to have faith in her. Now, she has given the Valkyries reason to believe.
The New York Times
ANTONIO SURTINO
When A.I. Goes Rogue, Who Is Responsible?
---
By DAVID McCABE
WASHINGTON – In recent weeks, an unlikely coalition has assembled around a simple idea: Artificial intelligence companies should be held legally responsible when their systems go rogue.
In a series of escalating attacks reported since July, A.I. models from OpenAI, Anthropic and others have hacked companies and even meddled with government websites, all without the knowledge of their creators.
Since then, Jensen Huang, the Nvidia chief executive; David Sacks, the venture capitalist and a top
White House adviser; and Lina Khan, the Federal Trade Commission chair under the Biden administration, have all endorsed the idea that A.I. companies are liable.
"Law enforcers already have authority to charge companies and their CEOs for creating and releasing dangerous, unvetted, or defective products," Ms. Khan said in a post to X last month, adding there's "no A.I. exemption from laws already on the books."
Companies have long been held accountable for everything from faulty toys to plane crashes under CONTINUED ON PAGE B5
Trump Allows Nonfarm Vehicles to Use Lower-Cost Dyed Diesel
By KEVIN DRAPER
President Trump said on Monday that a special kind of diesel fuel typically reserved for farm operations can be used more broadly, a measure aimed at easing fuel costs as average diesel prices surpassed \$6.30 a gallon nationwide.
Campaigning in Grand Island, Neb., in support of Senator Pete Ricketts, Mr. Trump signed an executive order to allow the tax-free purchase of so-called red-dyed diesel, which is mainly used in agriculture and construction. The order directs cabinet agencies to defer payment of federal road taxes on diesel through the end of the year, and to "explore avenues" to eliminate the need to pay deferred taxes.
Mr. Trump's action followed moves by almost a dozen governors across the Midwest and South over the last two weeks to permit dyed diesel fuel in road vehicles. Some governors are also suspending state taxes on dyed diesel. The executive order encourages more states to eliminate taxes on dyed diesel.
Dyed diesel is no different from regular diesel, except it contains a small amount of dye, usually red and added by the refiner. But it is exempt from the 24.4-cent-per-gallon federal highway tax and some state taxes that are used to fund road construction and maintenance.
Dyed diesel normally cannot be used in road vehicles and is not available at most gas stations or truck stops; the dye is added so inspectors can more easily tell if it is being used unlawfully on the road.
Many farmers say they have been financially bruised by Mr. Trump's tariff policies, along with rising prices, and the president is trying to shore up support with rural voters before the midterm elections. In Nebraska, Mr. Ricketts, a Republican, is locked in a tight race with the independent challenger Dan Osborn, and recent New York Times/Siena polls have shown Republicans trailing CONTINUED ON PAGE 84
WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 7, 2026 B1
Paramount Closes Deal To Acquire Warner Bros.
Company leaders hint at job and cost cuts in a memo to employees.
By BENJAMIN MULLIN
Paramount closed its deal to acquire Warner Bros. Discovery on Tuesday, putting the tech scion David Ellison in control of a vast media empire that oversees many of Hollywood's most valuable properties.
The deal catapults the combined company, now called Skydance, to the front ranks of competitors alongside streaming titans like Netflix and YouTube, just behind giants like Disney and Amazon.
"Today is a historic day, not just for Skydance but for our entire industry," Mr. Ellison said in a statement on Tuesday. "We couldn't be more excited to get to work," he added.
There were signs that Mr. Ellison was moving at lightning speed to take control of his new empire. Warner Bros. employees who opened their laptops on Tuesday morning saw them suddenly emblazoned with the new company's logo over a field of stars. A link to a "global town hall" meeting, scheduled for 1 p.m., popped up. And an 1,705-word memo titled "Day I" from Mr. Ellison and his co-chief executive, Ynon Kreiz, landed in their inboxes.
"We're proud to write this next chapter with you," they wrote. "Now the real work begins. Let's go!"
The new company is a hard-fought prize. Mr. Ellison wrested Warner Bros. Discovery from a rival bidder, Netflix, after a months-long tug of war that prompted him to make nine offers for the company.
A coalition of state attorneys general sued to block the deal on antitrust grounds, but settled after extracting a series of concessions, including the establishment CONTINUED ON PAGE B3
Disney Asks Court to Stop F.C.C. Action
By JOHN KOBLIN and JIM RUTENBERG
WASHINGTON — For months, the Walt Disney Company and President Trump's Federal Communications Commission have traded accusations in a battle over the company's free speech rights and its local broadcast stations.
On Tuesday, they took their con-
flict to federal court.
Disney lawyers asked a judge in U.S. District Court in Washington to bar the F.C.C. from undertaking an unusual early review of the broadcast licenses of the eight stations the company owns and operates. Disney, which owns ABC, called the review — and possible revocation — of the licenses an existential threat to its operations, and an “unlawful and improper” violation of its First Amendment rights.
The F.C.C., which is run by a Trump appointee, Brendan Carr, asked the judge to throw out the lawsuit because the agency had yet to make a decision on the fate of the licenses and Disney had not established that it suffered irreparable harm. Sticking largely to procedural arguments, its lawyers maintained that it was too early for judicial review of its actions.
In her questioning of the F.C.C. lawyers, Judge Loren L. AliKhan seemed open to the agency's procedural arguments. But she appeared more skeptical of its lawyers' attempts to argue that the review was primarily about ABC's diversity and inclusion employment practices, and not because of Mr. Trump's many angry complaints about the network's programming.
CONTINUED ON PAGE B3
How stock markets fared yesterday in Asia ...
Worst performers
Economy
Source: FactSet
Sector performance
S&P 500 SECTORS
Most active
S&P 500 7,818.93 ↑+0.6%
Best performers
ENERGY
---
Record High Power Use Predicted for U.S. in 2026
U.S. power consumption will rise to record highs in 2026 and 2027, driven by A.I-hungry data centers and electrification, the U.S. Energy Information Administration said in its Short-Term Energy Outlook on Tuesday.
The E.I.A. projected that power demand will rise from a record 4,195 billion kilowatt-hours in 2025 to 4,288 billion kWh in 2026 and 4,356 billion kWh in 2027.
DELIVERY
---
Uber to Pay \$2.3 Billion For the ezCater Platform
Uber said on Tuesday that it would buy the U.S. catering platform ezCater in a cash deal for \$2.3 billion, its latest move to strengthen delivery, its fastest-growing business segment.
The deal comes months after Uber agreed in July to buy the German firm Delivery Hero in a \$14.8 billion transaction aimed at creating the largest food delivery group outside China.
Founded in 2007, ezCater lets companies order food from caterers for corporate events, meetings and workplace meals. It generated more than \$2.5 billion in gross bookings over the past 12 months, Uber said.
Demand is surging largely because of data centers dedicated to artificial intelligence and cryptocurrency. Homes and businesses have also been using more electricity.
The E.L.A. forecast that wholesale electricity prices would average \$52 per megawatt-hour in 2026, 11 percent more than in 2025, primarily because of extreme weather events such as winter storms and higher-than-average summer temperatures.
It predicted that sales in 2026 will rise to 1,541 billion kWh for residential consumers. REUTERS
SARAH MEYSSONNIER/REUTERS
Subsequently, the U.S. Navy awarded Anduril a contract worth up to \$2.9 billion to manufacture
The deal would combine ez-Cater's catering business with Uber Eats' restaurant network and Uber for Business' corporate customer base, the company said.
MILITARY
The defense tech firm Anduril said on Tuesday that it would invest \$3.7 billion to develop a new shipyard in Maryland to build critical components for the U.S. Navy's Virginia-class submarines, as Washington seeks to bolster its maritime defense capabilities.
Uber said ezCater's average order values exceed \$400 and the deal is expected to lift margins. REUTERS
---
Anduril Aims to Build Shipyard in Maryland
The new plant, named Arsenal-2, will be in Baltimore County and is expected to be operational by the end of the decade. REUTERS
submarine components, with payments tied directly to production outcomes and the company assuming most of the execution risk, the defense start-up said.
S&P 500 INDEX +0.6% 7,818.93
The investment and associated contract, together valued at up to \$6.6 billion, come amid a push by the United States and its allies to expand arms production following Russia's invasion of Ukraine and conflicts in the Middle East.
Position of the S&P 500 index at 1-minute intervals on Tuesday -- Previous Close: 7,773.95
Wall Street Hits a High as Investors Look Past Rising Rates
By JOE RENNISON
Wall Street reached a record high on Tuesday, pushing through concerns about the potential economic drag from rising interest rates and elevated oil prices.
The S&P 500, the world's most widely tracked stock index, rose 0.6 percent, surpassing its peak set in August. It is the latest in a series of new highs reached this year, taking the index's gain since January to more than 14 percent.
But broader consternation in the financial markets remains, tied to the war with Iran and a surge in benchmark government bond yields. Those higher yields lead to higher borrowing costs for consumers and companies.
The 10-year Treasury yield eased lower on Tuesday, still trading around its highest level in roughly two decades. Oil prices held steady, with Brent crude, the international benchmark, about \$100 a barrel.
Fueling Tuesday's record are expectations of another round of strong financial results from publicly traded companies. Some of strongest profits are expected in the energy sector, tied to the rise in oil prices, and in the technology sector, where the build out of artificial intelligence fuels growth.
"This bull market is about nothing but earnings growth," said Michael Purves, founder of Tallbacken Capital. He said he expected the stock market to continue rising through the end of the year, even if interest rates and oil prices keep rising.
Over 70 companies in the index have steered investors to raise their earnings expectations for the recent quarter before officially releasing their results in the coming weeks. That is a record for the number of companies giving positive guidance, according to FactSet, which has tracked such data over two decades.
These strong projections reflect companies' ability to turn giant profits in the face of higher borrowing costs.
The 10-year Treasury yield rose half a percentage point in Septem-
---
The S&P 500 Index
ber, its biggest one-month rise in four years. Such a rapid move in interest rates would typically be expected to weigh on the stock market but, while there are signs of pressure emerging, it has not been enough to curtail the rally.
In part, the two markets — stocks and bonds — are being driven by the same theme: higher growth expectations tied to the build out of A.I.
In the bond market, a stronger economic outlook has in part led investors to expect the Federal Reserve to keep interest rates elevated for longer than previously thought, as the central bank tries to prevent strong growth from leading to a resurgence in inflation. And as investors' rate expectations have risen, so too have government bond yields.
In the stock market, that same growth of the largest tech companies has been reflected in their rising stock prices, while the prices of other companies have slumped.
Over the past month, eight of the eleven sectors of the S&P 500 have dropped, weighed down by the rise in interest rates, while just three — the technology sector, energy, and communication services companies like Meta and Alphabet — have risen.
Giving equal weight to each company in the index shows big tech's impact, with the S&P 500 Equal Weight index more than 5 percent below its August peak.
The Russell 2000 index of smaller companies that are more tied to the ebb and flow of the economy — and to rising interest rates — has fallen nearly 8 percent since its high in August.
The next earnings reports are expected to show that the technology sector's profits for the three months through September grew by over 60 percent from the same period last year, according to FactSet. Because of their relative market size, these companies have the biggest impact on the S&P 500's overall performance.
Overall, the S&P 500 is expected to report 30 percent earnings growth for the quarter, compared with around 50 percent for the quarter that ended in June. These are the highest quarterly growth rates for the index since the world emerged from the pandemic slump in 2021.
But technology sector's rise has become more restrained, with stock prices appreciating more slowly than those companies' profits. In effect, investors are paying comparatively less for the prospect of even higher profits in the future — a sign they are growing more cautious about the market's reliance on the growth of A.I.
TOTAL ASSETS IN BIL | 1 YR | 5 YRS | 1. Vanguard Total International Stock Index Fund Institutional Shares (VTSNX) | +26.0% | +9.2% | 665.7 | 2. Vanguard Developed Markets Index Fund Investor Shares (VDIXK) | +27.8 | +10.1 | 323.8 | 3. American Funds EU PAC Fund Class R-6 (ERGX) | +23.7 | +5.6 | 140.0 | 4. Vanguard FTSE All-World ex-US Index Fund Institutional Plus Shares (VFWPX) | +26.8 | +9.5 | 98.6 | 5. Fidelity International Index Fund (FSPSK) | +21.9 | +9.5 | 88.5 | 6. Strategic Advisers Fidelity International Fund (FUSK) | +20.6 | +8.7 | 78.5 | 7. Fidelity Series Global ex U.S. Index Fund (TSGEX) | +27.4 | +9.5 | 77.0 | 8. Dodge & Cox International Stock Fund Class X (DXXFX) | +23.8 | +12.2 | 66.8 | 9. Goldman Sachs GQG Partners International Opportunities Fund Class A (GSHX) | +9.7 | +6.9 | 52.2 | 10. Artisan International Value Fund Advisor Class (APDXK) | +22.5 | +11.8 | 45.9 | Source: Morningstar
Consumer rates
What Is Happening in Other Markets and the Economy
Bonds
Currencies
Months — Maturity — Years
Emmys Show Is Moving To Amazon Next Year
By JOHN KOBLIN
The biggest showcase for the television industry is leaving broadcast television.
Amazon Prime Video won the distribution rights to the Emmy Awards, the Television Academy announced on Tuesday, putting the industry's signature event exclusively on a streaming service. The Emmys telecast, which rotated among the four broadcast networks for decades, will start streaming on Amazon next September as part of a six-year deal.
The Emmys will stream for free and not require a Prime Video subscription, the academy said. Amazon will also make the event available all over the world.
It's the second major awards show that will soon be available only over the internet. In 2029, the Oscars will leave their longtime home, ABC, and head over to YouTube.
The Emmys' move to streaming is, of course, symbolic of broader trends in the industry. In July, 49 percent of all television viewing in the United States was on a streaming service, according to Nielsen, dwarfing broadcast's 19.5 percent.
Cris Abrego, the chairman of the Television Academy, acknowledged in an interview that the Emmys move off broadcast for the first time since their inception in 1949 was "a pretty big step."
"Obviously, television in itself is evolving in real time," he continued. "But I actually think the distinction between broadcast and streaming is becoming less meaningful every year. Most of our longtime broadcast partners themselves are part of companies with major streaming platforms."
For the last three decades, the Emmys telecast alternated among ABC, CBS, Fox and NBC. Twenty years ago, the ceremony drew 16 million viewers. A decade ago it was 11 million. This year, the Emmys had lower viewership (6.8 million viewers on NBC) than the Oscars on ABC (17.9 million) and the Grammys on CBS (14.4 million). Even the Video Music Awards, which appeared on CBS
---
A sign of television's shift from broadcast to streaming.
and MTV last month, had more viewers (nine million).
Emmy voters' taste has drifted decidedly away from network television as well. During the prime-time ceremony last month, 18 of the 19 awards handed out went to a streaming or cable program. CBS claimed the only win for broadcast, and that was for a show ("The Late Show With Stephen Colbert") no longer on the air because the network canceled it.
The academy's tendency to favor shows on cable and streamers is one of the reasons the broadcast networks became frustrated with the Emmys in recent years, and seemed less likely to make an aggressive collective bid for the rights.
But others in the industry have been critical of the so-called network wheel deal, arguing that one of the reasons the Emmys could be more muted than other award shows was that no single network was committed to investing in it. Enter Prime Video
Enter Prime Video.
Mike Hopkins, the head of Prime Video, said in an interview that he believed Amazon could help "energize it and age the audience down and grow it over time."
Mr. Abrego said having one outlet dedicated to the Emmys would only help.
The show is in September, but with the rotation, "sometimes we don't start thinking about it until March, April of that year, right?" he said. "We have the ability to start thinking this, you know, tomorrow and start building toward that telecast."
In recent years, the four broadcast networks collectively paid the academy roughly \$9.5 million for the annual rights, according to public filings. Mr. Abrego would not disclose how much Amazon was paying but said the amount was a "meaningful investment across the board."
The Emmys will proceed next year with its usual September date, but Mr. Abrego suggested that could change in future years.
Streaming services have increasingly invested in live events. Amazon has the rights to weekly National Football League games, a National Basketball Association package and the Academy of Country Music Awards. Netflix has made deals with the N.F.L., Major League Baseball, the women's World Cup and the Actor Awards, formerly the Screen Actors Guild (SAG) Awards.
MEDIA
Paramount Closes Merger With Warner Bros. Discovery
FROM FIRST BUSINESS PAGE
FROM FIRST BUSINESS PAGE of an editorial independence board to safeguard the integrity of CNN and a promise from Mr. Ellison to spend an additional \$1.5 billion on movies over the next five years.
The acquisition catapults the combined company, called Skydance, to the ranks of Netflix and YouTube, and just behind giants like Disney and Amazon.
Hundreds of Hollywood insiders said the deal would sharply consolidate corporate power, leading to job losses and further stagnation in Hollywood. Skydance has argued that the merger is a necessary counterweight to Big Tech.
BRENDAN MCDERMID/REUTERS
The new company, which owns two major movie studios in Warner Bros. and Paramount Pictures, news networks including CNN and CBS News and the streaming services HBO Max and Paramount+, is making its debut in an industry navigating profound change.
Cable television, one of the biggest cash cows in media, is still profitable but in terminal decline. Streaming still hasn't replaced those profits. Trust in the news business is in the basement. And tech companies like Amazon and Apple are muscling in on movies, TV shows and sports rights, driving up content costs.
Those challenges will pose a major test for Mr. Ellison, 43, who until last year had never run a public media company. He and his team must convince Wall Street that the new company can manage those challenges while it pays down \$82 billion in debt, a staggering sum for a traditional media company. He must also rally tens of thousands of employees at Warner Bros. and Paramount; both companies have undergone nearly annual layoffs in recent years.
There were some signs of early turbulence on the horizon. On Tuesday, the ratings agency Fitch said it was downgrading the combined company to reflect increased debt as well as “significant execution and integration risks.”
And Mr. Ellison and Mr. Kreiz alluded to the prospect of looming layoffs in their memo. They must deliver \$6 billion in cost-cutting over the next three years — a target they are likely to hit, in part by eliminating thousands of jobs.
"Integrating two companies will bring change, including difficult decisions that affect our work force," they wrote. "We are committed to handling this process thoughtfully and respectfully."
Elsewhere at the company, corporate leaders sought to reassure employees amid the uncertainty caused by the deal. Bari Weiss, the editor in chief of CBS News, reminded journalists on a call Tuesday morning that they had become accustomed to carrying out their duties despite “a lot of things going on in the press.”
If the judge rules in Disney's favor, it will be a stinging loss for Mr. Carr, and could undermine his nearly two-year effort to rein in the major broadcast networks with the looming prospect of government action.
Mr. Ellison has assuaged some of those concerns by retaining Mark Thompson as chairman of CNN. In a memo to employees on Monday, Mr. Thompson said that
"Nothing right now is going to change," Ms. Weiss said. "This is a process that's going to unfold under time."
ABC has been in the cross hairs of the Trump administration for well over a year, with Mr. Carr scrutinizing the network's daytime talk show, "The View," and its late-night program "Jimmy Kimmel Live!"
Further complicating the situation is Mr. Ellison's relationship with President Trump, which has unsettled some employees at CNN. This spring, Mr. Ellison held a dinner "honoring the Trump White House" before the annual White House Correspondents' Association dinner and later joined Mr. Trump at an Ultimate Fighting Championship bout at the White House. (Paramount holds media rights for the U.F.C.)
he had spoken to Mr. Ellison and came away convinced that executives at Skydance would support the "independent news that CNN has always stood for."
Mr. Ellison further addressed the anxieties about CNN's independence during the town hall meeting on Tuesday, where he and Mr. Kreiz were interviewed by the CNN anchor Anderson Cooper.
"We believe in complete editorial independence," Mr. Ellison said. "We trust Mark; we trust the team."
The showdown is the latest test of Mr. Trump's sweeping campaign to punish media companies. The administration's actions have included barring news organizations from the White House, enacting reporting restrictions, suing news outlets and, in the case of the broadcast networks, unleashing the regulatory power of the federal government.
"You're pledging not to interfere with news coverage of CNN?" Mr. Cooper interjected.
"Correct," Mr. Ellison said. "We've been very clear."
During the interview, Mr. Ellison also affirmed that he supported CNN's efforts to fight President Trump's White House press ban.
Disney Takes F.C.C. to Court to Stop Review of Local Stations
Another of Mr. Ellison's biggest challenges will be winning over Hollywood's creative class in an era of uncertain box office receipts, artificial intelligence and algorithmic personalization. He has pledged to invest in content, promising to release at least a combined 30 theatrical films annually. After two years, that number would rise to 32 films. He has also promised to overhaul the company's technological capabilities.
FROM FIRST BUSINESS PAGE
Judge AliKhan will not make a ruling for at least a week.
TIERNEY L. CROSS FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
A ruling in favor of Disney would be a stinging loss to Brendan Carr, who as leader of the F.C.C. has waged a campaign to rein in major broadcast networks.
The courtroom was full on Tuesday, though Mr. Carr did not make an appearance. Horacio Gutierrez, Disney's general counsel and the highest-ranking company executive at the hearing, sat in the front row, directly behind Ms. Wilkinson.
ABC says it has fully complied with the F.C.C. investigation, providing more than 13,000 pages of documents to the agency. Ms. Wilkinson argued that, regardless, the agency had plenty of other tools to compel cooperation.
The F.C.C. took its boldest step in April when it announced that it would review Disney's eight local broadcast licenses in cities including New York, Los Angeles, Chicago, San Francisco and Philadelphia. Under communications law, stations operate under the purview of the F.C.C., with licenses that are renewed every eight years. None of ABC's station licenses are up for review until 2028 at the earliest. (Most are valid until 2030 and 2031.)
The bar is exceedingly high for the F.C.C. to strip away licenses, and it has never opened such a broad challenge to a major network's owned stations.
Dimitar P. Georgiev, an assistant U.S. attorney and the F.C.C.'s lead lawyer at Tuesday's hearing, said the agency had decided to use the license review as a "tool" to force ABC's compliance in its investigation. The network had shown a "failure to fully respond" to agency requests, he said.
Disney's lawyers, led by Beth Wilkinson, a veteran trial lawyer, quickly pointed out that Mr. Carr had taken the action immediately after Mr. Trump publicly expressed anger at a monologue joke by Mr. Kimmel on his program.
While the F.C.C. undergoes its review, Mr. Carr has the potential to inflict plenty of pain on the company under agency rules. He could, for example, call for a hearing where he or other agency commissioners would grill Disney executives about their operations and their editorial decision-making. Disney lawyers said any such hearing would be “a charade.”
Public policy and legal experts have said ABC would have strong legal grounds to fight such a move in court. But it was widely assumed that ABC had little recourse until the F.C.C. made a formal determination, which, under standard legal procedure, ABC could contest at the appellate court level.
In August, Disney filed the surprise lawsuit, asking the District Court to intervene before the F.C.C. could call a hearing or reach a conclusion.
Legal experts are split on ABC's chances of success. Supporters of Mr. Carr say the F.C.C. could argue that ABC was seeking to short-circuit the ordinary legal process, while F.C.C. opponents say ABC has a good chance of convincing the court that the agency's proceedings were in fact infringing on ABC's rights. Legal experts agree that ABC's success in the case will hinge on making a persuasive argument that it is suffering immediate harm through the F.C.C.'s adjudication process.
In court on Tuesday, Ms. Wilkinson likened the review to awaiting for a guillotine to fall based on Mr.
---
Trump complains angrily and often about ABC programs.
Trump's whims. That, she said, was causing a chill over ABC's editorial decisions that amounted to a "here and now injury" to the network's free speech rights.
She said Disney had felt compelled to sue in District Court after Mr. Trump said ABC should lose its license for refusing to show a prime-time speech he gave on his election security claims in July — and Mr. Carr followed up by saying the decision would be a factor in the F.C.C. license review.
ABC did show Mr. Trump's speech online, but only because it was trying to mitigate the possibility of punishment from the F.C.C., Ms. Wilkinson noted. Again and again on Tuesday, she stressed that the F.C.C.'s threatened action was impeding ABC's ability to make independent editorial decisions without fear of reprisals from the government.
Because of the F.C.C. inquiry, she said, producers on "The View" have become more circumspect about booking political guests or even showing video clips of some political candidates on the program. And she mentioned that last month Mr. Kimmel announced that he would show an interview with the Democratic nominee for U.S. Senate in Texas, James Talarico, online but not on his program because of the F.C.C. threats.
Arguing for the F.C.C., Mr. Georgiev dismissed ABC's claims as underwhelming and unconvincing. He made the point that even if the F.C.C. decided to revoke ABC's licenses, the network would still have the right to broadcast while challenging that determination in the courts, a process that could take years. Mainly, though, he argued that ABC was bringing its suit at the wrong time and in the wrong court — effectively asking Judge AliKhan to compel ABC to wade through the F.C.C.'s adjudication process before suing in appellate court.
The judge requested that the F.C.C. provide a list of other tools at the agency's disposal to compel cooperation from subjects of its inquiries, other than early license renewals. The agency has until Friday to respond to that request, and Disney has until Oct. 14 to respond to the agency's filing.
Trump Lets Dyed Diesel Be Used Off the Farm
FROM FIRST BUSINESS PAGE
FROM FIRST BUSINESS PAGE in key races across Kansas, Iowa, Texas and Ohio. Farmers and ranchers are typically a strong voting bloc for Republicans.
“Record-high diesel prices are squeezing our ag producers, and this is a meaningful and timely step we can take to provide temporary relief and help our farmers and ranchers through the harvest season,” Gov. Kelly Armstrong of North Dakota said in an announcement last week that allowed dyed diesel to be used in some vehicles traveling on state highways.
North Dakota charges a 23-cent tax on each gallon of regular diesel but only 4 cents a gallon on dyed diesel. Mr. Armstrong's executive order allows farmers to use dyed diesel in highway vehicles engaged in agricultural operations, saving them 19 cents per gallon.
Mr. Trump's executive order and the state waivers come at a critical time for agricultural operations. The fall harvest, the time of year when farmers use the most diesel, has begun across the country. In February, before the United States attacked Iran and oil shipments through the Strait of Hormuz slowed, the national average diesel price was less than \$4 per gallon, according to the U.S. Energy Information Administration. It was \$6.38 on Monday, according to the E.I.A.
Groups representing farmers are seeking more than waivers on dyed diesel. Some have called for a ban on U.S. diesel exports, a drastic move that Mr. Trump had threatened to take but has not followed through on. Last week in a bid to relieve price pressures, the Group of 7 nations, including the United States, pledged to release 100 million barrels of diesel and crude oil reserves over four months.
While truckers may save 24.4 cents a gallon by using dyed diesel, allowing farmers to use it in their road vehicles won't make a huge dent in their fuel costs.
Diesel also isn't a major expense on farms. According to the Agriculture Department, diesel made up just 2.6 percent of an average crop farm's expenses in 2025. Things like labor, rent and agricultural chemicals are much larger expenses.
"It probably won't do a whole lot, really," said Gregory Ibendahl, an agricultural economist at Kansas State University. It isn't taxes on diesel that is hurting farmers, but the nearly doubling of the price from last year. What they really need, Mr. Ibendahl said, is "something big to get the prices back where they were before the Iran thing started."
Richard Oswald, who grows corn and soybeans in Rock Port, Mo., said he expected he would use around 8,000 gallons of diesel to harvest his crops. He used less than 2,000 gallons to plant them in the spring.
"Last year, that 8,000 gallons was about \$3 a gallon, and now it's about \$6 a gallon," Mr. Oswald said, referring to dyed diesel.
While fuel may just be a small part of his expenses, the timing of the price spike, right before he
ENERGY | TRADE
gets paid for his crop, makes it seem worse. "We have this \$3-a-gallon tax — this is how I think of it, as a tax, an unreasonable number — coming out of our bottom line," Mr. Oswald said.
Over the next month or so, he will use a diesel combine to cut and thresh the crops, two diesel tractors to pull grain carts and a third diesel tractor to run a grain auger that places the grain in a storage bin.
All of those machines were already permitted to use the cheaper dyed diesel. It is only in his trucks — used to haul grain on the road to sell at the nearby grain elevator — where Mr. Oswald could benefit from using the cheaper fuel. Even though Missouri is one of the states allowing farmers to use dyed diesel in their trucks, he does not plan on doing so because the savings are small and the state's executive order is
Dyed diesel is mostly used in agriculture and construction, but is functionally no different from diesel.
24.4¢
Per-gallon federal tax savings for users of dyed diesel versus regular diesel.
temporary.
And he could be fined, or have to explain himself at a highway inspection in the future, if his fuel tank still has some dyed diesel after the exemption expires.
"I put red fuel in a truck," Mr. Oswald said, "and then a year from now that's forgotten and they zip a truck fuel tank and find a bit of dye in it, I'm going to be talking to a weights officer as to why I have dye in my truck."
THE NEW YORK TIMES CLASSIFIED LISTINGS
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AUCTION
PUBLIC AUCTION MARSHAL SALE
Pene Hotel Senior LLC vs. Meyer Chemt, Supreme Court, NY County index: 6509812025". City Marshal Morocco A,
Bienstock #75 selling on Wednesday
Oct 7th, 2026 to 10:00 am, Selling Meyer
Chetin's r'fii as shareholder, member,
partner or otherwise in and to the following altimes: \$773 Raspath Nambor
LLC and 3728 BAX LLC, 1% of winning
the sale by the owner of the company, and immediately following bidding in the
form of certified or bank check, with the
remaining funds to be sold within
one week of sale. Additional terms of
sale to be provided upon request interest
to be sold subject to one and all
mortgages, lens, consignments, contal-
ions of sale, encumbrances etc.
Sale will take place at the offices of Fox
Rotheclell LLP, 101 Park Ave., 17th Fl.
NY, NY.
City Marshal Martin Blenstock #75 Telephone (018) 279-3660
Shop
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---
MARSHAL/ SHERIFF SALES 3680
MARSHAL EXECUTION SALE
PUBLIC AUPLICATION
RE: PUBLIC TRANSMOKING
QUANTEN TAXES
Judgment Debtors I will Sol!
All Public Auction For
Copyright. Purchaser or Assignee
by Michael Goo Chanzhoreer
Address: 123405067891@123405067891&
Apt 4825 Boulden Street, Bronx, NY (10/47)
ALL# TITN & the following:
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The Following Vehicles Will Be:
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MARSHAL'S EXECUTION SALE - PUBLIC AUCTION
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2017 NISS JNIBJTCBRAH11694
2017 NISS JNIBJTCBRAH11694
2017 NISS JNIBJTCBRAH11694
2017 NISS JNIBJTCBRAH11694
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Hefty tariffs have been placed on goods such as toys, steel, drones and auto parts made outside the United States.
U.S. Trade Deficit Spikes Despite Tariffs
By ANA SWANSON
WASHINGTON - After 20 months in office and with the midterm elections approaching, President Trump is at pains to demonstrate his administration's economic wins. But one metric he has identified as an important measuring stick for his policies has been moving steadily in the wrong direction.
The U.S. trade deficit — a measure of the difference between what the country imports and what it exports — rose sharply in August to hit a 17-month high, after also rising significantly in July, data from the Commerce Department showed on Tuesday.
The trade deficit grew to \$105.6 billion in August, a 13.7 percent increase from July, driven by an increase in imports of petroleum, gold and chips used for artificial intelligence. It was the largest monthly total since before Mr. Trump imposed his global tariffs in April 2025, and larger than any monthly trade deficit in the last year of the Biden administration.
U.S. imports hit a record \$420.8 billion in August, climbing 4.3 percent from July. Exports grew 1.4 percent compared with July, hitting \$315.2 billion.
Christopher Rupkey, chief economist at FWDBONDS, said there was simply "no good alternative" to foreign imports. The cost of American labor was simply too high to produce goods cheap enough for many Americans to consider buying, he said, and even if manufacturers were willing, factories could not be built fast enough.
“Despite the administration's economic policies which have jacked up the tariff-related costs of many imported goods, America is just as dependent as ever on foreign-produced goods,” he said.
The trade deficit has tended to increase over time as the U.S. economy grows. But the Trump administration has viewed the metric as a sign of weakness in America's manufacturing sector. Officials have tried to reduce the trade deficit by imposing hefty tariffs on goods such as toys, steel, drones and auto parts made outside the United States.
The lack of success in reducing the trade deficit is partly a result of the A.I. boom. To construct new data centers, companies are importing many more computer chips, most of which are made in Asia. The United States imported more than \$90 billion worth of semiconductors in the first eight months of this year, the data showed, almost double the
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Imports of petroleum, gold and A.I. chips defy Trump's policy.
amount in the same period last year.
There is also a bigger economic question about how much tariffs by themselves can reduce the trade deficit, particularly at a time when the U.S. economy is expanding, government deficits are growing and consumers are continuing to spend on foreign goods.
Some economists agree that the trade deficit is a worrying sign of imbalances in global manufacturing. But many argue that tariffs are not a great tool for reducing it. Some believe that much of the U.S. trade deficit is fueled by fiscal deficits and that Mr. Trump's tax cuts and spending on the war in Iran will increase it.
Others argue that tariffs do discourage people from buying foreign goods, but by adding costs that have proved unpopular with American households.
Trump officials have blamed the disruptions to their tariff plan for the increase in the trade deficit. The Supreme Court struck down many of Mr. Trump's tariffs in February, saying he had misused an emergency law to impose them. Since then, the administration has put a lower tariff of 10 to 12.5 percent in effect on many products.
Officials are still working to recreate a scheme of higher tariffs and could issue new levies in the coming weeks and months. In July, the administration put a new round of tariffs on more than 80 countries, and it is planning to impose another round of tariffs that could apply to more than 40 countries.
Since Mr. Trump came into office for a second time, the average monthly trade deficit has been \$74.5 billion. That's just slightly above the monthly average for the last year of the Biden presidency, at \$73.8 billion.
But drastic changes in tariff policy have caused monthly trade deficits to jump around during the president's second term, spiking and plummeting as new tariffs have been introduced, removed and replaced.
After Mr. Trump was elected, importers raced to bring in more inventory ahead of tariffs, causing the trade deficit to soar to new levels in the first few months of his term. Then, after the president introduced global tariffs on his so-called Liberation Day last year, imports and the trade deficit fell back.
Grace Zwemmer, U.S. economist at Oxford Economics, said in a note on Tuesday that the trade figures were “on track to pose a sizable drag” on economic growth numbers in the third quarter.
Imports would remain solid in the near-term because of A.I. demand and the need for other businesses to restock their inventories, while U.S. oil exports would not do as much to lower the trade deficit as in the second quarter, she said.
TECHNOLOGY
Your Favorite Music, Online or Off the Grid
Streaming services rule these days, but downloading your digital collection still has its advantages.
In Apple Music, from left: tap to download; indicating awaiting files; download successful.
APPLE
Tech Tip
By J. D. BIERSDORFER
Streaming services have long provided the most popular way to listen to music, but downloading things digitally has its perks. That's why some people still prefer to buy their music instead of renting it.
Downloaded files will eat into your device's available storage space, but you don't have to worry about inconsistent playback from an unstable internet connection or chewing through megabytes on a metered data plan. And, with some online stores, buying music directly puts more money in the artist's pocket.
So whether you stream, download or both, here's a guide to storing music on your phone so you can play it wherever you are.
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Offline Listening
If the occasional lack of internet connectivity is your main issue with streaming, most major services allow you to download songs to your phone for playback when you're offline. However, the files are not permanent and you may need to have a paid subscription at a certain tier.
Amazon Music, Apple Music, Pandora, Qobuz, Spotify, Tidal and YouTube Music are among the subscription services with an offline-listening option. In most cases, just look for a down-
ward-pointing arrow or menu with a download option. Then collect the tracks you want to take along before you leave on that camping trip or lengthy flight.
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Personal Libraries
Before streaming services, many people kept a music library of audio files ripped from compact discs or purchased from digital stores. If you've never gotten around to adding those files to your phone, you can copy them with a few different methods. (Note that tracks that were originally sold with copyright protection might not play.)
If you adopted YouTube Music after Google discontinued its Google Play Music store in 2020, you can upload up to 100,000 songs to YouTube Music from your computer — even with a free plan. Then you can download them to your phone for offline listening in the YouTube Music mobile app.
Go to music.youtube.com in your computer's web browser and drag the audio files into the browser window. (Or, click on your profile photo in the top-right corner of the window, choose Upload from the menu and select the files.) Tracks in the FLAC, M4A, MP3, OGG and WMA formats work, but not M4P files or other copy-protected formats.
If you subscribe to the Apple Music streaming service on your iOS or Android device, you can download files
previously purchased from the iTunes Store to the Music app by tapping the download arrow next to the title.
If you don't subscribe to Apple Music, iOS users can download the files from the iTunes Store app. Just tap the Purchased tab and then Music to see your list. Tap the Download icon to send the files to the Music app.
Alternatively, Apple's iTunes Match service (\$25 a year), uploads the music library on your computer — including songs you've ripped from CDs — to the cloud. You can then download those
songs on iOS devices using the same Apple account.
Traditional methods of transferring files between computer and phone using cloud-storage sites or USB cables may also work. Apple's support site has a guide for manually syncing music libraries between computers and its iOS-based devices. You can also find third-party tools like Droid Transfer for transferring files between PCs and Android phones, and DoubleTwist CloudPlayer for music stashed on file-storage sites.
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Where to Buy
Digital download shops have been around since the 1990s, although buying songs now might take extra steps. Thanks to app-store regulations, you now typically buy files from the company's website, then download them in its separate mobile app.
For example: Amazon Music. You purchase audio files on the Amazon website and download them to your phone from the Purchased tab in the Amazon Music mobile app.
Similarly, the Qobuz subscription service has a music store on its website and mobile apps for Android and iOS to download purchases.
SoundCloud and Bandcamp, both distribution platforms highlighting independent artists, let you stream and buy digital music downloads.
A Windows version of iTunes still exists, but Apple retired the Mac software in 2019 in favor of its Apple Music app — which serves as both a subscription service and the jukebox software for your personal audio library. You can still buy music directly through the iTunes Store app for iOS, where it lands in the Music app. And the Apple Music app for Windows and Mac computers has an iTunes Store section.
If downloading music brings memories of those peak iPod years, you can visually indulge yourself. Free apps like ClassiPod (for Android) or SepiaPod (for iOS) play your music library and provide a nostalgic interface right there on your modern smartphone.
OpenAI Assures Australians That It Has Added Monitoring
By VICTORIA KIM
SYDNEY, AUSTRALIA – OpenAI has changed its systems to allow for "immediate intervention" after its models went rogue and gained unauthorized access to Australian government systems in June, a company executive said Tuesday.
The executive, OpenAI's chief strategy officer, Jason Kwon, appeared before a parliamentary hearing in Sydney, seeking to reassure the public that safeguards were in place against further breaches.
His comments came after the company's A.I. agents gained access to nonpublic data on a portal containing information on Medicare, Australia's public health insurance program. The artificial intelligence company discovered the breach in mid-August but did not notify Australian officials until Sept. 10.
The Australian breach, made public by Prime Minister Anthony Albanese late last month, raised alarm because it was the first known instance globally in which A.I. agents hacked into a government site.
Since that hacking, the company has put in place additional monitoring to allow its staff to stop training the company's models if they gain access to the internet in ways they're not supposed
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A.I. agents gained access to data at a public health insurer.
to, Mr. Kwon said on Tuesday.
Mr. Kwon reiterated the company's previous apology to the Australian public and acknowledged that it had bungled its response, saying the breach was a novel situation for developers as the world entered "a new era of A.I. capabilities." He said the company had also changed its procedures to immediately notify affected parties whose systems were entered by its models.
The company's chief executive, Sam Altman, did not know about the breach when he met in person with Australia's deputy prime minister, Richard Marles, on Sept. 1, nine days before OpenAI notified the government through an email to a public inbox, Mr. Kwon said. "The process by which people became aware of this incident inside our company could have been much better," he said.
OpenAI executives appeared before the Joint Select Committee on Artificial Intelligence, a hearing scheduled before the breach became publicly known and was initially meant to focus on copyright protections, data centers and sovereignty in A.I. models. Instead, it was dominated by questions about threats posed by the technology. Representatives for Anthropic, Microsoft and Google also testified on Tuesday.
The hearing itself was a sign of the discrepancy between the pace of policymaking by governments and the fast-evolving frontier of the industry, which has faced concerns about rogue artificial intelligence activity since the hacking of the A.I. start-up Hugging Face in July. The committee is scheduled to deliver a final report by the end of next month.
The Australian government is separately investigating the breaches and examining any legal recourse or the need for new A.I. regulations. OpenAI models also tried to gain access to another federal agency, the Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, and two state government sites.
(The New York Times has sued OpenAI and Microsoft, claiming copyright infringement of news content related to A.I. systems. The two companies have denied those claims.)
Mr. Kwon said the way its agents gained access to nonpublic parts of the Medicare statistics website was "not super sophisticated" technologically, but what was concerning was the way they applied themselves to a goal and acted in ways they were not directed to by human operators. No individual medical data was part of the breach.
Asked whether legislators were keeping up with developments in the technology, Mr. Kwon said that OpenAI would "do our part" but that the industry needed governments to step up so it was not left making all the decisions itself. "The technology is powerful, and we want to ensure that lawmakers and policymakers and democratic societies have a say in how this technology develops," he said.
The OpenAI executive warned that while the Medicare breach was accidental, it “could also be done intentionally” by other actors who “have different intentions.” The advancement of the technology will require “a collective effort of like-minded countries as well as organizations” to increase online security, he said.
Australia has advocated global standards on A.I. but has faced resistance from the Trump administration, which has pushed for the industry to voluntarily regulate itself and rebuffed calls for government-imposed guardrails.
Jeffrey Bleich, an international special envoy for Anthropic and a former U.S. ambassador to Australia, said in his testimony on Tuesday that Australia should both capitalize on opportunities offered by artificial intelligence and be “cleareyed” about risks. The recent breaches “reinforced that some of these risks are no longer theoretical, as increasingly capable A.I. systems interact with sensitive information and consequential decisions,” he said.
Anthropic, which has had its own challenges with rogue activity by its models, hasn't found instances of unauthorized access of government sites in internal reviews, its executives said at the hearing.
Toby Walsh, a professor of artificial intelligence at the University of New South Wales in Sydney, said after the hearing that the companies seemed to be caught off guard by the public's response and may have initially considered the breach "a minor cyberincident that no one was going to care about." The only thing that would get them to change their behavior is financial accountability, he said.
"Ultimately I think we just have to hold these companies more liable," he said. "If a car company was doing this stuff, we would have sued them out of existence."
Laura Chung contributed reporting.
When A.I. Goes Rogue, Who Is Responsible?
KARSTEN MORAN FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
Lina Khan, former Federal Trade Commission chair, endorsed the idea that A.I. companies are liable for rogue agents.
FROM FIRST BUSINESS PAGE consumer protection laws. Courts can hold companies legally responsible for damage caused by negligence or a defective product. And they can assign additional blame to other people or organizations that were involved.
Common sense might indicate A.I. companies would also be held liable for their runaway technology. But the problem is so new that courts have largely yet to confront it, according to legal experts.
There are some cases where A.I. companies would clearly be held responsible, the experts said — for example, if executives predicted risks posed by their models. But other claims will push the justice system's application of laws that hinge on human intent and knowledge.
Some legal test cases are emerging. Florida's Republican attorney general asked a state court on Monday to temporarily block OpenAI from developing new A.I. models without safety measures approved by an outside group, an attempt to prevent A.I. from going rogue.
On Tuesday, a nonprofit in California sued OpenAI under a state unfair competition law for the hacking of the start-up Hugging Face. On Wednesday, an investigation by the F.T.C. into potential liability for harm to consumers became public. And on Thursday, California's attorney general said the state had served a subpoena to OpenAI as part of a "broader inquiry into cybersecurity incidents and risks involving the company and its models."
Given the relative lack of safeguards around A.I., the legal drumbeat is likely to continue, said Woodrow Hartzog, a law professor at Boston University who studies technology law.
"Worst-case scenario, they have massive liability on both the criminal and civil side, just depending on the facts of the individual case," he said. "We haven't seen the firm-busting case yet. But I could envision it."
A spokesman for Anthropic declined to comment. A spokeswoman for OpenAI did not comment. (The New York Times has sued OpenAI and its partner, Microsoft, accusing them of copyright infringement of news content related to A.I. systems. OpenAI and Microsoft have denied those claims.)
Since ChatGPT was publicly launched in 2022, A.I. companies have built increasingly sophisticated models capable of writing code, operating a computer and engaging in daily interactions. A.I. companies have also built tools referred to as "agents," able to traverse the internet to accomplish tasks ranging from sending an email to booking a reservation — or scraping vast amounts of data.
The debate over liability exploded after companies ran tests in which agents broke out of testing environments and breached other companies. In the July incident, OpenAI disclosed that its A.I. had hacked Hugging Face, another tech firm, without its knowledge. Last month, OpenAI said its product had penetrated an Australian government system.
OpenAI apologized for the Australian incident on Tuesday and said it was "working to do better in the future." One Australian official said that in such cases, "liability has to be traced back to the intent of a person or a company that created or directed the agent."
The incidents have incited calls for more regulation of A.I. systems. But the U.S. government has largely taken a hands-off approach to the technology, citing fierce competition with China in a global A.I. race.
On Tuesday, a group of companies including OpenAI and Anthropic met with President Trump and signed a voluntary pledge to add safety measures. States have also tried to fill the gap, issuing rules that require A.I. companies to take safety measures.
Senator Josh Hawley, Republican of Missouri, said at a congressional hearing on Wednesday that lawmakers might need to clarify that A.I. agents should be held liable like individuals and companies for consumer harms.
"We don't have to invent an entirely new system," he said, adding, "American law has worked beautifully when it comes to other products for literally centuries now."
The most prominent early lawsuits over A.I. harms have claimed chatbots advised teenagers to commit self-harm, ending in death by suicide. Parents have filed lawsuits against OpenAI and Character AI, a start-up, arguing the companies should be held responsible.
In those cases, the companies have tried to use classic tech legal defenses: that speech is protected under the First Amendment and
Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act. The latter shields platforms from liability for content posted by users.
In the Character AI case, the U.S. District Court for the Middle District of Florida ruled last year that the company's A.I. models did not produce speech protected by the First Amendment. Section 230's applicability in a second case remains an open question.
When it comes to corporate liability involving humans, the law is more established. There are many ways that cybersecurity breaches can violate the law, according to legal experts. Hacking is a crime. Consumers can sue when their information is exposed in a breach. Regulators can bring lawsuits if a company's management releases a defective product.
But in many of the A.I. cases, the companies' agents have gone rogue, disobeying or ignoring humans who set up security guardrails.
Some of those cases may still be clear-cut, legal experts said. If an A.I. agent hacks another company during testing, the company that developed the agent could be held liable, they said.
The companies could also have known the potential for their products to carry out a hack, which can increase liability, the legal experts said. Employees at OpenAI, for example, have raised concerns about the company's security practices when testing models, which were ignored, The Times reported.
In those situations, a court could hold the A.I developer negli-
gent if harm was associated with a
hack, the experts said.
Liability becomes less clear in cases involving open-source A.I. models, the experts said, in which the developer of an A.I. product shares its underlying code and people can change it.
Many legal liability concepts could be easily applied to A.I., said Catherine Sharkey, a law professor at New York University who is an expert in liability. If an A.I.-powered physical system, such as a medical device, causes harm, that could be an easy case.
But judges will need to grapple with rapidly advancing systems that can do more and more on their own, she added.
"With fully agentic A.I., it starts to really press the boundaries of a lot of doctrines that will have to adapt in a more significant way," she said.
Adding to the uncertainty: A.I. is inherently unpredictable.
Courts find companies liable for negligence when they foresee that their products can cause harm. But building that case could be challenging if an A.I. model exhibited harmful behavior for the first time, said Ryan Calo, a law professor at the University of Washington who studies autonomous systems.
"You have the possibility of victims without perpetrators," Mr. Calo said.
Kate Conger contributed reporting from Seattle, and Cecilia Kang from Washington.
Sports
The New York Times
PRO BASKETBALL | W.N.B.A. PLAYOFFS
COMMENTARY
Few Believed
In Williams.
The Valkyries
Swear by Her.
Gabby Williams "understands the little things that it takes to win," her teammate Veronica Burton (22) said. Golden State is facing Las Vegas in the semifinals.
KAVIN MISTRY/GETTY IMAGES: INSET, TONY GUTIERREZ/ASSOCIATED PRESS
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By MARCUS THOMPSON II The Athletic
SAN FRANCISCO — The 17 minutes of action for Gabby Williams, in Game 3 of the Golden State Valkyries' first-round matchup against the Dallas Wings, could only be described as rough.
She missed seven of eight shots. Her rhythm and energy seemed thrown off by the anxiousness sweeping through Chase Center.
But Valkyries wing Kaila Charles, the do-it-all reserve, stayed in Williams's ear.
"I just kept telling her, like, 'Girl, you're the best player on this court. In the league,' Charles said, punctuating her exhortations with an explicit adjective. "Do what you do."
In hindsight, the ensuing turnup by Williams was inevitable. She has shown it all season. Her alpha dog talent. Her diverse impact on the court. Her fearlessness in the clutch. And the entirety of Valkyries' culture invested in hoisting her on their pedestal.
So they were validated when she scored 17 points over the final 13 minutes of Friday's game, including three critical 3-pointers that shook the Wings and four clutch free throws to send the Valkyries into the semifinals.
"OK, she didn't have the best start," Charles continued. "But for her, to take those shots, hit those shots, get those stops, hit those touch free throws at the end. That just shows the type of player she is. And I so hope everybody can recognize her. I'm so glad she's getting her flowers. She's only going to be up from here. She is honestly the GOAT."
Williams kept it up on Sunday, in a 71-60 win over the Las Vegas Aces in Game 1. She matched A'ja Wilson bucket for bucket, moment for moment. Golden State's star was the best player on the court. Her line — 25 points on 9-of-18 shooting, 11 rebounds, 5 assists
— looked like one of Wilson's stat lines. But the Vegas star needed 21 shots to get 24 points and had four rebounds with no assists.
It was another big night in Ballhalla for Williams, who has family roots in the East Bay. This place is home for more reasons than just her local ties:
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A fearless star who has family ties to the East Bay rewards her team's trust.
It is where she flourished in a way she had never before been allowed.
If home is where the heart is, Williams's is now purple.
"I came here just because I just wanted someone to believe in me," Williams said. "That's really it — in the league, at least.
She added: "I never quite got that belief in the W from the staff or from teammates."
The regular season feels like a massage compared with the smothering intensity of the postseason, especially for the favorites. The pressure gets heavier. The mind races faster. Increased intensity and execution are demanded.
The championship banner Golden State expects, the one the owner Joe Lacob decreed by 2030 when the team was formed just two years ago through league expansion, required the Valkyries to experience the full range of game situations. Games when angst threatens to swallow humans whole. When the room for error shrinks to microscopic. When great separates from good.
And for that, the Valkyries brought in Williams.
The eight-year veteran came to Golden State for the larger responsibility, to be more in the W.N.B.A. than an elite role player. Like she is for the France national team. Like she has been for Fenerbahce in Turkey and Sopron Basket in Hungary. Williams believed she could be a go-to player, a creator of offense and a maestro of moments. And the Valkyries believed her too.
"She's incredible, and she motivates me," Valkyries guard Veronica Burton said. "The humility that she has, her story and everything that she's been able to experience, it motivates me. She is such a team player. She understands the little things that it takes to win, and she can impact the game on both ends of the floor."
The W.N.B.A. playoffs are an elitist society. It's a season owned and controlled by superstars and all-time greats. The biggest question about Golden State centered on their lack of such a player.
The Valkyries play stellar team defense, feature a formidable second unit and have a crowd raucous enough to swing the action. But when the games come down to the high-stakes moments, the other team would always have the best player on the floor, a woman with greater accolades and experience and repertoire.
What would the Valkyries have?
“What would the talkyries have?” “It’s Gabby Williams,” Hayes said, using a profanity to get her point across. “What you talkin’ about?”
BASEBALL | M.L.B. PLAYOFFS
ANALYSIS
An Early Exit Looms for the Yankees After a Game of Gaffes
JULIO AGUILAR/GETTY IMAGES
MIKE CARLSON/M.E.II. PHOTOS, VIA GETTY IMAGES
By BRENDAN KUTY
The Athletic
ST. PETERSBURG, Fla. — Say what you want about Jazz Chisholm Jr., but on Monday night, it would have been hard to call him a liar.
After making an ill-advised, no-look throw that allowed the first run to score in the New York Yankees' mistake-filled, 5-2 loss to the Tampa Bay Rays in Game 2 of their American League division series, Chisholm said that if he had another chance, he would have tried it again.
So when he described the embarrassing effort that dug the Yankees an 0-2 deficit in the best-of-five series, you had to believe him.
"Obviously," he said, "I feel like we beat ourselves today in a lot of ways."
Yes, obviously.
And, yes, in a lot of ways.
And, yes, in a lot of ways.
With the ace Cam Schlittler on the mound, and after the former Yankee Derek Jeter went on Fox and called the game a "must win," the Yankees choked. It will remind fans of how they melted down in the deciding Game 5 of the 2024 World Series to the eventual champions, the Los Angeles Dodgers. Or how last year they lost the first two division series games to the Toronto Blue Jays and were bounced in four.
With Schlittler unable to rack up strikeouts, and with Tropicana Field packed to the roof and loud, the Yankees' defense imploded. It was a horror show that would have made Little Leaguers spike their ice cream cones in disgust.
The final tally? Four errors.
"A really rough night to say the least for us," Yankees Manager Aaron Boone said.
Really, that would have been saying the least.
The Yankees are now staring at long odds of advancing to the American League Championship Series.
In M.L.B. history, only 10 of 91 teams (11 percent) have come back after going down, two games to none, in a five-game series.
"You've got to be confident, even when you go down," designated hitter Ben Rice said. "You've just got to take it game by game, at-bat by at-bat. Keep trying to win pitches."
OK, then what were the Yankees doing on Monday?
Well, they were making history. Their four errors tied the second most by a Yankees club in a postseason game, behind only a loss in Game 2 of the 1976 A.L.C.S. against the Kansas City Royals. They made three of those errors in the first inning — the first time the Yankees committed that many errors in an inning in
Brendan Kuty covers the Yankees for The Athletic.
a playoff game in franchise history.
"It starts with me," Schlittler said. "I'll be the first one to say that I didn't do my job. But it didn't seem like we really showed up today. So that's what happens. They played really good baseball and took advantage of those opportunities."
The favorite to win the A.L. Cy Young Award, Schlittler did not live up to his own lofty standards. He lasted four and a third innings, striking out only two batters. He registered just seven swings-and-misses on 76 pitches.
But his teammates? They were about as helpful as a weighted vest to a tourist floating off the St. Pete Pier.
It started with the first ball the Rays put into play. The Rays' leadoff man, Yandy Díaz, hit a grounder to third baseman Ryan McMahon that bounced toward his chest. He simply did not
Above, Jazz Chisholm Jr.'s error in the first inning allowed the Rays to score their first run. Left, Tampa Bay's Jonny DeLuca reached first base on a throwing error by George Lombard Jr. in the fifth inning.
catch it, and Díaz was safe.
"Just shot up on me a little bit, and I wasn't able to snag it," he said.
Two batters later, Chisholm took a double-play feed from shortstop George Lombard Jr. and failed to look before throwing toward first base while falling to the ground. The throw went wide and skipped past first baseman Luis Garcia Jr., allowing Diaz to score.
Boone defended the head-scratching decision.
"Probably best if you're under control and you make the throw, though it's probably going to be bang-bang," he said. "So I don't necessarily have a problem with the throw. We've got to play catch. It's the big leagues."
Immediately after Chisholm's error, an opposing scout in attendance sent a text to The Athletic: "There it is." The remark was in reference to the Yankees' reputation for making mistakes when the pressure is on.
Then, in the next at-bat, catcher Austin Wells set up too close to Liam Hicks, whose checked swing hit Wells's glove for a catcher's interference call, another costly error. It erased what would have been a called
MIKE STORE/GETTY IMAGES
Manager Aaron Boone watched his team's defense implode on Monday night.
third strike.
In the fifth inning, it got worse. With one out, a runner on third base and Tampa Bay up two runs, speedy Chandler Simpson hit a tapper to Lombard, who was playing in but could not glove it. The run scored. The play was ruled an error before being changed to a fielder's choice.
That led to Jonny DeLuca hitting a grounder at Lombard, whose throw to first sailed wide, pulling García off the bag. Then with runners on second and third after a stolen base, Richie Palacios hit a two-run single for a 5-1 Rays lead.
"It was just one of those games where things kind of compiled and stacked up on top of each other," Lombard said.
Now, too much may have piled up on the Yankees, who were also victims of Wells's mental mistake in Game 1, when he tried to stretch a double into a triple and was thrown out at third with two outs in the eighth inning. The Yankees lost, 1-0.
The Yankees will hope their starting pitcher Max Fried and the crowd at Yankee Stadium can save them in Game 3 on Wednesday night.
But after that they would still have to win another two games against the Rays, including Game 5 at Tropicana Field, where the Rays tied for the best home record in the majors.
It is also where Rays fans — after finishing the season with the third-worst attendance (1,414,975) in the majors — have finally started showing up. During those three remaining games, the Yankees would also have to try again to beat Drew Rasmussen, who has owned them in his career and nearly no-hit them in Game 1.
Leaving the Sunshine State, the forecast for the Yankees is cloudy.
"Not great," McMahon said.
Especially when you are supposed to beat the other guys, not yourselves.
COMMENTARY
A Priest in Cleveland Prays For a Devout White Sox Fan
By JON GREENBERG
The Athletic
CLEVELAND — The Rev. Eric Garris, the vocation director for the Diocese of Cleveland, lives in the seminary downtown, close enough to the stadiums that "people barking outside of my window" kept him up long after the Cleveland Browns defeated the Pittsburgh Steelers last Thursday night.
He didn't mind. Garris, 36, is a Cleveland lifer and a major sports fan. He was probably barking right back.
We spoke on the phone on Friday after I reached out to the local diocese because I wondered: What's it like for a Catholic priest to root against Pope Leo XIV's favorite team?
Garris said he has joked, "I join myself in praying for the pope and his humanity and who he is as a person, but I do not join myself with some of his particular intercessions and prayers, namely for his team."
In Cleveland, it is hard not to see parallels between sports and religion, particularly in the themes of redemptive suffering.
"Maybe he knows the struggles of being a Browns fan," Garris mused, while wondering whether the man formerly known as Robert Prevost watched the team formerly known as the Cleveland Indians lose two World Series in the 1990s.
Jon Greenberg is a senior columnist for The Athletic.
REV. ELEC GARINS
The Rev. Eric Garris occasionally leads Mass for the staff of the Cleveland Guardians.
I have written about the "Pope effect" often over the past two seasons, and it remains fascinating to me that a Sox fan from Dolton is now the head of the Roman Catholic Church. A guy who can spell "Pierzynski" is the Vicar of Christ. The Bishop of Rome will probably be dialed into Game 3 of the American League division series between the Chicago White Sox and the Cleveland Guardians on Wednesday, when Chicago, up by two games to none, could clinch the series.
"I think it was a couple of weeks ago when the White Sox were in town, and Petey Halpin hit a three-run home run; I tweeted out how bizarre it is to think that the Holy Father knows who Petey Halpin is, just based on that game," Garris said. "It's a fun thing. I think, if anything, it humanizes the pope. He gets this kind of thing rather than he's off in a castle doing his pope activities, you know. Like, there's a sense of humanity that's there."
So does the pope really have thoughts about the Sox's opener strategy? Is he worried about José Ramírez?
"People have asked me, 'Do you think he watches the games?" said the Rev. Tom McCarthy, the prior provincial of Pope Leo's old order in Chicago, the Midwest Augustinians, who recently visited with the pope at the Vatican, bringing him a box of Sox memorabilia. "Well, if he's watching a game that's on at night, that means he's up at three in the morning. So I would say he follows very evidently. He follows what's going on. I don't know how much he can actually watch unless he tapes it."
After Pope Leo XIV offered "the Almighty's abundant blessings," the Chicago White Sox went on to sweep the Houston Astros.
RENO CASILLI/REUTERS
Good thing that the games in this series have been earlier so far. Wednesday's game is at 4 p.m. Eastern, or 10 p.m. in Rome.
Last Tuesday, the White Sox chairman Jerry Reinsdorf got a letter in the mail from Pope Leo, and the team posted it on social media. In it, the pope wrote that he would "willingly invoke the Almighty's abundant blessings upon you and your loved ones."
The Sox went on to sweep the Houston Astros in fairly easy fashion, and Reinsdorf, who is Jewish, joked that he was ready to convert. So is Garris worried that his beloved Guardians have to deal with the top run-scoring offense in the American League and the Almighty's abundant blessings?
"Well, I think abundant blessings is not a divine shout-out," he said. "It's not like the pope is the puppeteer of God orchestrating another White Sox run. I think he's invoking his abundant blessings because that's what he does. He blesses things, he blesses people, all that.
"But I will say, when I did see that, I'm like, 'I don't like it.'"
Garris, who occasionally leads Mass for Guardians staff at the stadium, has already dealt with playoff heartbreak at the hands of a Chicago team — in 2016, against the Cubs.
"I was at Game 7 of the World Series," he said. "I remember Rajai Davis hit his home run, and I started jumping and hugging and crying with people who were sitting next to me."
While the rest of that game was a painful memory, it also reminds Garris of the connective power of sports and faith.
"I've been thinking about why do I care about sports?" he said. "Because it's not just merely pride, but it brings people together. It bonds communities. To know that he has that experience of being bound to people, not just merely because he's the pope, but because, hey, I'm a person and I do things that people do."
McCarthy said the pope is aware of the effect his fandom is having and was pleasantly surprised to learn about fans doing a "peace be with you" blessing at the Sox game honoring him.
"He has talked extensively about the power of sports and athletics and what they can do to build community and to build camaraderie among people, and I think that's what he's doing with this," he said.
Garris loved the promotion from afar and said he saw one of the "pope hat" giveaway items make its way to the student lounge of his Cleveland semi-nary.
"I'm 36 years old. I've had a number of popes in my lifetime," he said. "But John Paul is Polish, Benedict is German, Francis is
---
But he still hopes the Guardians beat the pope's favorite team in the division series.
Argentinian. To have a guy from Chicago and not just a random person, I saw that clip from when he was at the 2005 World Series, and I'm like, that's a baseball fan. He looks nervous. He was in it."
When it comes to Cleveland sports, Garris's faith never wavers. He has a ticket for Game 5 that he now hopes he gets to use, but he also doesn't expect miracles.
"I'm not ever emotionally ready for playoff baseball," he said. "I'm a big Guardians fan, and I'm excited, but I also am realistic to know that I need to guard my heart and temper my expectations based on my experiences of reality as a Cleveland sports fan."
If the White Sox keep making playoff runs, I wonder if dioceses or orders would start making friendly wagers like city mayors.
"I'm willing to put a rosary or two on the line," Garris said.
McCarthy said he would be game. When asked for a prediction, he said, "The Sox are going to win, of course."
And from his lips to, well, you know.
As for Garris, he said he has been to the Vatican, but has not met a pope yet. If he ever gets some face time with Pope Leo, he said he wouldn't immediately start talking baseball. He would play it cool. But if they get to talking, he hopes to tell him that he is very sorry about what the Guardians did to the pope's favorite team in the 2026 A.L.D.S.
Player Evaluation Fee Of \$499 Stirs Uproar
By CHRISTOPHER KAMRANI and SAM KHAN JR.
The Athletic
What's another \$499 on the long, expensive road from youth sports to collegiate athlete?
For some, it's predatory, which is how the former N.F.L. player Chris Long described it. To others, it's another avenue toward a college football scholarship. For others still, it blurs a line: How can a website that covers, evaluates and ranks recruits now charge money for the privilege of being listed among them?
To the man asking parents to pay \$499 to have their sons evaluated by his company, it is closing an obvious gap between the stars and the hidden gems.
That is the price tag that Rivals, one of the most recognizable and longest-running sites covering college football recruiting, put on a new program that would allow any football player who has not been formally evaluated to be assessed by Rivals scouts, with a full written report. The program, called Rivals Recruits, set off a frenzy of largely negative reactions.
The former Heisman Trophy winner and Fox broadcaster Robert Griffin III called it a "massive money grab."
College football's general managers and front office staffers were similarly put off.
“Sad,” said a Power 4 assistant general manager who was not authorized to speak publicly on the matter and was granted anonymity.
The Rivals co-founder Shannon Terry, one of the pioneers in the coverage of college football recruiting, disagrees.
“Thirty years I have spent my professional adulthood putting everything I have into building something of great value and great service for the whole ecosystem,” he said.
To Terry, who created Rivals in 2000 and reacquired it under the On3 umbrella in April 2025, this program is destined to help underserved programs and recruits alike find each other. It “is that conduit, where those kids that are kicking butt in high school games but they’re not perfect and they don’t have a bunch of offers,” Terry said. “This is the place for us to showcase those and those that want to level up and take it.”
The new "On the Radar" platform allows players and their parents to create a profile page — which operates like a traditional recruiting profile page, but is more robust — for themselves in
Christopher Kamrani and Sam Khan Jr. cover college football for The Athletic.
the hopes of being noticed by college coaches. It comes at a cost: \$29.99 for the first year and renewing at \$59.99 thereafter, with inclusions for site subscriptions under the On3.com umbrella.
The \$499 offer is a separate one that, if purchased, complements the player profile with an in-depth evaluation. Terry believes this endeavor can serve a different constituency: players who are not likely to have star ratings or rankings, those who may not play in the Football Bowl Subdivision. And, he says, scores of parents have approached him either in person or online to ask him whether there is a service tailored to the high school football athlete who is talented enough to play college football, but not necessarily for the established Power 4 elites.
There was, according to Terry, a resource gap. Do coaching staffs see that gap? And do players graded as lower-level collegiate prospects see that gap, too?
The program allows any football player who has not been formally evaluated to receive an in-depth assessment by Rivals scouts.
MAANSI SRIVASTAVA FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
A parent of a high school player, who asked to remain anonymous so he would not damage his son's potential recruiting prospects, called the new Rivals personal scouting evaluation "very comprehensive." Rivals evaluators spent "a ton of time" on his son's film and interviewed the player's high school coach to learn more about the player's skills and personality. The evaluation of his son's current talent level, the parent explained, was "spot-on."
The one gripe the parent had was that the evaluators did not have the most up-to-date height and weight for the player, which, in turn, the parent believes hurt the player's overall recruiting score in the system.
As for whether the process has helped his son raise his recruiting profile to schools nationwide, the parent said that remains to be seen.
"To be honest, I don't know if the Rivals process has helped him or not," the parent said.
One player in the 2027 class who asked to remain anonymous so he would not affect his own recruiting process said he spent his own money on the evaluation because it was his senior year and he had only a few Division III offers. His goal is to play at the F.B.S. or Football Championship Subdivision level and said having as much knowledge as possible about his own game could help him during the recruiting process.
COLLEGE FOOTBALL
The player emphasized that he knew the process was not "going to make me a four- or five-star recruit overnight," adding: "They were definitely 100 percent honest."
Once a player pays for a personal evaluation, Rivals scouts wait to receive the player's position, height and weight, highlight clips, academic information and contact information for his high school coach. Every evaluation features a background interview with the coach. Terry said it takes up to two weeks for the scout to build a full personal scouting report with a detailed film breakdown and a grade from 1 to 10 on 10 different skill sections. They are also given a grade on what level the scout believes they can play at, from Division III all the way up to the F.B.S.
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A new program from Rivals to assess high school football talent.
Terry said players can choose whether to make their personal evaluations public. They are given that option in case they do not agree with the evaluation and don't want that information accessible by anyone. So far, Terry said, he has had positive and negative feedback from parents.
It is worth noting that recruiting sites like Rivals, 247Sports and On3 function primarily as a consumer product for fans. College football coaches and front offices pay attention to player star ratings and team rankings, even if many say they don't. But teams conduct their own evaluations of high school recruits and typically do not base their evaluations on the content of these sites.
The biggest hangup and criticism of the Rivals program is the cost. Why charge players (or their families) hundreds for something the recruiting websites have been doing for years for free? Recruits who end up on the site have never paid for profile pages or evaluations. A Power 4 general manager, who requested anonymity in exchange for candor, said there is "zero reason" to charge players or their families for this and suggested that if anything, Rivals should charge the college football programs instead.
When asked whether Rivals entertained the offer of charging this service to lower-level programs to help out their own recruiting processes, he said in an ideal world that would be the case, but Rivals does not have the staffing to handle that number of high school players. Right now the site has eight full-time scouts available for these evaluations.
Terry said he hopes the price point can someday be lowered, but he emphasized that the product "costs us real money to produce."
Will it help these players field more attention from programs of their caliber?
A Group of 6 general manager said he does not think many staffs truly depend on recruiting websites like Rivals or 247Sports to find recruits. Most colleges already subscribe to nonpublic recruiting services that assist them in prospect identification.
"Our prospect lists go way beyond theirs," the general manager said.
But not everyone completely dismissed the idea.
"There's definitely a scouting gap that exists where it's harder to find in-depth recruiting data for non-F.B.S. talent," an F.C.S. general manager said. "But at the same time, with social media as it currently stands, if there are good players out there, teams find them."
Mitch Leppke, who is entering his third season as the defensive coordinator at McPherson College in the N.A.I.A., weighed in on social media last week with a message to players: "Please don't do this to yourself."
Some view this as just another added cost in the youth sports industry that continues to gouge the bank accounts of parents trying to see if their children can fulfill a dream of playing college sports. Many high school football players no longer just have to pony up for gear each fall. There are added off-season costs that include 7-on-7 camps, workouts with private positional coaches and football events hosted by schools and recruiting sites themselves. Others see the new enterprise as a recruiting site exploring an alternate revenue stream.
Other detractors have claimed that this new platform clouds the already blurred lines of editorial responsibility if On3 is covering recruiting and Rivals is charging athletes for evaluations. Terry reiterated that money and influence cannot sway a scout's ranking of a player and affect the star value.
"People don't come to us and say, 'Hey, we'll pay you this to rank our kid three stars or four stars,' Terry said.
But at least to some players, the Rivals package is another shot to get their names out there in the recruiting sphere, regardless of the cost. The player who spoke to The Athletic said that, with it being his last few months of high school, he wanted to give himself every possible chance to be seen.
"If you're someone like me who believes you can be a D-I prospect but haven't gotten the recognition yet, then sure it's worth it," he said. "At least now I know that I don't go D-I, then at least I took every possible avenue to try and get there."
Nathan McPeek, coach at Frederick Douglass High School in Lexington, Ky., said that if one of his players asked him for his opinion on it, he would advise them to spend that money elsewhere. Right now, it's the reality of youth football in America. Paying for anything from individual training coaches or speed experts to nutrition plans has trickled down to the high school level.
"I've never had a kid who signed a D-I scholarship during my coaching career where the parents didn't invest something extra," McPeek said. "Football is a year-round sport now. We've created that."
PRO FOOTBALL
Welcome to Tomlinburgh, 12-Year Passion Project of an Ex-Coach
ANALYSIS
PHOTOGRAPHS VIA MIKE TOMLIN
Mike Tomlin, center with his son Dino, provided a 19-minute video tour of Tomlinburgh last Wednesday. His vast Minecraft world includes high-rise buildings with balconies, and a baseball field.
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By MATT MORET The Athletic
You cannot simply walk into Tomlinburgh. No, you need an invitation. And a guide. Who better than the man who laid every block himself?
After weeks of anticipation, Mike Tomlin, a former Pittsburgh Steelers coach, welcomed the masses into his sprawling Minecraft world last week. Tomlin, a Super Bowl-winning coach, first mentioned the project during an interview with Craig Melvin on the "Today" show on Sept. 8, sparking online demands that he open the gates.
"I started playing Minecraft, man, when my kids were young," Tomlin said. "I have a Minecraft city in creative that I've been working on for, like, 12 years."
Tomlin went on to explain that he began playing the game as a way to connect with his children and unwind with "mindless en-
Matt Moret is a news editor for The Athletic.
tertainment." He teased that he might give a peek inside. Then his son Dino spent the next three weeks promoting a reveal on social media.
A total of 20,000 concurrent viewers ended up watching a 19-minute video of Tomlin, controller in hand, touring virtual high-rises and rooftop bars last Wednesday. The video has garnered more than three million views.
"I kind of wanted densely populated buildings and so forth, so I started small," Tomlin said as his first-person character levitated over a vast pixel landscape with a huge bay at the center. "Of course, over the course of 12 years, you start developing neighborhoods and communities and so forth."
Tomlin said that he would get into those developments in another episode. Last Wednesday's debut began with the building that started it all: a boutique hotel overlooking a bay much more blue than any of Pittsburgh's three rivers.
Upon entering the hotel, Tomlin welcomed viewers into an area he called his “executive spa” that included therapy rooms. Crossing the lobby, Tomlin showed off a vast “multipurpose conference room” that was mostly empty beyond some decorative plants. This was a recurring theme.
Minecraft does not have much "furniture," per se. Instead, Tomlin relied on the mind's eye. Imagine tables full of built-in power outlets. Perhaps an overhead projector in the corner. Minor executives with fake titles staring dead-eyed into their laptops. The multipurpose conference room of your dreams — or, apparently, Tomlin's.
Still, the room lent a view into Tomlin's design philosophy. The ceiling was made of glass, and Tomlin explained how integral lighting was to his creative process. Minecraft had limited lighting options when he began his project more than a decade ago, he explained, so he turned to glow blocks, torches, floor-to-
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Entering the world of Minecraft to connect with his children.
ceiling windows and vast sky-
lights to illuminate his spaces.
He was chasing realism in all
facets of his art.
"I was always really conscious of appropriate amenities," Tomlin said. "You'll find, you know, an appropriate number of public restrooms and stuff throughout all my public facilities. Not anything over the top in terms of detail: sink areas, stalls, etc. It was important that I represented that."
Tomlin walked viewers through a restaurant space that was, again, mostly empty, yet beautiful in its brutalist minimalism. Downstairs, viewers visited his speakeasy, equipped with a bar and an illuminated window into the depths of a large pool outside. It included an employee work area and kitchen because, as Tomlin said, that was "appropriate."
Here, Tomlin paused to explain his vision for the new series of travelogues.
"In this episode, I wanted to talk about residential housing, man. I was really into the urban architecture. High-rise apartment buildings, etc.," he said before unveiling a building themed around centralized aquariums. He continued: "I did it because it was across the street from the aquarium I built in the city. I'll give you a tour of this aquarium at some point. It is crazy. You'll love it."
"The crazy part is how much time it took you to get that water situated, though," Dino Tomlin chimed in.
"That was a nightmare," Tomlin replied with a chuckle.
Inside the building, viewers saw one of the penthouse bedrooms Tomlin meticulously crafted, cube by cube. The rooms were complete with beds, fire-
places and strange paintings that Tomlin later said he disliked but that gave the spaces an element of interior design.
"For whatever reason, I always got fixated on providing details in bedrooms," he said. "I would build out bedrooms and put the interior decorating, etc., probably more so than any other component of the residences."
Tomlin showed a few more high-rise buildings with balconies and one with his favorite rooftop spot. It all overlooked landscapes of terraformed canyons, rivers and the remnants of mountains Tomlin blew apart.
"I'd go places and I'd see things and buildings, and I'd get inspired. I'd go home and I'd work on it," he said.
Tomlin wrapped the tour with teases of more wonders to come.
"I'll come back at you, looking at various components of town. In the next episode, we'll take a look at something that I think you're going to find interesting — something that's really cool. So stay with us."
THE NEW YORK TIMES
COMMENTARY
He Won't Like It, But Ovechkin Deserves Fanfare
By BARRY SVRLUGA
The Athletic
ARLINGTON, Va. — What Alex Ovechkin opened as a possibility on Monday is something that Alex Ovechkin does not particularly want: a final appearance in each and every N.H.L. rink, with perhaps a hat tip and a token of respect — a watch, a rocking chair, a speech — to acknowledge a career unlike any other.
He is retiring, and when hockey's all-time leading goal-scorer hangs up the skates after 22 seasons and at least 929 goals, recognition is warranted.
"I'm going to focus on my game," Ovechkin said on Monday at the Washington Capitals' practice venue, where he announced that the 2026-27 season will be his last.
"I'm going to focus to help the team to win. Obviously, if some different teams want to do something, yeah, why not? To be honest with you, I'm not going to pay attention to that."
There has been a swirl around Ovechkin since he entered the league as a barely 20-year-old just trying to find his way in a new country, a new city and a new culture, all while speaking an unfamiliar language. There will be a swirl around him as he exits all these years later.
"Times fly," he said.
True enough. The youngest Capitals should listen to their wise elder — who gathered the team and staff to make the announcement — because he knows better than most: The days might be long, but the years are absolutely short.
"A lot to digest," his longtime teammate Tom Wilson said.
Now 41, Alex Ovechkin of the Washington Capitals broke the record for most career goals in 2025. | PLAYER | CAREER | GOALS | Alex Ovechkin | 2005-present | 929 | Wayne Gretzky* | 1979-99 | 894 | Gordie Howe* | 1946-80 | 801 | Jaromir Jagr | 1990-2018 | 766 | Brett Hull* | 1986-2006 | 741 | Marcel Dionne* | 1971-89 | 731 | Phil Esposito* | 1963-81 | 717 | Mike Gartner* | 1979-98 | 708 | \*Hall of Fame. Statistics through Monday. Source: Hockey Reference.
Barry Svrluga is a senior columnist for The Athletic.
We have a full season, beginning with Wednesday night's home opener against Pittsburgh to savor the meal.
This is how this should have concluded, both for the most important player in franchise history and for the franchise itself. Whatever reservations Ovechkin had about being feted in most cities he visits for the final time, they had to be outweighed by providing clarity to the only team for which he has played. The Capitals endured a spring of uncertainty awaiting Ovechkin's decision in 2026. They could not go through that again in 2027.
So, then, get wistful.
“Hearing the finality of him saying, ‘This is going to be my last year,’ there’s a lot of mixed emotions,” Capitals Coach Spencer Carbery said. “You’re almost like, there’s a sadness to it. And then I’ll turn into, like, super grateful.”
Which should about capture the mood in the fan base. No current Capitals teammate or coach knows a locker room without Ovechkin in it. So many fans have not flipped on a game or bought a ticket without expecting to see No. 8 barreling down the left wing, setting up shop in the left circle on the power play. He came to Washington as a foreign curiosity. He leaves as part of the furniture. What are the Capitals even like with no Ovi in the room?
"He had a nap the other day for like an hour or so, and he wasn't around," Wilson said. "So that's the closet thing that we've had to 'No Ovi on the Caps.'"
Ovechkin's coaches and teammates have long suspected that the gray-bearded 41-year-old would not want a lot of hoopla around his final appearance in each arena. To that we say: too bad. As of Monday afternoon, the get-in price for the Capitals' final regular-season home game at Capital One Arena — also against the Penguins — was \$890.60. (Psst. Want to see his actual last regular-season game? A seat at that April 10 event in Philadelphia was only \$350.)
Yet if those are Ovechkin's actual last games, then something with the season will have gone sideways. A year after missing the playoffs, these re-tooled Capitals have designs on playing deep into the spring. So there is a push-pull at work here: How does Washington honor the player for his unique career without distracting from the team goals that are, frankly, to win the whole darn thing?
"I told him a story," Carbery said. The coach and captain spoke by phone on Sunday about this very issue, when Ovechkin
HOCKEY
KARL DEBLAKER/ASSOCIATED PRESS
GEOFF BURKE/IMACN IMAGES
told Carbery his plans. Carbery created an example: What if a father in, say, Minnesota wants to take his 12-year-old to see Ovechkin one last time? And what if that kid saw Ovechkin in his final season, and got to pass on that story to his kids?
"Even though he doesn't love that and the handshakes and it being about him individually," Carbery said, "I think there is part of him that's understanding that people want to say goodbye and people want to see you for the last time."
Which is great. Plus, Ovechkin has respect for the game's traditions. In 2025, when Washington faced Marc-Andre Fleury for the last time in the veteran goaltender's 21st and final season, it was Ovechkin who called the Capitals back onto the ice to shake hands with his longtime nemesis. He cares about that stuff.
The timing of the announcement — before the home opener, but not before the season — seems a little odd. It's not hard to wonder whether Ovechkin wanted to steer the conversation back to his hockey career and away from his decision to appear in a pro-Vladimir V. Putin propaganda ad back home in Russia. We don't know, and he shed little light on when he actually came to this conclusion.
"It's a hard decision for me," Ovechkin said. "But how I say, I have to look in the future, and I
Washington's Alex Ovechkin has announced that he will be retiring after 22 seasons. Left, Ovechkin scoring his 895th career goal last year, breaking Wayne Gretzky's record.
have to be able to play with the kids and be healthy and do little things."
Which brings up a question after Ovechkin opened the season by averaging just more than 13 minutes of ice time in the Capitals' first two games: How does your body feel?
"Um, it's OK," he said.
That's not, "Terrible." But it's also not, "I feel great." Time is undefeated, and if it has not already overtaken Ovechkin, he is at least self-aware enough to know that he has staved it off far longer than most, and he probably shouldn't look over his shoulder. Carbery and the coaches are clearly going to use him judiciously (read: sparingly), and he is going to have to make the most out of what could be scant opportunities.
Which all makes it easier to see the end.
"It's been a pretty good career," Ovechkin said. "Pretty good 22 seasons."
The 22nd season is barely underway. The last of his 22 home openers comes on Wednesday night. We are in the opening stanza of the final movement of Alex Ovechkin's career. Enjoy the first of the lasts, and all the ceremony that comes with it.
SOCCER
FIFA Found Congo Player Ineligible but Let Him Play in World Cup Anyway
ULISES RUIZ/AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE — GETTY IMAGES
BRETT DAVIS/IMAGN IMAGES
Lionel Mpasi, left, had been declared ineligible but was quietly allowed to play for Congo, which won its World Cup eliminator, right.
By TARIQ PANJA
In the lead-up to the 2026 World Cup, FIFA officials faced some unwelcome news.
Legal officials at FIFA, world soccer's governing body, had privately determined that the Democratic Republic of Congo was fielding an ineligible player, according to internal documents and correspondence reviewed by The New York Times and to a top official who was directly involved with the case and who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss sensitive matters. Such a breach typically means a team will forfeit any match in which the player was ineligible.
Congo needed to win one more match, an eliminator against Jamaica, to reach the World Cup for the first time in 52 years. FIFA quietly allowed the player, and the team, to continue. Congo beat Jamaica and secured its spot at the tournament.
The 2026 World Cup has already put FIFA and its president, Gianni Infantino, under intense scrutiny. The tournament was dogged by questions about fair play and political interference, particularly after FIFA lifted the suspension of a U.S. player following a phone call between Infantino and President Trump.
It later emerged that Infantino had engaged in secret talks to sell a portion of future tournaments to a private fund run by the brother of Trump's son-in-law Jared Kushner. That plan prompted European soccer's governing body to threaten to bring a complaint to criminal court and led to questions over Infantino's future.
FIFA's review of the Congo team followed a complaint about player eligibility filed by Nigeria, which Congo had defeated to reach the match with Jamaica.
While investigating the complaint, FIFA found that Congo had never completed documentation to allow goalkeeper Lionel Mpasi to switch affiliations after he played for France's youth teams, according to the documents.
FIFA did not deny any of The Times's findings, saying only that it dismissed Nigeria's case on a technicality.
In an email to The Times, FIFA said its committees were “autonomous and decide cases based on the applicable regulations and the specific facts before them.” It said Infantino had no role in such decisions.
In the Congo case, FIFA officials drew up possible options, including awarding the match to Nigeria, imposing fines, replacing
Congo with Nigeria in the playoff against Jamaica or doing nothing on the grounds that Nigeria had filed its complaint late, the documents show.
Additional correspondence about the investigation, also reviewed by The Times, included details about FIFA's actions in previous cases that matched publicly known information. A FIFA legal official not involved in the case confirmed the authenticity of the documents obtained by The Times.
In 2016, after Greece fielded an ineligible player who had represented Australia at the youth level, FIFA acted decisively and imposed a 3-0 defeat for a game against Turkey. Two years later, FIFA changed the results of two Bolivia games for qualification to the 2018 World Cup after it deemed Bolivia had fielded a player who had represented Paraguay
in the past.
FIFA controls the most-watched event in soccer, the men's World Cup, and the 2026 tournament generated more than \$15 billion. As the global governing body, FIFA has enormous control over the sport.
The loss to Congo had seismic consequences for Nigerian soccer. It led, in part, to the resignation of the national soccer federation's entire board.
One of those officials, the federation's president, Ibrahim Musa Gusau, said that he was told their complaint had been dismissed for technical reasons but that they had not been informed about the finding on the goalkeeper's eligibility.
"They just kept quiet, and they can't tell anyone because they know it's going to be a serious crisis for them," he said of FIFA. He called for an investigation.
The Times reviewed a document that matched Gusau's description of FIFA's response.
The Congo case will also renew attention to Infantino's regional ties. As he fights to keep his job, he will most likely need African support.
During his tenure, he has spent political capital and millions of dollars of development funds on the region's 54 nations. Most of those countries are expected to support Infantino in next year's presidential election. FIFA has 211 members worldwide, and each has one vote, so winning the African electorate can be crucial.
At the time of the FIFA eligibility review, Véron Mosengo-Omba, an Infantino ally, was preparing a bid to run Congo's soccer federation. Two months later, amid euphoria at Congo's World Cup appearance, Mosengo-Omba was the sole candidate and was
The lack of action renews scrutiny of the governing body.
elected the federation's president. Eight other rivals had either withdrawn or been expelled after changes to eligibility rules.
Prince Zelkifli Rahman Ngoufonja, a Cameroonian former FIFA official known as Prince Zul, said that the relationship between Infantino and Mosengo-Omba raised questions. "If FIFA removed Congo from the World Cup," Prince Zul said, Infantino's ally's prospects "could have been damaged."
Mosengo-Omba said that he had not known of FIFA's findings.
Jamaica, the team Congo defeated to secure a World Cup berth, did not respond to a request for comment. CONCACAF, which oversees soccer in the Caribbean and North America, expressed disquiet about the process.
"Any concerns regarding player eligibility, particularly those that may affect the integrity of a competition or the interests of one of our member associations, need to be thoroughly reviewed and addressed," the body said in a statement.
Infantino is meeting this week with African soccer officials in Cape Verde, where he is expected to try to shore up political support for the FIFA presidential election.
"Infantino needs Africa for survival," Prince Zul said. "He can't afford to lose members in Africa." | North America | Yesterday | Today | Tomorrow | Acapulco | 84/75 0/04 | 85/76 R | 86/75 R | Bermuda | 84/79 0/28 | 81/77 R | 83/77 Sh | Buenos Aires | 55/72 0/02 | 55/73 R | 55/73 R | Guadalajara | 73/60 0 | 79/62 T | 79/60 T | Havana | 88/72 0 | 90/73 R | 89/74 R | Kingston | 91/80 0/08 | 93/80 T | 91/82 C | Kuala Lumpur | 86/78 0/07 | 99/77 R | 91/78 P | Mexico City | 68/58 0/19 | 73/57 Sh | 72/57 R | Monterrey | 80/67 0 | 85/66 Sh | 82/64 Sh | Madrid | 52/51 0/21 | 52/52 R | 52/51 R | Nassau | 88/77 0/01 | 90/77 T | 88/78 T | Panama City | 86/76 0/01 | 89/75 T | 90/75 T | Quebec City | 50/41 0/15 | 50/45 Sh | 60/41 Sh | Rome Darcego | 91/75 0/0 | 95/76 R | 91/76 R | Toronto | 56/41 0 | 70/51 PC | 65/45 S | Vancouver | 57/30 0 | 60/48 PC | 62/53 PC | Winnipeg | 66/39 0 | 62/40 W | 63/44 PC | South America | Yesterday | Today | Tomorrow | Buenos Aires | 66/58 0/0 | 65/58 Sh | 65/54 Sh | Czech Republic | 90/78 0/12 | 91/79 R | 92/77 R | Lima | 78/70 0 | 78/72 PC | 85/72 PC | Quito | 69/47 0/03 | 67/52 R | 66/51 R | Rio de Janeiro | 86/70 0/02 | 87/76 R | 87/78 S | Rio de Janeiro | 80/70 0/10 | 79/71 C | 81/73 R | Santiago | 55/50 0/15 | 67/48 R | 65/50 R | TONIGHT | Clear | # Weather Report
---
Highlight: Rain Potential Friday Night to Monday
Tropical moisture associated with a developing storm over the Gulf of Mexico will spread up through the Gulf and Southeast States this weekend into early next week. Over eight inches of rain may fall over a small portion of the central Gulf Coast with a risk for significant flooding. Heavier rain may also reach as far north as the central Appalachians and the remainder of North Carolina.
---
Cities
High/low temperatures for the 16 hours ended at 4 p.m. yesterday, Eastern time, and precipitation (in inches) for the 16 hours ended at 4 p.m. yesterday.
Expected conditions for today and tomorrow. | C | Clouds | S | Sun | F | Fog | Sn | Snow | H | Haze | SS | Snow showers | I | Ice | T | Thunderstorms | PC | Partly cloudy | Tr | Trace | R | Rain | W | Windy | Sh | Showers | - | Not available | N.Y.C. region | Yesterday | Today | Tomorrow | New York City | 57/ 48 0 | 68/ 56 S | 75/ 57 S | Bridgeport | 59/ 43 0 | 66/ 55 S | 73/ 53 S | Caldwell | 59/ 42 0 | 68/ 52 S | 77/ 50 S | Danbury | 55/ 36 0 | 66/ 50 S | 75/ 47 S | Irisp | 58/ 49 0 | 66/ 58 S | 73/ 53 S | Newark | 60/ 48 0 | 70/ 55 S | 79/ 56 S | Tronton | 59/ 45 0 | 69/ 51 S | 74/ 49 S | White Plains | 57/ 45 0 | 66/ 53 S | 74/ 51 S | United States | Yesterday | Today | Tomorrow | Albany | 58/35 0 | 66/52 S | 69/48 PC | Albuquerque | 80/56 0 | 83/56 PC | 80/56 S | Atlanta | 47/58 0.05 | 81/58 PC | 88/58 PC | Atlanta | 79/59 0 | 81/60 S | 84/64 PC | Atlantic City | 64/47 0 | 67/59 S | 76/56 S | Baltimore | 90/61 0 | 90/62 S | 90/62 S | Baltimore | 66/44 0 | 73/52 S | 81/50 S | Baton Rouge | 90/68 0 | 91/68 PC | 90/66 PC | Birmingham | 86/59 0 | 86/56 S | 80/61 PC | Bingham | 96/62 0 | 96/62 S | 96/56 S | Boston | 62/45 0 | 67/56 S | 74/53 S | Buffalo | 59/49 0 | 67/58 W | 65/47 S | Gulfport | 57/59 0 | 62/59 S | 62/48 S | Caspar | 86/39 0 | 82/41 S | 81/43 S | Charlotte | 74/52 0 | 79/55 S | 84/60 S | Chicago | 81/41 0 | 86/50 S | 86/50 S | Chicago | 74/57 0 | 77/54 PC | 68/50 PC | Cincinnati | 72/47 0 | 81/55 S | 79/48 S | Cleveland | 74/49 0 | 73/52 S | 72/48 S | Dallas Springs | 84/55 0 | 81/50 S | 79/52 S | Columbus | 68/44 0 | 78/52 S | 74/45 S | Concord, N.Y. | 58/30 0 | 66/46 S | 72/43 Sh | Detroit | 88/53 0 | 89/58 PC | 85/58 PC | Denver | 87/56 0 | 83/54 S | 84/55 S | Des Moines | 79/57 0 | 78/51 S | 70/55 PC | Detroit | 67/51 0 | 75/51 S | 63/43 S | El Paso | 83/61 0 | 86/66 S | 85/61 PC | Fargo | 77/45 0 | 72/41 S | 68/44 PC | Hartford | 61/34 0 | 67/52 S | 48/45 S | Hartford | 86/72 0.06 | 86/73 PC | 84/75 Sh | Houston | 90/60 0 | 92/70 S | 91/70 PC | Indianapolis | 73/51 0 | 80/54 S | 76/48 S | Jackson | 93/53 0 | 80/63 S | 85/61 PC | Jacksonville | 79/79 0 | 79/71 S | 81/69 S | Kansas City | 81/59 0 | 84/56 S | 75/56 S | Kansas City | 88/60 0 | 88/60 S | 80/57 S | Las Vegas | 97/75 0 | 98/75 S | 98/73 S | Lexington | 74/46 0 | 82/54 S | 82/50 S | Little Rock | 85/57 | 98/59 | 90/62 | Los Angeles | 103/75 | 99/73 | 94/69 | Louisville | 76/50 | 84/59 | 83/53 | Memphis | 85/61 | 88/62 | 90/63 | Miami | 91/77 | 86/78 | 88/71 | Milwaukee | 72/57 | 74/52 PC | 67/46 PC | Mpls-St. Paul | 80/52 | 74/48 S | 67/50 PC | Nashville | 83/57 | 67/57 S | 67/50 S | New Orleans | 85/74 | 86/74 T | 86/74 PC | Norfolk | 66/53 | 74/57 S | 81/61 S | Oklahoma City | 87/58 | 89/59 S | 88/58 S | Pennsylvania | 82/64 | 80/52 S | 75/52 PC | Orlando | 84/73 | 80/73 T | 72/73 T | Philadelphia | 66/48 | 71/56 S | 80/56 S | San Diego | 100/79 | 103/60 S | 80/60 S | Pittsburgh | 63/41 | 73/53 S | 71/47 PC | Portland, Me. | 59/36 | 61/50 S | 70/46 Sh | Portland, Conn. | 75/52 | 79/52 PC | 81/54 S | Providence | 62/59 | 86/50 S | 72/51 S | Raleigh | 73/49 | 77/54 S | 84/61 S | Reno | 88/52 | 90/52 S | 90/53 S | Sacramento | 69/50 | 74/51 S | 85/52 S | Rochester | 58/42 | 70/52 PC | 67/45 S | Sacramento | 100/60 | 101/57 S | 96/58 S | Salt Lake City | 83/56 | 84/58 S | 84/59 S | Salt Lake City | 86/54 | 90/55 S | 86/56 S | San Diego | 95/71 | 87/71 S | 83/70 PC | San Francisco | 81/59 | 76/57 S | 75/58 F | San Jose | 94/63 | 82/62 PC | 89/60 PC | San Juan | 91/77 | 89/78 Sh | 91/78 PC | Seattle | 66/51 | 67/49 PC | 71/52 S | Sioux Falls | 85/47 | 77/42 S | 68/53 PC | Savannah | 76/46 | 75/52 PC | 75/52 S | St. Louis | 80/58 | 88/59 S | 81/56 S | St. Thomas | 91/80 | 89/80 R | 90/81 PC | Tampa Bay | 58/59 | 70/52 PC | 58/48 PC | Tampa | 82/55 | 80/54 T | 71/41 T | Toledo | 70/49 | 76/50 S | 70/42 PC | Tucson | 94/71 | 96/72 S | 96/75 S | Tucson | 86/69 | 89/69 S | 90/59 S | Virginia Beach | 69/55 | 71/57 S | 77/62 S | Washington | 69/49 | 73/56 S | 83/57 S | Wilmington, Del. | 86/59 | 88/59 S | 88/59 S | Wilmington, Del. | 65/42 | 70/53 S | 81/50 S | Africa | Yesterday | Today | Tomorrow | Algiers | 87/65 0 | 85/61 7 | 80/64 Sh | Cairo | 84/68 0 | 85/67 PC | 85/68 PC | Cape Town | 64/55 0.30 | 68/49 5 | 68/55 PC | Chennai | 84/70 0.10 | 79/71 9 | 78/72 7 | Johannesburg | 69/50 0 | 79/53 PC | 78/57 PC | Nairobi | 82/63 0 | 81/63 7 | 80/62 7 | Tunisia | 90/70 0 | 93/70 PC | 90/69 PC | Asia/Pacific | Yesterday | Today | Tomorrow | Baghdad | 102/77 0 | 92/77 C | 94/77 PC | Bangkok | 82/75 0.32 | 92/78 8 | 94/79 9 | Basing | 79/60 0 | 81/67 5 | 81/69 PC | Damascus | 81/60 0 | 81/55 7 | 87/60 5 | Hong Kong | 82/73 0.02 | 86/77 PC | 88/78 C | Jakarta | 96/76 0 | 93/76 5 | 92/77 PC | Kunisien | 71/63 0 | 77/61 5 | 82/62 5 | Karachi | 90/82 0 | 91/77 PC | 93/79 C | Manila | 93/77 0.12 | 92/79 7 | 90/79 7 | Mumbai | 91/80 0.03 | 96/81 5 | 98/83 PC | ---
National Forecast
Drenching showers and thunderstorms are in store for Florida today, with street and highway flooding in some areas. This activity will extend west across the Gulf and to part of South Texas. Spotty showers and thunderstorms are forecast from western New Mexico and eastern Arizona to western Colorado.
A few showers will extend from northern Michigan to upstate New York and part of New England. A major heat wave will continue in California, southern Nevada and Arizona, with widespread highs in the 90s and low 100s. Cool air will persist in the Northeast.
A tropical storm is expected to form in the Gulf this week and strengthen into the season's first Atlantic hurricane. Landfall is likely along the central Gulf Coast this weekend. | New Delhi | 97/76 0 | 96/75 PC | 95/76 S | Riyadh | 103/76 0 | 104/79 PC | 104/78 PC | Seoul | 72/46 0 | 75/48 S | 77/50 S | Shanghai | 77/57 0 | 79/58 PC | 79/65 PC | Singapore | 91/81 0 | 93/79 T | 92/79 T | Sydney | 82/64 0.04 | 65/56 R | 67/52 Sh | Taipei City | 79/70 0.02 | 80/72 PC | 84/73 PC | Tehran | 81/66 0 | 86/70 PC | 86/68 PC | Tokyo | 79/70 0 | 74/62 C | 76/62 S | Europe | Yesterday | Today | Tomorrow | Amsterdam | 70/57 0 | 69/52 C | 59/51 R | Athens | 79/57 0 | 79/56 S | 77/62 S | Berlin | 68/48 0 | 73/50 PC | 64/45 R | Bulgaria | 75/50 0 | 71/51 N | 68/52 S | Budapest | 77/39 0 | 77/48 PC | 78/52 T | Copenhagen | 63/55 0 | 60/56 Sh | 59/47 R | Copenhagen | 59/52 0.78 | 65/54 PC | 59/52 R | Edinburgh | 57/50 0 | 56/37 PC | 56/49 PC | Frankfurt | 75/46 0 | 73/55 S | 60/41 R | Geneva | 75/50 0 | 64/56 Sh | 61/42 Sh | Göteborg | 59/52 1 | 57/51 P | 64/51 R | Istanbul | 70/57 0 | 73/57 C | 69/61 PC | Kyiv | 60/51 0 | 70/53 S | 73/53 PC | London | 77/58 0 | 75/51 S | 71/51 R | London | 70/54 0 | 60/45 Sh | 61/50 S | Madrid | 72/61 0.71 | 72/55 Sh | 71/45 S | Moscow | 54/47 0.09 | 59/41 S | 58/46 PC | Riga | 77/46 0 | 71/50 PC | 77/61 S | Oslo | 59/45 0 | 58/43 PC | 50/38 R | Paris | 77/52 0 | 66/50 Sh | 61/45 R | League | 76/50 0 | 65/52 PC | 65/42 PC | Rome | 75/68 0.03 | 79/66 PC | 76/65 Sh | St. Petersburg | 59/54 0.13 | 56/45 S | 56/49 R | Stockholm | 59/50 0 | 55/41 PC | 54/43 R | Switzerland | 75/46 0 | 77/54 S | 76/50 PC | Warsaw | 70/46 0 | 71/48 PC | 75/49 PC | High Tides
---
Metropolitan Forecast
TODAY ....Sunny, a little warmer High 68. Sunshine will dominate the day, and a breeze will pick up during the afternoon. Winds will be from the southwest at 4 to 8 miles per hour. Temperatures will recover to near normal.
Low 56. An area of high pressure will remain south of the area. Temperatures will rise to near average under a clear sky. Winds will be from the southwest at 5 to 10 m.p.h.
---
TOMORROW ....Sun, some clouds, warm
High 75. Sunshine and dry weather will continue because of an area of high pressure. Temperatures will moderate, climbing more than 5 degrees above average for this time of year during the afternoon.
---
FRIDAY
High 70. There will be sunshine again as it remains dry with a large area of high pressure nearby. Temperatures will be just above average for the first half of October. |
SATURDAYSUNDAY ......Mostly sunny Saturday | A mostly sunny sky will linger on Saturday, High 68. Sunday will be partly sunny with light winds. High 67.
---
Metropolitan Almanac
In Central Park, for the 13 hours ended at 1 p.m. yesterday.
Temperature
| Avg. daily departurefrom normalthis month......+1.3" | Avg. daily departurefrom normalthis year......-0.3" | Reservoir levels | (New York City water supply) | Yesterday | 84% | Est. normal | 77% | Yesterday | 0.00 | Record | 2.39 |
For the last 30 days | Actual | 4.57 | Normal | 4.34 |
For the last 365 days | Actual | 46.36 | Normal | 49.52 | Sun, Moon and Planets
---
Recreational Forecast
Precipitation (in inches)
---
Heating Degree Days |
An index of fuel consumption that tracks how far the day's mean temperature fell below 65 | Yesterday | 12 | So far this month | 22 | So far this season (since July 1) | 53 | Normal to date for the season | 57 | First Quarter | Full | Last Quarter |
Moon | R | 3:34 a.m. | SET | 6:28 p.m. | S | 4:58 p.m. | NEXT R | 7:00 a.m. | R | 4:44 a.m. |
Jupiter | R | 2:27 a.m. |
Mars | R | 1:07 a.m. | S | 4:22 p.m. | S | 3:40 p.m. |
Saburn | S | 6:47 a.m. |
Venus | R | 9:18 a.m. | R | 6:28 p.m. | S | 8:48 p.m. | ---
Boating
From Montauk Point to Sandy Hook, N.J., out to 20
neautical miles, including Long Island Sound and New York
Harbor.
Winds will be from the southwest at 5-10 knots. Some gusts will reach 15-20 knots in the afternoon. Waves will be 1 foot or less on New York Harbor and Long Island Sound. Waves on the ocean will be 1-3 feet. | Atlantic City | 5:32 a.m. | 5:50 p.m. | Barnogat Inlet | 5:38 a.m. | 5:57 p.m. | The Battery | 6:18 a.m. | 6:36 p.m. | Beach Haven | 7:06 a.m. | 7:25 p.m. | Bridgeport | 9:16 a.m. | 9:39 p.m. | City Island | 9:50 a.m. | 10:13 p.m. | Fire Island Lt. | 6:34 a.m. | 6:53 p.m. | Montauk Point | 6:54 a.m. | 7:18 p.m. | Northport | 9:35 a.m. | 10:01 p.m. | Port Washington | 9:56 a.m. | 10:22 p.m. | Sandy Hook | 5:48 a.m. | 6:07 p.m. | Shin EPDC Inlet | 5:56 a.m. | 5:50 p.m. | Stamford | 9:27 a.m. | 9:54 p.m. | Tarrytown | 8:07 a.m. | 8:25 p.m. | Willets Point | 9:44 a.m. | 10:08 p.m. |
Trends |
Temperature |
Precipitation |
Average |
Average | Below | Above | Below | Above |
Last | 10 days | 30 days | 90 days | 365 days | Chart shows how recent temperature and precipitation trends compare with those of the last 30 years.
Northeast Foliage
Foliage color is now past its peak in the highest elevations of the Adirondacks and the White and Green Mountains. Color has reached its peak across the rest of northern New England and in the Catskills. Some areas over much of the rest of the Northeast and down to the North Carolina mountains are nearing peak color,
The New York Times
Play wherever you are.
Try the Crossword, the Mini,
Spelling Bee, Tiles and more from anywhere.
nytimes.com/games
2 THEATER REVIEW
In the crucible of AIDS, a physician and activist bond.
4 TELEVISION
'Carrie' is updated as a series set in the social media age.
NEWS | CRITICISM
5 MUSIC
The beleaguered Nashville Symphony gets a \$10 million rescue from Oracle.
WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 7, 2026 C1
PHOTOGRAPHY BY JENNILEE MARCOMEN FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
Grief Permeates a Story and a Studio in Flux
By SAM MACHKOVECH
VANCOUVER, BRITISH COLUMBIA — Gears of War: E-Day, the newest game in Xbox's sci-fi military franchise, is a top-to-bottom chronicle of war's devastation. Collapsed buildings billow with fire and smoke effects, resembling real-life tragedies, while faces convincingly convey an infantry squad's heavy, unspoken emotions.
The narrative trajectory of the prequel, where a towering city becomes wreckage during the inciting conflict between humanity and a subterranean alien horde, has unintended parallels with the modern game industry. After nearly six years in development, E-Day arrives this week amid a major Xbox leadership reset, studio closures and a series of layoffs.
The leadership team here at the Coali-
Inside the Coalition studio in Vancouver, British Columbia, where Gears of War: E-Day was developed, a process that included motion capture, top left, and testing, above right.
tion, the studio behind Gears of War, suggests the franchise has been reset in its 20th year to forge a sustainable path, perhaps one that can survive the current tumult.
And the third-person combat and flow in E-Day are certainly an evolution, as if the developers behind Gears of War 4 and Gears 5 stopped tracing over the exact lines of previous games and instead redrew the CONTINUED ON PAGE C5
Book World Cheerleader Is Finding Her Way
Zibby Owens has parlayed her wealth into a media company that publishes her work.
By ELISABETH EGAN
Zibby Owens sat on a blue velvet couch on the top floor of her Park Avenue triplex penthouse, explaining how her bookshelf-lined, tastefully lit office/podcast studio has evolved alongside her career.
"When we moved here, this was a library and TV room for all of us," she said, referring to her four children, her husband and their 12-year-old black Lab, Nya, who snored peacefully beside us. "As my work stuff has ramped up, I booted everyone out."
Ten years ago, Owens — the daughter of Stephen A. Schwarzman, the billionaire co-founder and chief executive of Blackstone — was an aspiring author and stay-at-home mother. Now she is a prominent presence in the publishing world as the founder and chief executive of Zibby Media, which includes a podcast, a publishing company, a bookstore, a book club and a series of reading retreats.
CONTINUED ON PAGE 06
LEI PARRA/THE NEW YORK TIMES
Zibby Owens, founder and chief executive of Zibby Media, recently released "Between Chapters: How I Started Over, Took Some Chances and Found the Plot."
Jeff Koons to Sell Personal Art Trove
A Picasso work is included in the \$100 million auction.
By ZACHARY SMALL
A trove of valuable artworks covering 500 years of history will be sold in November from what Christie's auction house described only as a "distinguished private collector."
That's a somewhat modest description. The seller is arguably the most famous living artist in the world — Jeff Koons, according to two auction experts with knowledge of the deal who were not authorized to speak officially. The sale will be part of the November marquee auctions in New York.
Over the past few decades, Koons, now 71, has assembled a small collection of artworks, mostly in his Upper East Side townhouse. He is selling nine paintings by artists like Picasso, Manet and the Dutch Golden Age painter Cornelis van Haarlem. The collection is estimated to sell above \$100 million, according to Christie's, which declined to publicly identify the consignor.
"It is a vision," Alex Rotter, Christie's global president, said of the collection. "It's not pedestrian."
Koons declined to comment.
Rotter said that a Picasso, "Le Baiser" (1969), would be the top lot, in the range of \$40 million. That work is emblematic of Pi-CONTINUED ON PAGE C2
CINDY ORD/GETTY IMAGES
Jeff Koons at a 2021 exhibition of his work in Doha, Qatar. Nine significant paintings he has collected will be offered in November at Christie's.
PHOTOGRAPHS BY MARIA BARANOVA
Kramer/Fauci
Through Oct. 24
at St. Ann's Warehouse
in Brooklyn;
stannswarehouse.org.
Running time: 1 hour.
An AIDS Battlefield of Foam and Feathers
SOMETHING INTERESTING is happening with the slash in the middle of the title of Daniel Fish's extraordinary "Kramer/Fauci."
It's a busy little punctuation mark. For one thing, it suggests that Fish, a Tony-nominated director best known for his experimental staging of "Oklahoma!" is basing his work in fact. Often used as a no-fuss archival notation or in a poster for a heavyweight bout, a "/” can gesture both to truth and to opposition. (You might think of Peter Morgan's 2006 historical drama, “Frost/Nixon,” or the more recent docudrama “The Ford/Hill Project.”)
On Nov. 30, 1993, C-SPAN hosted a call-in program, including Anthony Fauci, then the director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, and Larry Kramer, the hot-tempered playwright and activist, sparring over a new government task force on H.I.V. and AIDS. In Fish's production, the dialogue spoken by Fauci (Will Brill), Kramer (Thomas Jay Ryan), the various callers (Jennifer Seastone) and the interviewer Steve Scully (Greig Sargeant) is verbatim, replicating that same C-SPAN recording, which they hear through in-ear speakers.
Surreal images help depict the tender, grief-filled bond of a physician and an activist.
Experiencing Fish's discombobulating, sometimes absurd production is utterly unlike watching the original television interview, however. We don't see Fauci sitting in a Washington studio, nor Kramer appearing via video screen — instead, the actors roam the St. Ann's Warehouse vastness, aimless as animals in a field. Lights shine in our eyes. Seastone, deadpan, gives all the callers a dreamy quality, sometimes gliding around on roller skates or climbing inside an immense inflatable chicken suit.
The performers don't imitate their counterparts so much as channel them. Kramer's fire seems banked in the cool-eyed Ryan . . . until he yells. And Brill sports the
Above, Will Brill, foreground, and Thomas Jay Ryan in the play "Kramer/Fauci." At right, Ryan faces off with Jennifer Seastone, with Brill and Greig Sargeant in the background.
un-Fauci-esque mustache of a 1970s bank robber, but he captures the tidy scientist's essence anyway — unflappable patience, Brooklyn accent and all. ("I love ya, Larry!")
About halfway through, seemingly at random, Brill drags a foam machine onto the stage. It whirs into action, filling the room's center with piles and piles of soapy bubbles. We almost lose sight of Kramer, as he sits amid this glittering cumulus. Ryan, a performer of wit and gravitas, wanders through the foam-field, cutting pathways into it; then he squeegees up the mess.
The conversation is, on its surface, combative. Kramer attacks the Clinton administration for a lack of urgency in drug research; he's furious about Fauci's insistence that the government is moving as quickly as it can. "Tony, if you start that business about science isn't done that way, I'm going to come on down there and slap your face!" Kramer says.
But the two men — clearly old friends — are also in profound accord. They have both dedicated themselves to fighting the same disease: an “epidemic,” says Fauci; “A PLAGUE!” shouts Kramer. The provocateur and the conciliator need each other to keep the course. At one point a caller asks about forcibly isolating AIDS patients. “Yeah, Larry, I’ll get you off the hook,” Fauci says, before calmly dismissing the morally foul idea.
Because Fish's "/" has a second meaning: equivalence. Kramer burns with the zeal of a man under live fire; Fauci talks to (and sometimes like) the Washington politicians. Yet they are platonically connected, components of one whole effort.
What unites them — what that slash contains, leaning like a gravestone — is grief. Neither of them wants a single other person to die of the disease, yet they know many deaths are to come. Kramer received an H.I.V. diagnosis in 1988; in 1993, he had no way of knowing that he would not die until 2020. One caller talks about a sister who has died of AIDS. Ryan's Kramer looks down into Seastone's face. "I'm sorry to hear that," he says. It's unbearably sad, and they bear it and bear it.
"Kramer/Fauci" is the most beautiful show I've seen this year. I saw a staging at NYU Skirball in February, and I would happily see it 10 times more.
It is piercingly relevant, and not just because Fauci, more than 30 years later, has been asked by Congress to defend his work in another plague. ("He is a man, an ordinary man who was being asked to play God, and he is being punished because he cannot be God," says Kramer, at one point.) But the play also contains some emotional mystery that I can't figure out. How is it so heart-breaking and so hopeful? These are all actors of deep soulfulness. Perhaps that's why their not-quite portrayals have struck me so hard and burrowed so deep.
Or it could simply be that I'm still wondering about the foam. Fish knows that a surreal image will prompt metaphorical thinking. Perhaps it will make you think about so-called foamy viruses. Perhaps we're meant to meditate on the sexual license of foam parties. At one point, I saw Kramer and Fauci as Olympian figures, striding around heaven. Or maybe we are simply witnessing the creation of a million delicate, almost-living structures. Here they are for a moment, in a place we know they cannot stay.
Jeff Koons to Sell \$100 Million of His Personal Art Trove
CONTINUED FROM PAGE CI
ESTATE OF PABLO PICASSO/ARTISTS RIGHTS SOCIETY (ARI), NEW YORK, VIA CHRISTI'S IMAGES LTD. 2006
CHRISTIC'S IMAGES LTD. 2025
Picasso's "Le Baiser" (1969), near right, will be the top lot at the Jeff Koons sale at Christie's, and is estimated at about \$40 million. Far right, Cornelis van Haarlem's "Hercules and Achelous" (1590) is estimated at about \$12 million.
casso's exploration of lovers during the last decade of his life, when his images of intertwined couples seemed to blur the line between passion and violence.
Koons has explored similar themes in his own career. His “Made in Heaven” series from the early 1990s included sexual images of himself and Ilona Staller, the Hungarian model known as Cicciolina. (The pair had a son and were briefly married.) “I was trying to remove all guilt and shame in any form,” he recently told T Magazine about the series.
In 2008, Koons bought the Picasso painting at a Sotheby's auction for \$17.4 million, or \$27.1 million in today's dollars. Three years later, he purchased another Picasso painting from the same series for \$10.5 million, or \$15.6 million after inflation.
During a 2024 interview with ARTE, a European television channel, Koons expressed his fascination with Picasso's later works. "I really believe Picasso was at his most generous," the artist said. "He was this kind of shaman torchbearer, showing us that we can have a richer, better life."
Koons remains one of the few living artists who is a household name, but his dominance in the market has fallen since its peak at the 2019 auction at Christie's where his 1986 stainless steel rabbit sculpture sold for \$91.1 million. The independent market database ARTDAI estimated that the financial performance of his artworks at auction over the last decade has fallen by nearly 60 percent (it does not include private sales). Koons has also hopped galleries in recent years, leaving David Zwirner and Gagosian in 2021 for Pace Gallery, only to reverse course four years later to rejoin Gagosian.
A person close to the Christie's deal said that Koons's motivation for selling the collection was to invest back into his art practice.
The Koons collection is a boon for Christie's in a fall auction season that has so far seen the most expensive trove of artworks going to its competitor, Sotheby's. That company recently secured 12 paintings valued at \$450 million including works by van Gogh, Cézanne, Pissaro and other Impressionists, from the estate of Carlos Pedro Blaquier and Nelly Blaquier de Arrieta, heirs to an Argentine sugar fortune.
Christie's has provided a guarantee to Koons for the artworks. The auction, on Nov. 17, is titled "Heroes and Lovers."
"Heroes" refers to a 1590 painting by van Haarlem depicting the myth of Hercules and the river god Achelous competing to marry a princess. Koons had bought the artwork in 2008, paying \$8.1 million, more than quadruple the high estimate, or \$12.6 million today. Christie's estimated that it would sell for about \$12 million this fall.
Koons has directly commented on van Haarlem's work. In 2015, he adapted another one of the Dutch mannerist's pictures for his gazing-ball paintings. The contemporary artist put a large blue ball in the center of the Dutch artist's take on the biblical story about the massacre of the innocents in Bethlehem.
Koons said that the gazing ball “represents the vastness of the universe and at the same time the intimacy of right here, right now.”
FROM TOP: MACALL POLAY/WITH CENTURY STUDIOS; ALSHA WETHERILL/AMAZON AND MGM STUDIOS; MELINDA SUE GORDON/UNIVERSAL PICTURES
For Anne Hathaway, A Renaissance Year
'Verity' is her third 2026 hit, after a long absence from major films.
By DERRICK BRYSON TAYLOR
Until this year, the Oscar-winning actress Anne Hathaway had not appeared in a major studio film in nearly a decade. But when she returned, she did so in monumental fashion.
Since April, Hathaway has starred in five major films, and after this weekend's success of "Verity," she appears to be the first woman to have leading roles in three films that opened at No. 1 at the box office in a single year.
"Verity," an adaptation of a Colleen Hoover novel of the same name, earned an estimated \$33 million at the box office this weekend, snagging the top spot by beating the ecological satire "Digger," starring Tom Cruise, by \$25 million. In the psychological thriller, Hathaway plays Verity Crawford, a novelist left in a catatonic state after a car accident. Dakota Johnson portrays the writer brought in to finish Crawford's work.
Hathaway's winning trajectory began in May, when she earned her first No. 1 film by reviving her role as the chaotic but clever journalist Andy Sachs in "The Devil Wears Prada 2." In July, she did it again, as Penelope in Christopher Nolan's "The Odyssey."
Scoring three No. 1 films on an opening weekend in a calendar year is never easy. The precise history of the feat seems hard to pin down, but Jim Carrey did it in 1994 with "Ace Ventura: Pet Detective," "The Mask" and "Dumb and Dumber." Ten years later, in 2004, Ben Stiller pulled off a trifecta with "Along Came Polly," "Dodgeball: A True Underdog Story" and "Meet the Fockers." Many actors have appeared in more than one No. 1 movie in a year, but some of those included cameo appearances or other small roles.
By any measure, Hathaway has had a busy year. "Verity," her fifth and final release of 2026, followed her work as the title character in the pop-fever dream "Mother Mary" in April; her performance in "The Devil Wears Prada 2" the next month; and "The Odyssey" in mid-July. In August, Hathaway played a brave mother in the dinosaur adventure tale "The End of Oak Street."
When she first saw the release schedule for this year, Hathaway told The Hollywood Reporter in August, "I kind of thought I was being punked." She informed the studios, "As long as audiences don't get sick of my face."
Scott Mendelson, a longtime film analyst who writes a box office newsletter on Substack called "The Outside Scoop," said Hathaway's success this year made it clear that audiences were not at all sick of her.
"She is a trusted name, and when you have the trust — whether you're DiCaprio in the mid-2010s," he said, "or you're Timothée
Chalamet or Robert Pattinson right now — that is how you get audiences to show up for a movie."
Before this year, Hathaway's most recent mainstream theatrical movie was in 2018 with "Ocean's 8," in which she starred with, among others, Sandra Bullock and Cate Blanchett. She then made a series of small but notable films, including "The Witches" in 2020 and "Mothers' Instinct" in 2024.
Hathaway's "renaissance" year at the box office signals the demand for more female-driven films, according to Christina Lane, a professor of film studies at the University of Miami School of Communication. "Women have been a key factor in driving this year's box office," she said, offering as examples "Wuthering Heights" (which starred Margot Robbie); "Send Help" (led by Rachel McAdams); and "Disclosure Day" (Emily Blunt).
To be sure, repeatedly climbing to the top of the box office is not only about hard work
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Scoring three No. 1 movies on an opening weekend in a calendar year is exceedingly rare.
or taking an extended break from major films before roaring back.
"A box office weekend may depend on a lot of factors, and that includes luck," Lane said. Such good fortune can be abetted when studios release films on carefully chosen dates, and when co-stars enhance a movie's appeal.
Other factors are at play, too, according to Lane, including a director's status and any "ready-made audience" a film may have, like its status as a sequel or its basis in a best-selling book. At the same time, Lane added, Hathaway "represents a new trend in that she is powerful because of the small part that she brings to a big package."
In that sense, Lane cautioned that while Hathaway may have dominated the box office this year, it was not a return to a previous time. "We're very far from the days when it was typical to see a female box office draw, like in the way that Julia Roberts or Demi Moore once were," she said.
A representative for Hathaway declined to comment on the actress's recent triumphs, saying that she was officially on maternity leave. (Hathaway is pregnant with her third child.)
But Hathaway recently told Entertainment Tonight that she planned to "vanish in a plume of smoke" after the release of "Verity."
"You're not going to see me until you have to," she said.
Anne Hathaway in, from top, "The Devil Wears Prada 2," "Verity" and "The Odyssey." She starred in two other films this year: "Mother Mary" and "The End of Oak Street." Before 2026, Hathaway's most recent mainstream theatrical movie was "Ocean's 8" in 2018.
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Two Not Touch
Put two stars in each row, column and region of the grid. No two stars may touch, not even diagonally.
Insert a pair of letters together somewhere inside CONTRACTION to spell a common 13-letter word. Then insert a different pair of letters in a different spot to spell another common 13-letter word.
PUZZLE BY WILL SHORTZ. YESTERDAY'S ANSWER Does anybody want some dead batteries? I've got a bunch of them to give away, free of charge.
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KenKen
Fill the grid with digits so as not to repeat a digit in any row or column, and so that the digits within each heavily outlined box will produce the target number shown, by using addition, subtraction, multiplication or division, as indicated in the box. A 4x4 grid will use the digits 1-4. A 6x6 grid will use 1-6.
36 React with exaggerated surprise ... or how to form the shorter shaded answers from the longer ones
40 Cut back a bit
41 Protein source
43 "That's infuriating!"
46 B.C. neighbor
47 Kid's comeback
48 Macs and wellies, e.g.
51 Snow bunnies are inclined to hit them
52 Spots that may need clearing up
53 Aquaman's domain
55 Brought into being
57 Like the descendants of some dinosaurs
58 In Rio, janeiro starts it
59 Mislead
60 Expression de gratitude
61 Abbr. on a box for an air conditioner
62 Bygone company whose website has been revived as satire
PUZZLE BY BEN ZIMMER
ANSWER TO PREVIOUS PUZZLE
DOWN
1 Break to pieces
2 Gently scolded
3 Sly reply to "You can't possibly know that!"
4 Knob on an amplifier
5 Becomes good as new
6 Silk shade
7 Stereotypically uncooperative creatures
8 IV sites
9 Collecting org.
10 E-cigarette claim
11 Durable
12 Shin guards protect them
13 Some chemistry lab procedures
21 Vexes
25 Musical artist with the fastest video to reach one billion views on YouTube
26 Helped through a rough patch, with "over"
27 Peck or parsec
32 Patterned fabric
33 Afro-Cuban dance
34 Big name in cloud services
35 Hall with a self-titled daytime talk show
37 Regalia for some queens
38 Monitor closely, with "on"
39 Slowly get familiar with
42 Chuck
43 Pinup icon Betty
44 Arrive out of breath, perhaps
45 Close lookalike
47 Singer Morissette with the 1995 #1 album "Jagged Little Pill"
49 Real swell
50 All-night party attendee
51 In need of tightening, maybe
54 Start to fade
56 Trucker's measure
57 Paycheck fig.
Play all of our games plus over 10,000 past puzzles for Wordle, Spelling Bee, The Crossword and more online at http://nytimes.com/games. For puzzle talk, visit http://nytimes.com/wordplay.
We Bet You Had A Better Prom Night
What to know about 'Carrie' before watching the new television adaptation.
Right, Summer H. Howell, who plays the title character in the new eight-part "Carrie" TV series. Below left, Sissy Spacek in the 1976 Brian De Palma film. Below right, Julianne Moore, left, and Chloë Grace Moretz in the 2013 movie remake.
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By ROBIN RAVEN
Stephen King's 1974 novel, "Carrie," has been a paperback best seller, an Oscar-nominated film, a Broadway flop, a network TV movie and a big-screen remake. Now, a month before the 50th anniversary of Brian De Palma's 1976 film, comes the first series-length version, adapted and overseen by Mike Flanagan ("The Haunting of Hill House," "Midnight Mass") with King as an executive producer.
Flanagan, who updated the setting to contemporary times, has said he is rebuilding the story rather than retelling it. Some elements of his adaptation are new: Much has changed about teenage life since the 1970s, not least the advent of the internet and smartphones, which have added terrifying new dimensions to the eternal plagues of high school bullying and parental paranoia.
The full eight-part series arrives on Wednesday, on Amazon Prime Video, starring Summer H. Howell as the titular telekinetic teenager and Samantha Sloyan as her overprotective mother. Here's what to know before watching.
SILVER SCREEN COLLECTION/GETTY IMAGES
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The Book Stephen King Almost Quit
Stephen King was in his mid-20s, teaching high school English in Maine and living in a trailer, when he started writing "Carrie" in 1972. In "On Writing: A Memoir of the Craft," he says he grew frustrated and threw the opening pages in the trash, but his wife, Tabitha, fished them out and encouraged him to continue. "Carrie" became his debut novel, and when the paperback rights went for \$400,000, King quit teaching. His inspiration for the story included two lonely girls he knew, a magazine article on telekinesis and a summer job cleaning a girls' locker room.
ROBERT FALCONER/AMAZON PRIME
MICHAEL GIBSON/METRO-GOLD/WYN-MAVER PICTURES AND SCREEN CEM
Carrie's Story, as Told in the Book
The novel is set in Chamberlain, Maine, in the spring of 1979. Carrie White, the outcast of Ewen High School with an intensely religious and controlling mother, gets her first period in the gym showers and, not knowing what's happening, panics; her classmates pelt her with tampons while jeering. The gym teacher, Miss Desjardin, punishes the class. One girl, Sue Snell, feels guilty and asks her boyfriend, Tommy Ross, to take Carrie to the prom in her place. Another, Chris Hargensen, is furious enough to plot revenge with her boyfriend, Billy Nolan, and two buckets of pig's blood.
The buckets empty on Carrie just as she and Tommy are crowned queen and king, and one bucket knocks Tommy unconscious. Their classmates burst out laughing. Using her telekinetic powers, Carrie traps them inside and kills nearly all of them, then walks through Chamberlain, opening gas mains and downing power lines, leaving hundreds dead. At home, Margaret stabs her, so Carrie stops her mother's heart. Even more carnage follows,
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Telekinesis, According to King
The novel opens with a 1966 news item about a shower of stones falling on the Whites' house; inside, Margaret had been punishing Carrie, then a young girl, for talking to a sunbathing neighbor. Carrie's power goes dormant, then returns with a vengeance during puberty.
The book treats telekinesis as a medical condition. Scientists in the book's documents argue that it is genetic and probably recessive. They warn that Carrie will not be the last of her kind.
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The Other Carries
Arguably the most indelible pop culture images of Carrie — drenched in blood, eyes wide with dissociative fury — come from De Palma's film, a major box-office success starring Sissy Spacek and Piper Laurie, both of whom were nominated for Oscars. In 1988, a Broadway musical starring Betty Buckley as Margaret met with less success, closing after five performances. (A 2012 Off Broadway version did much better.)
A 1999 film, "The Rage: Carrie 2," directed by Katt Shea, was centered on Carrie's half sister, Rachel, and it brought back
Amy Irving from the De Palma film as Sue. A 2002 made-for-TV movie on NBC, starring Angela Bettis and Patricia Clarkson, was intended to be a pilot for a series that wasn't made; unlike the novel, it let Carrie live. More recently, Kimberly Peirce's 2013 feature-length remake, starring Chloë Grace Moretz and Julianne Moore, moved the shower scene into the age of cellphone video.
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Flanagan and King
Flanagan is a longtime King adapter. He made "Gerald's Game" into a 2017 Netflix movie. In 2019 he adapted "Doctor Sleep," King's sequel to "The Shining," which preserves many of the details of the 1980 Stanley Kubrick film (which King has said he never liked). His movie "The Life of Chuck," based on a King short story and starring Tom Hiddleston, won the People's Choice Award at the Toronto film festival in 2024.
For "Carrie," Flanagan worked with several frequent collaborators, including Sloyan, who played the scripture-quoting Bev Keane in his Netflix series "Midnight Mass."
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What King Says About the Series
The "Carrie" series is not a sequel, so there is no background reading or watching required. (But the novel is a quick read!) Flanagan draws much from the book's various mock-archival chapters — fake news clippings, police transcripts and such — which the movies have mostly ignored.
King's opinion? He described this adaptation as "brilliant" on Threads, adding, "What it has to say about social media is shocking and true."
Reflections on Slime, and How Nickelodeon Let It Flow
GEORCE ETHEREDGE FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
Marc Summers, who hosted "Double Dare," recently headlined an event in Philadelphia celebrating the 40th anniversary of the show's debut. Below, Summers with Liza Koshy, left, and contestants in a revival of the show several years back.
The former 'Double Dare' host Marc Summers, recalls a show that changed children's TV.
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By SOPAN DEB
There was a time before artificial intelligence slop filled our timelines that actual slop was the lifeblood of children's television. It was the job of Marc Summers, a former magician and smoked salmon salesman, to tell you about it.
He was the host of "Double Dare," the show that changed the course of cable television by helping turn the children's channel Nickelodeon into an institution.
"Double Dare" was a quiz show that also included messy "physical challenges" on an obstacle course, like wading through tubs of Jell-O and traversing a human hamster wheel. It became an unexpected success,
RONALD GALOTTI, A PUBLISHER FOR VOGUE & VANITY FAIR IN THE 1990s. INSPIRED A MAIN LOVE INTEREST ON THIS SERIES THAT DEBUTED IN 1998
FOR THE CORRECT RESPONSE, WATCH JEOPARDY! TONIGHT OR LOOK IN THIS SPACE TOMORROW IN THE TIMES.
Yesterday's Response: WHAT ARE DORITOS?
Watch JEOPARDY!
7 p.m. on Channel 7
turning Summers into a celebrity and spawning "Super Sloppy Double Dare" and later "Family Double Dare" on Fox.
The original debuted 40 years ago, on Oct. 6, 1986.
"It was a show that put them on the map. It was the show that gave them their own game," Summers, referring to Nickelodeon, said in a phone interview from his home in Santa Barbara, Calif.
The audience "didn't have to watch grown-ups play," he added, which meant Nickelodeon "sort of got a monopoly on children and games."
But the anniversary feels a bit rueful for Summers. Nickelodeon is not the cultural force it used to be, and the network declined Summers's entreaties to celebrate the show's anniversary. (In its place, Summers headlined a reunion event at City Winery in Philadelphia on Saturday with co-host Rob-in Russo.)
Summers, 74, said he now keeps busy through paid appearances two years after his one-man show, "The Life & Slimes of Marc Summers," had an Off Broadway run in 2024.
"I'm in a fortunate situation that I don't really kind of have to do anything," he said. "So if something intrigues me I do it and if I don't, I don't."
This conversation has been edited for length and clarity.
My first job was writing "Truth or Consequences" the last year Bob Barker did it. So I kept going to auditions and they kept saying, "Come back when you have gray hair and wrinkles," because back in the day, it was Barker and Tom Kennedy and all those kinds of folks and they didn't want a kid. At the time, although I was 33, I looked like I was 23.
It worked in my favor this time because they wanted somebody they thought the kids could relate to.
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What do you remember about your audition for the show?
My show business career was not going anywhere. I was working at Magic Castle because I started my career as a professional magician. And a friend of mine had this amazing smoked salmon business and I called him up one day and I said, "Let me see if I can sell this stuff." And the next thing I know we're doing 80,000 pounds a month at Price Club.
A friend of mine, Dave Garrison, was a ventriloquist in Wilton, Calif. He called me up and said, "I just got a call for an audition for some game show at a network I'd never heard of called Nickelodeon, so why don't you go instead of me?"
So I went and I walked in and I said: "Dave Garrison was supposed to be here but he couldn't make it. My name is Marc." And I do the audition. They said, "Sure."
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How long did you think you were going to do the gig for?
Thirteen weeks and out. That's how television was back then. And I figured, "Well, I'll get lucky and do 13," and then look for the next job. But the thing exploded.
What did you think of the concept for the show?
I just wanted a job. I was a game show nut.
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I read somewhere that you used to get 5,000 letters a week suggesting new obstacles.
There was actually more than that. We stayed at the Four Seasons in Philadelphia and at the end of episodes, it said, "Members of our team stayed at the Four Seasons hotel." And the kids would call the number and just flood the lines and they made us take it off because there were so many kids thinking that I lived at the Four Seasons hotel.
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Why was the show successful?
Right place, right time. We were on at 5:30 in the afternoon. Moms would often say, "Go watch your show while I finish dinner."
I never did it as a kid's show. I didn't want to do a kid's show. So I didn't talk to the kids in a squeaky voice. To me, I was doing "Jeopardy" or "Wheel of Fortune" or "The Price Is Right" or whatever. I just talked to them like they were grown-ups.
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Your age was a secret when you hosted. How did you navigate that?
They told me I wasn't allowed to be married. I wasn't allowed to have kids. I wasn't allowed to even talk about any of that stuff.
I was being interviewed by The Los Angeles Times. And they said, "Are you married and do you have kids?" I said, "I'm not allowed to discuss my personal life." And they say, "How do you feel about the fact that you can't even go into a restaurant and order a beer?"
I said, "What?"
I went and called Geoffrey Darby, who was our executive producer. I said: "This reporter just said I'm not allowed to drink a beer. Is that true?" And he said: "No. Why would you not be able to drink beer?" "Well, he said I'm a kids' show host and I can't do that." And he said, "Well that's not true." He said, "I wouldn't want you in an airport store looking at Playboy."
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How did hosting the show change your perception of children?
When we went on the air, it was when moms all of a sudden had to go back to work because things were too expensive. When you think about what we're paying now, that seems ridiculous. But mom had to get a job. And they weren't, through our research, able to read bedtime stories as much.
So we would ask questions: "Jack and Jill went up the hill and what did Jack fetch?" And the children didn't know because the time that moms and dads were able to spend with the kids was less and less.
So it sort of depressed me that life was changing at the time seemingly dramatically. So you notice these social things, and it made you scratch your head from time to time.
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How do you think about the show 40 years later?
It was the best job. It put me on the map, number one. I had free rein. They let me do whatever I wanted to do. They never once slapped my hand and said, "Marc, you can't do that." We toured it for years. We would go out and sell out The Palace of Auburn Hills, Mich. — 20,000 people on a weekend. So I don't have any negative feelings at all in any way, shape or form.
TRAE PATTON/NICKELLOIDION, VIA ASSOCIATED PRESS
JENNILEE MARGOMEN FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
Grief Permeates a Story and a Studio in Flux
the Coalition in 2010.
CONTINUED FROM PAGE CI
original trilogy from memory. The war veteran Marcus Fenix and his bulky squadmates now jump up, over and through combat arenas.
A straight shot of a bridge or a mad dash over a collapsing highway would have choked older Gears games, which cleverly shrunk their views to emphasize other cutting-edge effects. E-Day's large vistas are brutal tone-setters. Concrete wreckage is interrupted with gaps, slices and collapsed building materials. Bodies, as well, and not just alien ones.
Such a technical reinvention aligns with E-Day's somber story, about people trying to escape a city-wrecking alien scourge.
Juan Vaca, the game's story director, expressed bittersweet pride about the results. He was a scout sniper in the Marines, and E-Day includes callbacks to mourning a best friend and others whom he served alongside.
"I use it as a way to honor them and think about not only the deaths, but how we found out about them," he said. "This is a game about grief."
In 2014, Epic Games, which is best known for Fortnite, handed the rights to its Gears of War franchise to Microsoft, which had a Vancouver studio that had been struggling. The last-ditch shot: become a Gears-only studio. (Years earlier, a similar transition played out for Microsoft's Halo series.)
At first glance, the Coalition's offices at the edge of downtown Vancouver reflect an older Gears era. Staff members suggest that the framed concept art, action figures, themed Xbox consoles and life-size monster puppet are not great fodder for photography because they are all sourced from previous games.
Although familiar characters and plot points have returned in E-Day, most of the digital nuts and bolts — artistic assets, the underlying 3-D-rendering engine, animations — are brand-new.
The Coalition worried it might lose existing fans if its first entry in the franchise, Gears of War 4 (2016), strayed too far. Matt Searcy, the studio's creative director, called the final product more of a jog than a hard sprint.
"Start with an empty hard drive," the studio lead, Mike Crump, told his team.
in the Coalition's design and animation departments were laid off.
Gears of War (2006) and its third-person camera innovated a "cover shooter" mechanic of peeking with guns from safe, crouching positions, something first-person games like Halo couldn't do. This flank-and-cooperate gameplay landed in a gritty universe where friends could team up and push back alien invaders.
"There's tons of stuff from Gears 4 on the cutting room floor because people came in having worked on all these other Triple-A franchises," said Searcy, using a profanity that would not be out of place in the mature games.
As Gears 5 (2019) began production, the Coalition attempted what Searcy called "open-heart surgery" to add a seemingly simple move: a jump. But what comes naturally to Super Mario is not the same for armor-clad soldiers like Marcus or the studio's older codebase. The idea was "too disruptive" and got scrapped.
Instead, the game introduced desolate landscapes that players traversed via high-speed sleds before climbing off to explore classic, Gears-styled combat alcoves, and a newbie-friendly helper bot. These ideas and Gears 5-exclusive multiplayer modes do not return in E-Day.
But late last month, Vaca and colleagues
Above, the desk of the Coalition studio's manager of franchise lore and content for the Gears of War franchise.
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A conflict's devastation is explored in a game that took years to develop and was released amid layoffs.
Searcy and his Coalition colleagues were diplomatic about their previous game during formal interviews, but he was more candid while playing a cooperative E-Day session in a Coalition computer lab. "We learned a lot on Gears 5," he said with a laugh between bursts of machine-gun fire.
From his Bay Area home office, Vaca said several things included in E-Day were from his life, such as Marcus's squad using a tourist map to get its bearings. Vaca similarly relied on a tourist map during his turbulent 2004 deployment to Haiti, and still keeps it among his valuables.
Vaca also sees himself in the game's pair of new characters: Mags Carter, a jaded mentor whose name refers to “the document that challenges the king,” and Lucas Reyes, a younger and more regretful soldier. Vaca describes Lucas's story as “a chance to tell young, impressionable men that there is a path to redemption through doing good.” The stories told through terse, minimalist dialogue and emotional faces are a highlight for a series that has occasionally erred on the cheesy side of sci-fi.
The game's handling of grief is not confined to life and death. One midgame sequence sees the characters remark on the shoddiness of Mags's post-military apartment. "Once the war broke you, you're just disposable," Vaca said about the all-too-common veteran experience of re-entering society without work or support.
Representatives from Coalition declined to comment on the layoffs.
One week earlier, Coalition leadership described continuity as an important studio principle. Many of the team's leaders worked together at Electronic Arts's offices in Vancouver before joining what became
"Every time you hit a challenge as a group and you master it and overcome it, you now have a place of strength to work from when you tackle your next set of challenges," Searcy said. "What you get out of continuity is a confidence."
Gears of War: E-Day has received positive reviews, but there are plenty of challenges for the Coalition. It was one of the developers of last year's Gears of War Reloaded, a remake of the debut 2006 game and the first released on the PlayStation. But shortly after Xbox named a new chief executive, E-Day was announced as an Xbox console exclusive, limiting the game's audience.
Crump, who leads the studio, suggested it would produce future Gears games more quickly, and its technical director, Kate Rayner, noted that E-Day's development began before the rise of generative A.I.
"We're looking to the industry," she said, "to see what's going to happen."
On a recent sunny afternoon, more than 100 Coalition employees cheered as Crump celebrated a milestone by slicing into an E-Day cake. His makeshift knife was a toy version of the "Lancer," the franchise's signature chain saw-tipped gun, and someone played a revving sound as it touched the frosting.
Crump then spoke to the "blood, sweat and tears" that went into E-Day's making. When pressed on the series's future, he spoke about "what's right for the franchise," like taking six years to retool core technologies. That response, about franchise over staff, recalls emotional E-Day moments where soldiers grapple with the cost they bear for larger leadership decisions. As the character Mags Carter remarks, "War doesn't care about our good intentions."
Nashville Symphony Receives \$10 Million Lifeline
The Nashville Symphony had planned to furlough musicians and other staff members because of financial difficulties.
KURT HICINGUE
The gift, from Oracle, allows the ensemble to resume its season after a suspension.
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By DERRICK BRYSON TAYLOR
The Nashville Symphony has received a \$10 million gift from the technology company Oracle, just days after it had made the difficult decision to suspend its current season and furlough musicians and staff members because of financial difficulties.
The gift will allow the symphony to resume the season, which runs through June 2027, and to retain staff members, Mark Tillinger, the Nashville Symphony's president and chief executive, said in a news release on Sunday. At the end of September, the symphony announced that it did not have enough money to sustain itself and would have to cancel performances.
"The past week has been difficult for our musicians, staff and community," Tillinger said. "The uncertainty was real, and we recognize the concern and frustration it caused."
Oracle, the technology and database management company, is building its new headquarters in Nashville.
The Nashville Symphony is one of a number of American orchestras struggling with declines in revenue, attendance and donations, instability in leadership and strikes by musicians.
A search for cost cuts has put a strain on both musicians fighting for higher wages and patrons who support the institutions.
Around the time that the symphony announced the suspension of concerts, there was a swift change in leadership. J. Mark Cantrell stepped down as president and chief executive after only about two months in the job. The board of directors then appointed Tillinger, a former board member.
A representative for the symphony declined to comment Monday on why Cantrell exited.
Many orchestras are still recovering from the Covid pandemic, which only exacerbated financial difficulties. Audiences altered their habits, and box-office revenues dwindled with the decline of the old subscription model for selling season tickets. This made ensembles increasingly dependent on donations.
Last month, the Cleveland Orchestra reached a deal after a three-day strike by its musicians' union over wage concerns, leading it to cancel two performances. Around the same time, the San Francisco Opera and its orchestra reached a deal after a strike by musicians that forced the cancellation of the season opening.
The Boston Symphony has been struggling with a leadership crisis in recent months after it declined to renew the contract of its music director, Andris Nelsons. The leader of the symphony, Chad Smith, later admitted that the organization had mishandled the termination, which plunged it into disarray.
The New York Philharmonic, conducted by Gustavo Dudamel, seems to be one of the few exceptions at the moment.
Its season began last month, and the critic Joshua Barone wrote in The New York Times that its musicians looked "as if they're having more fun" and were "performing with an excitement that the audience seems to share." About 6,000 people had packed Radio City Music Hall for a performance that included pop stars, and days later the Philharmonic settled into Lincoln Center for its first Geffen Hall concert of the season, to much fanfare.
The Nashville Symphony, in the U.S. country-music capital and known for its rich music history, performs more than 150 concerts annually, with a focus on contemporary American orchestral music. A representative for the symphony said on Monday that select performances were being reconfirmed based on guest conductor and artist availability.
Oracle's gift to the orchestra was a show of support for the arts in the city it has chosen as a home base. The company's chief executive, Clay Magouyrk, said in a statement that the donation enabled the symphony to reinstate its full-time staff members and all members of the orchestra, who were to be furloughed on Oct. 18 because of the financial emergency.
"We are here to help solve the community's problems and ensure Nashville remains a vibrant place to live and work for generations to come," he said.
Tillinger, in a new statement on Monday, said that Oracle had reached out to the symphony to ask how the company could make "a real, meaningful difference" for the institution and the community.
"We shared what it would take to bring our season and our musicians back, and Oracle met that moment with extraordinary vision and generosity," he added.
On Sunday, Tillinger said he was deeply grateful for the gift, which will buy time and momentum to address the symphony's longer-term financial challenges.
"We will honor that investment through the difficult but necessary work of restructuring our operations, bringing our costs and revenue into balance, and strengthening our financial foundation for a sustainable future."
The Book World's Big Cheerleader, Finding Her Way
CONTINUED FROM PAGE CI
We met a week before Owens's 50th birthday to discuss her transformation and her recent essay collection, "Between Chapters: How I Started Over, Took Some Chances and Found the Plot," published last month by Zibby Publishing.
The book, featuring a picture of Owens's office on the cover, is dedicated to the weight-loss drug Mounjaro.
"Thank you for noticing," said Owens, unleashing a frequent giggle that ranged from infectious to nervous. "It's about reinvention at any age. Somebody the other day was like, 'I thought you had everything together and you're supremely confident.' I was like, 'Me?' We all have our stuff."
In "Between Chapters," Owens writes about rewatching "You've Got Mail" — the '90s rom-com about an independent bookstore owner — while en route to the opening of Zibby's Bookshop in Santa Monica, Calif., near her house in the Pacific Palisades.
But managing a growing media empire has proved more complicated than the cozy bookstore of Hollywood dreams. Zibby Publishing has seen employees rapidly come and go, underscoring industry scuttlebutt that Owens is a privileged dilettante, well intentioned but spread too thin, a better cheerleader than a boss.
The books in Owens's library are organized in rainbow order. Her desk is tucked in a corner, beneath shelves of awards for her podcast, "Totally Booked With Zibby," which began in 2018 as "Moms Don't Have Time to Read Books." Since then, Owens has spoken with more than 2,000 authors and guests, including veterans (Chris Bohjalian, Daniel Silva), first-timers (Bonnie Garmus, Virginia Evans) and household names (Lena Dunham, Alicia Keys).
'I will say, learning to manage professionally, more than, like, a babysitter, has been a learning experience.' ZIBBY OWENS
She records five episodes a week and, she said, makes it a point to finish her guests' books: "How can I show up if I don't know what I'm talking about?"
This can add up to around 1,500 pages, in addition to reading alongside her teams at Zibby Publishing and Zibby's Bookshop. (Owens's nickname evolved thanks to a playgroup friend who couldn't pronounce Elizabeth.)
And when Owens isn't reading, she's writing.
She has published "Bookends," a memoir (2022); "Princess Charming," a picture book (2022); "Blank," a novel which gently skewers the book business (2024); and three collections of essays by fellow authors on subjects ranging from being Jewish to being a woman to surviving the pandemic.
"Between Chapters" is Owens's second book from Zibby Publishing. In it, she explores, with Bombeckian brevity and wit, transitional moments in her life — divorcing her first husband; marrying Kyle Owens, whom she met as a tennis pro in the Hamptons; and her kids' evolution from childhood to adolescence.
In the lead-up to publication, she established a forum on her Substack where readers could share their own stories of change and growth. The response was so overwhelming — “a backlog of almost 200 essays about everything from graduation to retirement” — that she established a WhatsApp group where contributors can text among themselves.
"It's, like, bananas," she said. "They're meeting up, helping each other, following each other on Instagram. It's a new community."
Owens's goal with her literary maximalism, from social media to anthologies to book clubs, is to create community around readers and books. During our 90-minute interview, she used the word "community" no fewer than a dozen times.
In the new book, she writes: "Perhaps I want to spare people the emotion that has been the hardest for me to bear at various points in my life: loneliness. That ache wraps around me like a scratchy blanket I can't shake off."
After graduating from Harvard Business School, Owens took a year off to write a novel that didn't sell. It was a "public failure," she said. "I'd told everyone I knew that I was writing a book, and then it was rejection after rejection. That really hurt."
When her marriage ended, Owens found herself with solitary stretches of time when her children were with their father. That's when she turned to "bibliotherapy," plowing through multiple books each weekend. She kept writing.
"Right now my goals are mostly just to grow what we have," Zibby Owens says of Zibby Media, which includes a podcast, left, "Totally Booked With Zibby," from her home office.
PHOTOGRAPHS BY LED PARRA/THE NEW YORK TIMES
Owens said, “I went to different agents and everyone’s like, ‘Sorry, not interested, you don’t have a platform.’ I’ve been freelancing since my first article came out in Seventeen when I was 16. Didn’t matter. They’re like, ‘Nobody wants to read parenting essays by someone who’s not famous.’”
The cheekily named "Moms Don't Have Time to Read Books" podcast quickly inspired several spinoffs — "Moms Don't Have Time to Write," "Moms Don't Have Time to Grieve," "Moms Don't Have Time to Lose Weight" and "Moms Don't Have Time to Have Sex." Each had its own social media account and a forum where contributors could share their experiences.
Dani Shapiro, a best-selling memoirist, novelist and podcaster, acknowledged in an interview that Owens's early efforts were a bit "diffuse." But, she said, "What struck me was that it was all about community, which I think is Zibby's superpower."
Anna Quindlen, a best-selling author whom Owens has interviewed several times, said: "I really don't know anyone who works as hard as she does. I think it's because, as Zibby says, she spent so many years thinking, 'I can't do this.'"
When Owens's books started coming out, she was surprised by certain aspects of the publishing industry: How hard it is for a book to gain traction, especially a debut. How a book's fate can be sealed by its marketing budget before it hits shelves. How rarely authors interact with the sales team, which is responsible for placing books in stores.
In 2021, she started Zibby Books, now Zibby Publishing, hoping to experiment with marketing, profit sharing, even different formats for books.
The company now operates more or less traditionally, with a staff of 16, publishing 8 to 10 books per year, mostly novels and memoirs, some of which have become best sellers. Authors appreciate the boutique approach and creativity. For instance, the company rented out Frank E. Campbell Funeral Home — mortuary to the stars — to celebrate the publication of John Kenney's novel "I See You've Called in Dead."
On his three-month paperback tour, Kenney said: "I received a text every morning, asking how it went last night. Do you need anything? Are you set for tonight? There's a level of support from the team that's really remarkable."
According to the publisher, Kenney's book, which is their biggest hit, has sold more than 195,000 copies across all formats.
Emma Grey, who has put out three novels with Zibby Publishing, praised the team's brand partnerships, relationships with book clubs and WhatsApp group for authors. "They changed my career and my life," she said.
But Zibby Publishing is one area where Owens has struggled to build community, at least at the outset.
Seven people who were interviewed about formerly working for the company described a chaotic, challenging environment, with job descriptions changing overnight and a torrent of after-hours missives from Owens.
One person characterized the experience as a "free for all" with a "complete lack of boundaries," adding that Owens has "lots of ideas and isn't so great on execution." Another said, "I got let go when I stopped saying yes to things." Both asked not to be named, fearing retribution; all employees at Zibby Media sign nondisclosure agreements.
Owens hesitated only once during our conversation, when I asked how she likes being a boss.
"I'm not going to have #Bosslady on my license plate," she said. "That's not me."
Her 11-year-old son came in, looking for a pair of scissors, followed by her 19-year-old daughter, who lavished love on the dog.
When we were alone, Owens continued: "Our company is not hierarchical. There's no layers. We all come and have lunch here together three days a week. That's truly fun." (Zibby Media's offices are a short walk from Owens's apartment.)
She paused, choosing her words carefully. "I will say, learning to manage professionally, more than, like, a babysitter, has been a learning experience. I've learned a lot. And I think I've gotten better."
Anne Messitte, the president and publisher of Zibby Media, who has been there from the beginning, said: "We've definitely gone through a process of building a team and finding a team that's the right fit. We're a start-up finding our legs."
Sherri Puzey, vice president for marketing, said that the team has planned a "massive tour" for "Between Chapters," and that Owens will be a featured author at a weekend-long reading retreat in Santa Monica.
"I feel like that brings everything full cir-"
cle," Puzey said. "Zibby is doing what she loves best: gathering authors and readers and celebrating books."
In 2023, one such celebration ran headfirst into global politics. Zibby Media publicly withdrew between \$25,000 and \$49,999 of financial support from the National Book Awards after learning that several nominees planned to use their platform "to promote a pro-Palestinian, anti-Israel agenda," as Owens put it on her Substack.
Ruth Dickey, the executive director of the National Book Foundation, which oversees the awards and other programs, declined to comment on the decision.
"I believe in speaking out," Owens said when asked about criticism of her support of Israel. "Not everybody's going to agree with me, but I believe if you have a platform and you believe in something, you have to use your platform. I've done so, and I'm OK with that."
In this regard, Owens is following in the footsteps of her father, a fellow supporter of the arts and Israel.
"I feel enormously lucky to be his daughter and to have this crash course in running a business," she said. "I'm very aware of wanting to do good with what I've been given. I'm not sitting around eating bonbons."
A spokesperson for Zibby Media said that Schwarzman “and his company have not played a role in the formation, operations or strategy of Zibby’s company.” A Blackstone representative declined a request for comment on Schwarzman’s behalf.
After the fires in Los Angeles in 2025, Owens gave away free books and provided trauma counseling at Zibby's Bookshop for people who lost their homes. She also mobilized clothing donations and raised funds for four school libraries to replace their collections.
"I have a reaction to trauma or disaster," Owens said. "I get really upset, I can't get off the couch, I have to cancel events, I'm nonfunctional. Then I spring into action and I'm like, I have to do something. Then I'm almost manic about it."
As for what's next on the literary front, Owens was full of ideas.
"I have crazy dreams," she said. "I've always wanted to open a book hotel. I think that would be just the greatest, where I could decorate it and have every room filled with books and a book concierge waiting for you in the lobby."
She added, "Right now my goals are mostly just to grow what we have."
As we made our way down a staircase lined with dorm décor for her twins, we ran into her younger son. He held up a Holly Jackson novel and announced, "Mom, I finished!" She swore she had not put him up it.
Two days later, I received a kind and effusive email from Owens in which she invited me to be a guest, moderator or panelist at one of her reading retreats.
Or, she wrote, "A fun idea: maybe I could host a lunch at my home with you and all the authors you've interviewed over the years to say thank you and to connect everyone. (Can't help myself!")
Food
RESTAURANTS | RECIPES | WINE | SPIRITS
The New York Times
WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 7, 2026
Better
Cooking
With
Buddhism
A new cookbook by the chef Eric Ripert calls for gratitude and awareness in the kitchen.
The chef Eric Ripert of Le Bernardin, whose new book is "Mindful Cooking: Simple Recipes for Nurturing Body and Soul."
CHRISTOPHER TESTANI FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
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By PETE WELLS
In 2015, Eric Ripert invited a small group of writers to lunch in a private dining room at Le Bernardin in Midtown Manhattan. Mr. Ripert is acclaimed for sensitive and astonishingly varied seafood cookery, and normally a meal at his restaurant entails a procession of elegantly arranged ocean creatures.
This one was different.
All the food was prepared by Jeong Kwan, a Buddhist nun Mr. Ripert had met at a temple in South Korea. She served lotus-blossom tea, salted bamboo shoots, bellflower roots, roasted tofu with mouth-tingling prickly ash berries, and soy sauce she had fermented and aged at her hermitage. The lunch led to a profile of Ms. Kwan by Jeff Gordinier in T Magazine, which led to an episode about her on the Netflix show “Chef’s Table,” which led to her getting an award from Asia’s 50 Best Restaurants, and to offers to present her esoteric, thoughtful, vegetarian cooking around the world.
Mr. Ripert, though, was disappointed by the coverage. Not by its quantity — there was so much that Ms. Kwan is now one of the most famous nuns on earth — but its content.
"The media focused on the beauty of the food and the beauty of the chopsticks, and they didn't focus on, or they didn't think about, the philosophy behind it," he said in a recent interview. "To me, it was unfortunate, and a missed opportunity."
Buddhism, though, teaches the importance of perseverance, and Mr. Ripert, 61, has been a practicing Buddhist for many years. And so he is trying again.
His new cookbook, "Mindful Cooking: Simple Recipes for Nurturing Body and Soul," makes a fresh attempt to get across the principles that guide Ms. Kwan and other Buddhist temple cooks. The book, which was published Tuesday, barely mentions Buddhism as a religion, let alone the intricacies of the Tibetan Vajrayana tradition Mr. Ripert practices. Neither does it suggest the reader meditate for hours on end, as nuns and monks do, or wake up in the dark of night to pray.
Instead, Mr. Ripert points to some basic habits of thinking — mindfulness, gratitude and joy among them — that can guide us while we cook, making our time in the kitchen “a better, more powerful, more meaningful experience,” as he put it. (If the book’s spiritual message doesn’t lure you in, there are also about 90 recipes, all made without animal ingredients.)
Mr. Ripert, who wears a loop of wooden mala prayer beads wrapped around one wrist, has never hidden his Buddhism. He has said that his beliefs led him to reject the angry, shouty management style he learned as a young cook, and that he has trouble squaring those beliefs with the many animals served at Le Bernardin. Until now, though, he CONTINUED ON PAGE D7
What Makes Their Dishes So Special
CHONA KASINGER FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
ANDREW ESIERO FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
ABOVE, TOP LEFT AND RIGHT: KELLY MARSHALL FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES, FOOD STYLIST: MONICA PIERINI, PROP STYLIST: PAGE HICKS.
Four women praise red palm oil, a West African staple.
THIS PAST SUMMER, when I first made ebbeh, a hearty one-pot stew popular across West Africa, I saw in the pot bubbling before me ingredients I've known throughout my life. I watched cubed cassava soften, chunks of smoked catfish perfume, soft-shell crabs and plump shrimp brighten, adding a saline sweetness to the simmering broth. I had found a new familiar stew.
My version veers slightly from the traditional by using smoked whitefish in place of kong (a smoked catfish) and store-bought lump crab meat in place of soft-shell crab. Chopped cilantro and lime wedges complete this dish, gratifying bliss in every spoonful. Like my favorites — moqueca, eru, red red and obe oniru among them — ebbeh was rich, warm, nourishing, held together with another familiar ingredient: red palm oil.
A staple of West African cuisine, unrefined red palm oil lends color and umami to rich broths, lovingly slicks bitter greens and adds a floral yet smoky essence to anything in its path. But its critics conflate it with refined palm oil, a tasteless, odorless ingredient that comes from the same tree but features in cosmetics and commercial food production. Large-scale production of this oil has drawn ire for how it contributes to deforestation.
Red palm oil, however, is largely the purview of small producers, made in the same sustainable manner for centuries, minimally processed in small batches. Amid the debate about more industrial varieties of oils made from the oil palm, like refined palm oil and palm kernel oil, we may have lost sight of how much red palm oil has been woven into communities and cuisine.
I've written about red palm oil before. This time, however, I wanted to spend time learning from others about the role it has played in their lives. In conversations with four women across the diaspora, I am left wondering if the word "ingredient" really does justice to its power. The red palm oil we use to complement stews like ebbeh is more than an ingredient. It is a conduit to African foodways.
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Aimée Wallin, a managing director of the Ghana Food Movement
Often, we reserve a kind of reverence for certain staples of global cuisines, considering them the products of their specific soil, region or cultivation: spices, yogurt, butter, wine, olive oil, to name a few. It also applies to red palm oil, as Ms. Wallin understands.
The bottle she is currently cooking from, she told me, she made herself a year ago, with women in a beach community in western Ghana.
Over two days, they followed the standard method of production: harvesting the fruit, then boiling and pounding it to separate fibrous pulp from the kernel. Then, they again boiled the pulp in an enormous kettle until a lush oil rose to the top and could be scooped off.
As many other small producers do, that community in Ghana added its own twist, finishing the oil with nunum (a type of basil) and onion.
Technique varies meaningfully by community, she told me. "Communities will tell you exactly what makes theirs special — a nuance invisible to most."
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Ozoz Sokoh, an award-winning cookbook author and food researcher
Growing up in Warri, on the Southern coast of Delta State, Nigeria, Ms. Sokoh didn't consider red palm oil particularly special. It was everywhere: Trees heavy with fruit lined the roads, bunches often carried home from the market, the nutty core enjoyed as a snack and the hard shell used as gravel for the roads. But in 2009, a Brazilian colleague described a red oil called azeite de dendé (the name in Portuguese for red palm oil), being used to fry a crispy bean fritter dish called acarajé, similar in profile to the Nigerian akara. Was this the oil she knew from the palms lining the streets of Warri? It turned out it was.
Ms. Sokoh recounted that, in Brazil, colonial powers tried to obliterate the African palm but could not kill the seeds. "The seeds replant themselves," she said, referring to a process called sub-spontaneous growth. "You can't get rid of them."
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Ronke Edoho, a Nigerian Canadian food blogger and entrepreneur
Red palm oil cultivation was the background for some of Ms. Edoho's earliest memories. She was raised by her grandparents who farmed, produced and sold palm oil from the plot of land behind their home.
"I used to see the process from start to finish," she said, adding, "Nothing in the process is ever wasted. The entire tree is used in an environmentally responsible way."
In the cultural pushback she's encountered online on palm oil, she sees the pitfalls of educating oneself only to a point: understanding the harms of industrial palm oil production but failing to grasp the significance of red palm oil to the people who've responsibly stewarded it long before colonial contact.
"There's so much nuance in how we process it locally," she said.
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Emme Collins, chef and owner of Baiana, an Afro-Brazilian restaurant in Seattle
For Ms. Collins, red palm oil is dendê. Although she left Brazil as a child, she finds that its pungent, slightly floral smell carries her back to the streets of Salvador and her aunt's house, where the family's big dinners happened. It appeared in dishes like acarajé, moqueca, vatapá (and a little stirred into black-eyed peas).
In 1999, her family opened Tempero do Brasil, one of Seattle's first Brazilian restaurants. To make moqueca, a menu favorite, they needed dende. The West African markets were where they found the best red palm oil. Ms. Collins is now a restaurateur herself, and dende touches nearly every plate. Her sourcing standards came from her father. The ingredients list must read 100 percent red palm oil with nothing blended in. The color must be a bright orange. "When it's completely liquid," she said, "it usually means it's mixed with some other oil."
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Guide to Buying Red Palm Oil
AVOID ONLINE SELLERS A conversation with a shopkeeper goes a long way, and seeing the bottle in person can help you assess whether the bottle has been dyed or is rancid.
READ THE LABEL You want a product that's 100 percent red palm oil and lists its country of origin — Nigeria, Ghana or Cameroon, for example.
LOOK FOR A CLEAN BOTTLE Dust means a bottle has been on the shelf for a long time.
LOOK FOR A BRIGHT ORANGE HUE But take care. A bottle tinged red could mean the oil — or the bottle itself — has been dyed in some way.
SMELL THE OIL, IF YOU CAN It should be floral and subtle. A mild soapy aroma denotes improper storage and possible rancidity.
Above from left: The Seattle chef Emma Collins is transported to her childhood in Brazil by the scent of red palm oil; the cookbook author Oozoz Sokoh remembers it being everywhere when she was growing up in Nigeria. Above right, bean fritters known as acaraje, fried in red palm oil, top, called dendê in Brazil.
CHONA KASINGER FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
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EBBEH (GAMBIAN CASSAVA AND SEAFOOD SOUP)
TIME: ABOUT 1 HOUR
YIELD: 6 SERVINGS
1 (24-ounce) bag frozen cassava chunks, thawed, or 1 large fresh cassava
$\frac{1}{4}$ cup red palm oil (see Tips)
2 Scotch bonnet chiles, halved, seeds in or out (depending on heat preference)
1 teaspoon kosher salt (such as Diamond Crystal), plus more as needed
1½ pounds kong (smoked catfish) or smoked whitefish, picked of skin and bones to yield 2 cups flaked meat (see Tips)
½ cup tamarind paste or 2 tablespoons tamarind concentrate
½ bunch fresh cilantro leaves and stems (about 1 cup), chopped, divided
2 tablespoons fresh lime juice (from 2 limes), plus 1 lime cut into wedges
1 cup seafood stock or water
1 pound large shrimp, peeled and deveined
1 pound fresh lump crab meat
1. Fill a medium bowl with tap water. If using frozen chunks, simply cut each piece in half and remove the fibrous, golden-hued thread. If using fresh cassava, trim off the ends with a sharp knife and slice cassava into 2-inch-thick rounds. Make a slit through the skin just deep enough for the knife to touch the white flesh. Peel off skin and discard. Halve each round, and remove the thread. Slice the cassava into 1-inch chunks and place in water as you go to keep them from turning brown.
2. Transfer the cassava to a large pot, along with 6 cups water, the red palm oil, Scotch bonnets and 1 teaspoon salt. Bring to a simmer over medium-high heat. Reduce heat to medium and cook, stirring frequently, until cassava just begins to soften (a knife should barely go through), about 12 minutes. Continue to cook until cassava is translucent and the liquid begins to thicken with slow, simmering bubbles rising, about 15 minutes more. (The chunks should break apart easily.) Crush cassava pieces against the side of the pot to thicken the sauce into a porridgelike consistency.
3. Stir in smoked fish, tamarind, half the cilantro and lime juice. Stir in the stock. Cook, stirring frequently to prevent scorching, until the fish is just warmed through, 3 to 4 minutes.
4. Add shrimp and crab meat. Cook, stirring occasionally, until shrimp is bright pink and plump, 5 to 6 minutes. Taste and add salt, if necessary. Divide among shallow bowls, top with remaining cilantro and serve immediately with lime wedges for squeezing.
Tips: Red palm oil can be found stored at room temperature in glass or plastic jars at African, Caribbean and some international grocery stores.
Kong, also known as konkoe, is a smoked catfish that can be found in the refrigerator section of African, Caribbean and some international grocery stores.
WHERE TO EAT | LUKE FORTNEY
Satisfying an Appetite For Resurrection Stories
PHOTOGRAPHS BY HEATHER WILLENSKY FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
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Three restaurants that returned from the dead show the value of second chances.
GROWING UP, I was a sucker for zombies. So, when one of my favorite video games, World of Warcraft, announced a highly anticipated reboot this fall, I quickly loaded in and created a character as my favorite fantasy race: the rotting, slack-jawed undead paladin. (How did I spend last month's nor'easter? Now you know.)
But this is bigger than role-playing games. Some of my favorite restaurants right now are coming back from the dead. After their leases expire or original owners retire, they return years later under the same name and different circumstances. They aren't exactly as you remember them — check out the spine on my paladin, Snurp — but there are enough old bones to know exactly where you are. This week, we're headed to three new old restaurants, recently brought back to life.
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Home of the Big Pickle
Sarri Harper always thought Carnegie Deli would mount a comeback. (Why else would she keep its giant pickle and hundreds of signed celebrity photographs in a storage unit all this time?) Still, Ms. Harper, whose grandfather took over the deli in 1976, never imagined that it would return at the address of its longtime rival, Stage Deli, which closed in 2012, concluding a 75-year pastrami war.
The sandwiches are as tall as ever. I ordered the Broadway Danny Rose (formerly known as the Woody Allen) and counted 25
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Clockwise from top: Italian food at Sam's; the Broadway Danny Rose sandwich at Carnegie Deli; and sour sea bass curry in fish sauce at Ugly Baby.
folds of corned beef and 15 slices of rich, peppery pastrami. A 42-layer sandwich, if you include the rye bread. (A fork and knife is required. So, perhaps, is a Lipitor). Everything else is similarly oversize. The full sour pickle above the register measures just over three feet long, end to end; the carrot cake is a gravity-defying tower of cream cheese frosting; and of course, there's the vast dining room itself. That last part made it easy to slip in for lunch on a recent weekday without a wait, despite the terrifying lines I had seen online.
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Magma Flows at Ugly Baby
You could close your eyes at the original Ugly Baby and know exactly where you are. The clanging pots in the open kitchen. The carbonated snap of beer cans cracking open. The fog of bird's-eye chile in the air . . . and eventually, on your lips, tongue and throat. Anywhere but the eyes, hopefully, since the peppers burned like magma.
It went on like this, night after night, until the winter of 2024, when the chef Sirichai Sreparplarn closed the restaurant. He was burned out, having worked, he said, from 6 a.m. to 4 a.m., seven days a week, for seven years.
In August, Mr. Sreparplarn reopened Ugly Baby in Williamsburg, Brooklyn, spitting distance from the Brooklyn-Queens Expressway. Everything seemed to be in order when I stopped by during the opening week. Red chiles glowed on every plate. Diners dabbed their sweaty foreheads. Even Bond, a server from the original restaurant, had returned. (He was hurrying around the dining room, fighting fires with a water pitcher, just as I remembered.)
What to eat? A completely new menu that pairs strawberries with sticky fish sauce, hanger steak with mild beef tripe, and bony sea bass with fermented bamboo shoots in sour curry. The food is still thrillingly spicy, and I was glad to see that the charmingly long beer list had survived the move. As any true Ugly Baby fan knows, a sour coconut-lime beer is the only way to fight the flames.
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Play It Again, Sam's
Shame on me for never visiting the original Sam's in Carroll Gardens, Brooklyn, before it closed in the spring of 2025. Not that I didn't have plenty of chances. The Italian stalwart — clams, chops and unexplainable art choices — had been open since 1930, surviving nearly a century of neighborhood change and the periodic rumor about the retirement of its owner Louis Migliaccio, who was born above the restaurant.
Before Mr. Migliaccio finally retired last year, Georgia Fulton, a server at the nearby Long Island Bar, took up an apprenticeship at the restaurant, converting shorthand measurements into usable recipes. With his blessing, she reopened Sam's in September. The veal Parm is still glorious, crusted in a thick layer of cheese with your choice of baked ziti or spaghetti on the side. And the pizza some argue Sam's was never a restaurant, but a pizzeria — has been gently reinvigorated by Andrew Halitski, a talented chef who I met at La Rose Pizza in Cobble Hill (now closed, sadly) while scouting for our New York pizza list. The flour is better and the topping options have changed, but the goal, Ms. Fulton said, was for everything to feel "in essence, the same." Even the appetizer of celery and olives survived. In the past, it called for a whole head of undressed celery. Under Ms. Fulton, you get a few trim stalks and a snacky portion of pitted drupes. "It looked like a painting to me," she said. "I had to recreate it."
Carnegie Deli 834 Seventh Avenue (West 54th Street)
Ugly Baby 364 Grand Street (Marcy Avenue)
Sam's 238 Court Street (Baltic Street)
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OFF THE MENU | FLORENCE FABRICANT
EMON HASSAN FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
Housemade charcuterie and tarts are on the menu at Bar à Part.
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OPENING
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● BAR Á PART
Waiting for that scarce table at Zimmi's, the pocket-size West Village bistro? Finally the sidewalk has competition. The adjacent 20-seat wine bar that Maxime Pradié, the chef and partner in Jenni Guizio's restaurant, has been talking about almost since Zimmi's opened, is now pouring, often by the glass or half-bottle, and serving housemade charcuterie and savory and sweet tarts. The chef Clodagh Manning is also involved. (Opens Wednesday)
72 Bedford Street (Barrow Street), 646-770-9038, zimmisnyc.com.
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● IARA
Whatever your learning curve when it comes to products of the Amazon rainforest, a tutorial awaits at this patch of Brazil transported to the Lower East Side by Vitor Mendes, a former chef de cuisine at Theodora in Fort Greene, Brooklyn. The atmosphere is earthy, not leafy, and focused on a big open kitchen surrounded by seats and producing dishes like tuna with tapioca, cashew-based soup, cheese bread with eggplant dip, moquea (fish stew), and picanha (typical top sirloin) with cassava fries. 205 Allen Street (East Houston Street), 929-930-5033, iara.nyc.
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● BOOTH'S EXTRA FINE
Within recent memory, a steakhouse was a big deal business or special occasion venue. No more. It seems that every neighborhood needs one. In Williamsburg, the chef Nick Pfannerstill is broiling dry-aged rib-eyes on the bone, among other classics, just a few blocks from that established designation, Peter Luger. With the same team as Nobody Told Me, an Upper West Side bar, he's serving them in a setting with typically masculine steakhouse décor and vintage elements. The name is that of Mr. Pfannerstill's maternal grandfather, Booth Williams, a Milwaukee car salesman who supposedly favored ice-cold martinis and his paramour, a dancer, alongside his steaks.
62 South Second Street (Wythe Avenue), Williamsburg, Brooklyn, 347-294-4767, booths.nyc.
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● BRASSERIE BOULUD
Dining before, after or even instead of Lincoln Center will be ready this week; there are more than 200 seats at Daniel Boulud's latest, with an expansive, mostly French menu and the retail outlet, Épicerie Boulud, included. (Thursday) 1900 Broadway (64th Street), 212-595-0303, brasserieboulud.com.
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BRANCHES
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● STK STEAKHOUSE
The Midtown location for this international chain has been joined by another in Chelsea near the High Line. There's a D.J. along with a grill master in a dramatically lit 200-seat room.
412 West 15th Street, 646-624-2444; 200 Park Avenue South (17th Street), stksteakhouse.com.
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● DANTE ELIZABETH STREET
Since 1915 there has been a Dante bar in Greenwich Village satisfying both a local crowd and boldface names. The current owners, Linden Pride and Nathalie Hudson, are spreading the name, revered for well-made drinks, far and wide, in the West Village, Beverly Hills, London and now NoLIta. A garden and trendy wood-fired cooking are features.
210 Elizabeth Street (Prince Street), dante-nyc.com.
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● MOTEK
Dueling skewers at dawn? Diagonally across from the Mediterranean restaurant Acadia there is now the New York flagship for the Miamibased Mediterranean Happy Corner Hospitality, with similar dishes. The new addition has all the hallmarks of the other Moteks: a sunny palette for the room and a menu of hummus, shawarma, schnitzel, kebabs and housemade pitas. Some of these items will also be sold at a planned takeout adjunct on the premises, Motek to-Go, with sandwiches and salads, too.
60 West 57th Street, 212-895-4797, motek.com.
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LOOKING AHEAD
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NAMMOS
The champagne-fueled party scene that defines this Mykonos beach hot spot has been replicated in Dubai, Cannes, Sardinia, Cyprus and London. In December it will arrive in New York. A multistoried former bank will house an elaborate ground-floor dining room, a second-floor dining room with an open kitchen and an intimate cellar room. The capacity will be nearly 300 seats, and the food will be rooted in Greece but will touch down elsewhere in the Mediterranean and pick up some Asian elements as well.
7 West 51st Street.
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● ALL THE RESTAURANTS: MONTREAL
Normand Laprise, the chef and co-owner of Restaurant Toqué in Montreal, has collaborated with Gautier Coiffard of L'Appartement 4F in Brooklyn Heights to create a wintergreen financier to be sold in the brownstone bakery from Oct. 30 to Nov. 5. During that time, 50 drawings in the exhibition "All the Restaurants: Montreal," by John Donohue, who has taken his sketch pad around New York, Paris and elsewhere, will be on display and available for purchase at L'Appartement 4F and online.
115 Montague Street (Henry Street), alltherestaurants.com.
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CHEFS ON THE MOVE
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● CHRISTOPHER SHEA
With more than two decades of experience with Ralph Lauren's and David Burke's restaurants, Mr. Shea is now the executive chef at L'Avenue in Saks Fifth Avenue.
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JOSE RAMOS
This former chef de cuisine at Scarpetta is the new executive chef at Fresco by Scotto, the busy Midtown Italian restaurant run by Rosanna Scotto and her family.
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● ISRAEL REYES
The new executive chef at
Blackbarn at Madison Square
Park advances from the lower
ranks at John Doherty's
restaurant and is bringing
tastes of his native Mexico to
the menu.
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SEAN FROEDTERT
Specializing in contemporary French cooking, Mr. Froedtert is now the executive chef at Chez Nous in the Marlton Hotel in Greenwich Village.
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● MARCO TORRES
This chef is now in charge of Brass, the Tusk Bar and Caffe Tusk in the historic Evelyn hotel on East 27th Street.
THE POUR | ERIC ASIMOV
California's Holy Grail: A Good \$20 Wine
PHOTOGRAPHS BY IAN TUTTLE FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
The hope is that affordable, delicious bottles will fill a need.
KENNY LIKITPRAKONG grew up around the wine business in Sonoma County. He started his own label, Hobo Wine Company, in 2004, just about when "Sideways" came out, the film that extolled the beauty and virtues of California pinot noir.
"Everybody wanted expensive pinot, \$50 plus, but I couldn't afford those wines," he said in an interview. "It would have been a huge splurge, and the same for most of my friends. The idea of a \$50 bottle was insane."
"We wanted to make wine at a price that was comfortable for us and people like us," he said, noting he is not the kind of person who goes for a \$100 bottle of wine.
Mr. Likitprakong decided to do something about it. Hobo would make good, affordable wines from conscientiously farmed grapes that would sell for under \$20.
Twenty years later, Hobo, now a cluster of a half dozen different labels, is still making terrific, moderately priced bottles, and the model that Mr. Likitprakong developed is showing the way for a rising category of California wines.
Wine sales have declined worldwide since the end of the pandemic. In California, where the focus has long been on producing either luxury wines or cheap mass-produced bottles, good, thoughtfully made wines like Hobo's that don't require a splurge have been rare exceptions.
But given the difficult economy in which inflation, war and tariffs seem to have made everything more expensive, wines like Mr. Likitprakong's have become a sort of holy grail in California. If they won't solve all the problems wine faces, they will at least contribute to a short-term solution by keeping the cash flowing and possibly be part of a longer-range recalibration of the California
JASON HENRY FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
wine business.
No, California producers are not suddenly filling wine shops with great \$20 bottles. But gradually, more producers are moving to offer superb wines for \$20 to \$30 that can provide the proverbial Tuesday night bottle at home or a good value on restaurant by-the-glass lists.
"The sort of expensive Napa cab thing, it can't be the only thing we do here," Mr. Likit-prakong said. "All this talk of young people not drinking, it does seem we need a point of entry, other than cheap low-quality wine. Consumers are too informed and too smart for that today."
Making good, affordable wines with organically farmed grapes requires producers to keep their costs down, which, for consumers, means sacrificing familiarity. That might mean making wine with picpoul from Madera County or valdigué from Solano County, rather than cheap chardonnay or cabernet sauvignon from chemically farmed vineyards in the Central Valley.
It might also mean shopping for the cheapest deal on bottles every year, switching from corks to screw caps and maybe settling for grapes that were machine-harvested rather than picked by hand.
The movement toward making these sorts of wines might also help to change the modern California wine culture, which in
EMAIL asimov@nytimes.com. And follow Eric Asimov on X: @EricAsimov.
the late 20th century got less diverse in grapes and styles, and more bifurcated between luxury wines and inexpensive processed wines that imitated the luxury wines with artifice and manipulation.
"We've done world-class, high-end wines very well," said Jon Berlin, whose new label, Chasing Ether, is intended to make superb wines for around \$30. "But that has led to people wanting to make luxury wine. There isn't the culture of making affordable wines here, as there is in Europe. Instead, it's bulk wine with disingenuous labels, not wines made with real intention."
Patrick Cappiello, a former sommelier in New York who started Monte Rio Cellars in 2018 also with the aim of making good, affordable wines, remembers during his sommelier years finding an ocean of great cheap wines to put on his wine lists, but none from California. He's happy to see that changing.
"It reframes the state in the direction we need," he said. "If California is just making luxury wines, we're missing out on the real thing about wine that drew us all to it."
Mr. Berlin, a California wine veteran whose first vintage of Chasing Ether was in 2024, is making two main wines: a bright, tangy white blend that is primarily chenin blanc, and a spicy, savory red blend that is mostly cinsault. Both are priced around \$30. They are easygoing wines that are nonetheless delicious.
"I wanted to make approachable wines that would appeal to a younger demographic," he said. "Not every wine has to be an event."
He wants his wines to be the equivalent of good house or village wines, he said, and pictures his ideal customer as somebody who's interested in good wine but can't afford the expensive bottles.
Not all the producers starting to offer these sorts want to base their businesses on them. Pax Mahle in Sebastopol, Calif., makes terrific wines under the Pax label that generally sell from \$35 to \$80. But in 2025 he added two really good cheaper bottles made of organically farmed grapes: Helios, a chenin blanc, and Cuvée Syrah sell for \$20 to \$25. He made a year's supply, he said, but it sold out within three months. He plans to make three times as much this year and is adding a sauvignon blanc.
"Typically, wines at that price rely on oak flavoring and concentrators," he said. "These are the opposite of bulk garbage wine."
For Mr. Mahle and others, making such wines is a collaborative effort, particularly in the current wine economy where grapes go unsold and vines are pulled out as California producers cope with an oversupply of wine by buying fewer grapes.
Growers may wish to accept lower prices for the security of a long-term contract, enabling producers to charge less. Distributors have to buy in, too, and make the effort to sell these wines.
In turn, having a good low-priced wine draws in customers who, when they are feeling more financially secure, may investigate a brand's higher-priced bottles.
That's the way it has worked for Broc Cellars. When Chris Brockway started the label in 2006, he followed a plan similar to Mr. Likitprakong's, scouting well-farmed vineyards and making superb wines for moderate prices. Broc has evolved over the years, getting slightly more expensive, generally \$28 to \$40, particularly since Broc purchased a 55-acre vineyard in Mendocino in 2023.
Top, Hobo Wine Company, founded by Kenny Likitprakong, above, makes 25,000 to 30,000 cases a year, with most bottles in the \$20 to \$25 range. Center row: some Hobo labels, left, and Jon Berlin, who started Chasing Ether with a goal of making approachable wines that appealed to younger people. Far left, Pax Mahle of Pax Wines started to make a good \$20 bottle last year, and demand has surpassed expectations. Left, Broc Cellars depends on \$20 to \$25 bottles, though it also makes more expensive wines.
Turning the focus to making something people love to drink instead of status symbols.
But Mr. Brockway didn't want to forsake the lower-priced tiers, so Broc now makes white and red blends under the Love label that sell for \$20 to \$25, as well as Got Grapes, a chilled red and an orange wine, for slightly less.
"It's a big driver for us, our most important wines," he said.
To make the economics of lower-priced wines work, he said, they have to be made in sufficient quantity and sell quickly.
"It has to move," he said. "The margins are thin. If you are sitting on a wine at the warehouse, those margins aren't there anymore."
That specific combination is difficult to achieve. In 2012, Steve and Jill Matthiasson, who make excellent wines in Napa Valley, introduced Tendu, terrific, lower-priced white and red blends sold in liter bottles for around \$20. The wines were great, but Matthiasson discontinued Tendu after the 2021 vintage.
"The challenge is that moderately priced wines require a high volume of sales to make it work," Mr. Matthiasson said. "Wine shops need to buy 20 cases of a lower-cost wine a year, not three cases. Given the size of Tendu, we couldn't really justify sales trips for such low-margin wine, so unfortunately, after more than 10 years, we decided we were trying to push a square peg into a round hole."
Plenty of other producers whose bottles are generally more expensive are also selling wines under \$30, like Sandlands, Lioco, Ryme Cellars and Martha Stoumen.
To Mr. Berlin, the move to make these sorts of daily drinking wines indicates a maturation in California wine culture. Luxury goods are status symbols, but the daily bottles are for people who love wine.
"It's a desire for a more authentic, more mature, more cultured approach to wine," he said. "We want to sit at the table longer and enjoy each other's company longer."
Mr. Likitprakong concurs. California wine culture, and Napa Valley in particular, where restaurants, hotels and everything else are super expensive, connote the idea that wine is only for wealthy people.
"Wine is still largely considered a luxury good, so there's all this luxury around it as well," he said. "Wineries are fancy, restaurants are fancy — it doesn't have to be like that."
RESTAURANT REVIEW | LIGAYA MISHAN
Driven to Share Burmese Food With New York
BURMESE BITES ★★
83:83:025
6799000
6799000 [###]
LYNN LYNN THWAY/BURMSESE BITES
PHOTOGRAPHS BY YUVRAJ KHANNA FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
A mission has survived years of street fairs and food courts.
I'VE BEEN WAITING for this restaurant to open since 2016.
That was the year I first encountered Myo Lin Thway's palata, at the Queens Night Market in Flushing Meadows Corona Park.
Palata is one of the world's great flatbreads. Mr. Thway learned to make it as a teenager in military-ruled Myanmar, growing up in the port town of Hinthada on the Irrawaddy River in the 1980s, when local farmers still harvested rice by scythe and electricity was a broken promise.
At Burmese Bites, which opened in July in Astoria, Queens, his cooking method remains the same. Each palata starts with a simple dough — flour, water, salt, a flutter of sugar — flung up and whipped down in repeated whirling arcs, until it is stretched so thin you could recognize a face through it.
Mr. Thway flicks oil over the broad diaph-anous sheet, then drapes it in on itself, to trap the richness. The next trick is the griddle, an exacting practice, the heat measured to the most delicate twitch of the knob and the bread rescued promptly, when just crispy enough on the outside to flake, but still tender and woozy-rich within.
You could eat this straight, or with an earthy mix of chicken and egg hidden in the folds, warmed by cumin and a vivid stain of paprika oil. Better yet: Dunk it in a curry that draws musk and tang from sweated alliums, fish sauce and sour-bitter-salty-sweet masala — ingredients shared with India and Thailand, Myanmar's neighbors, but wholly distinct here in their juxtaposition and ratios.
Mr. Thway came to New York in 1994 to study mechanical engineering, and a year later sold his first palata at the annual Myanmar Baptist Church Fun Fair, then in Briarwood, Queens.
The road to a restaurant was long. He waited nearly two decades before applying for a permit to cook at street fairs. Not until 2016 did he finally quit his day job in the diamond district in Midtown Manhattan and take to the streets with a pushcart. Later he leased counter space in food courts before taking a chance on this modest corner storefront, a former Brazilian buffet.
How many restaurants have a mission statement decaled on their front window? Passers-by stop to read the words: "My goal is to share the taste of Burma with the world." For close to a quarter-century, the lone outpost of Burmese cuisine in New York was Cafe Mingala on the Upper East Side, which closed in 2016. Mr. Thway has had to explain his food so often, he now sees himself as both ambassador and crusader.
He is not alone. Since his arrival, the city's population of Burmese immigrants has increased at least tenfold, to about 6,000 in the 2020 census, which does not account for the Burmese who have fled Myanmar in the wake of the 2021 military coup and continuing civil war. Burmese Bites is one of three Burmese spots to open in Queens in the past year (the others are Sophie's Rangoon Kitchen and Yatharmon Burmese Cuisine).
EMAIL ligaya.mishan@nytimes.com
Top, Burmese Bites in Astoria, Queens. Middle row, from left: a photograph from 1995 of the future owners of Burmese Bites, Rebecca Nant and Myo Lin Thway, at a church fair; and laphet thoke, a salad with an assortment of ingredients. Above, from left: ohno kaukswe, a noodle soup; and Mr. Thway and Ms. Nant today at their restaurant.
Mr. Thway is not the chef, although he still cooks. That title belongs to his wife, Rebecca Nant, whom he met at church. They have been together since the first Fun Fair.
Ms. Nant has a gift for the play of contrasts — fresh and aged, cool and hot, brine and turf, crunch and chew — that bring vibrancy to the Burmese table. Here is laphet thoke, nominally a salad (how meek a word!) of fermented tea leaves, sour and faintly smoky, tumbled with bright tomato and variations in the theme of fried: sesame seeds, peanuts, shallots, yellow split peas, garlic. There's raw garlic, too, a wake-up smack, and a sting of lime and the cleansing bite of fresh cabbage. (Never lettuce, Ms. Nant insists.)
Pazun guat kyaw are exceptionally airy fritters, each a sketch of gold, the frilly greenery of watercress and whole prawns visible inside a batter of crushed sticky rice. You taste crackle but also, crucially, the ingredient itself.
Long skinny cuts of deep-fried sea eel curl like a serpent's coils in a heap of crispy chiles and garlic that you could pop by the fistful. (It breaks Mr. Thway's heart when he clears the plates and sees the chiles left behind, uneaten. Do your best.)
Each curry is built on the same base masala, yet somehow no two are alike. Baby goat is dark and caramelly, the meat shuddering apart at the touch. With beef comes the clean zing of lemongrass; with shrimp, a full-throttle heat and the expansive sourness of tamarind water.
Sourness is a steady beat, manifesting in the authoritative funk of pickled mustard greens or the depths of ohno kaukswe, a Midas-touched noodle soup that brooks no separation between food and soul.
The kitchen is still settling in. One night, biryani had a beautiful hum of spice, but the chicken, on the bone, wanted out of the oven
Atmosphere A basic and bustling mom-and-pop, with a neon peacock for a mascot.
Service Friendly and mellow. The husband-and-wife owners split duties: She cooks while he works the floor, ready to offer menu guidance.
Sound level There's enough distance between tables to keep other conversations to a murmur.
Recommended Shrimp and watercress fritters; palata with chicken curry; all curries; crispy eel; ohno kaukswe (coconut noodle soup); laphet thoke (fermented tea leaf salad); ka yan chin thee thoke (tomato and peanut salad); shwe yin aye (coconut milk with sticky rice and tapioca); faluda (ice cream, jelly and rose milk).
Drinks No liquor license yet. Burmese milky tea, sodas and seltzer.
Price \$6 to \$27.
Open Monday to Saturday for dinner.
Reservations Not accepted.
Wheelchair access There is a ramp at the side entrance on 38th Street. The restroom is spacious and has a handrail.
What the stars mean Ratings range from zero to four stars. Zero is poor, fair or satisfactory. One star, good. Two stars, very good. Three stars, excellent. Four stars, extraordinary.
earlier. In nan gyi kaukswe thoke, rice noodles were thickened with roasted chickpea flour, which proved overly effective, each forkful a tug of war.
On my first visit, I was overenthusiastic and ordered a palata for every diner at my table. Mistake: It's best right off the griddle, with diminishing returns the longer it rests. Be patient and start with just one, replenishing as needed.
Desserts are a pageant. For shwe yin aye, literally translated as "golden heart cooler," sugared coconut milk is loaded with sticky rice, tapioca pearls, slippery coconut jellies and cubes of white bread — "I don't know why; we don't eat white bread!" Mr. Thway said as he delivered it — that soak up the sweetness and turn to cake. Faluda, milk gone Barbie pink from a douse of rose syrup, gets its own wobbly trove of grass jellies and pudding, with vanilla ice cream to melt and unite it all. Each is served in a goblet, the easier to drink up the dregs, as I witnessed a very happy child do.
The dining room is simple and cheerful, with generously spaced-out tables, swaths of yellow and purple paint and a goggle-eyed neon peacock on the wall with tail afuri, honoring Myanmar's national bird. Mr. Thway watches over the floor, with the occasional help of a nephew, currently in the seventh grade.
Back when I first met Mr. Thway at the Queens Night Market, he said he couldn't imagine having a restaurant of his own. He had just turned 45. It seemed too big a risk. "Burmese are cautious," he told me.
But he kept cooking.
In Donohue's Space, A Classic Renewal
The old saloon is gone, but key pieces of it will be restored.
By PETE WELLS
The polished wooden bar top where many thousands of martinis were stirred and drunk during the 76-year run of Donohue's Steak House has been pried from its supports and hauled away. So have the Formica tables and the booths swaddled in tufted black vinyl. It was hard to tell that, before Donohue's closed in June, this had been one of the last of the great New York saloons and a second living room for generations of Upper East Siders.
To tell the truth, the room didn't look much like a restaurant at all.
"When you take the bar out of an iconic space, you're kind of taking out its soul," the restaurateur Jon Neidich said late last month as he looked around the remains.
This summer, Mr. Neidich's company, Golden Age Hospitality, signed a lease for the space, beating out about 10 other interested parties. The new restaurant he plans to open there next spring won't look the same. It won't be called Donohue's, either. But Mr. Neidich hopes to rehabilitate and restore the room anyway.
This has become something of a specialty for Golden Age Hospitality. The group currently oversees the pool tables and jukebox at the venerable East Village dive bar Lucy's; Acme and Elvis, two NoHo restaurants that date to the heyday of the 1980s Cajun craze; and the former Silver Spurs diner in Greenwich Village, which was just reincarnated as Saint Denis. And next week, Golden Age will reopen Le Petit Journal, a 65-year old jazz club in the Latin Quarter of Paris.
When Donohue's last owner, Maureen Donohue-Peters, closed up shop, many of the Lexington Avenue restaurant's regulars said they hoped the new operator would try to preserve the look and feel of the place as much as possible. The booths, the bar and nearly all the other trappings were original, and had been carefully preserved.
She offered to sell all of it to Mr. Neidich, but they could not agree on a price. He said she wanted \$750,000. She said that her number was closer to \$550,000 or \$650,000, but that the negotiations never really got off the ground.
So Ms. Donohue-Peters had it all trucked out to the East End of Long Island, where she lives and operates another restaurant, Donohue's East. "He didn't want it, so it went," she said.
She left behind the checkerboard floor, the burnished wood paneling, the Garland broiler in the kitchen and the chalkboard on which the specials were written every night.
The blackboard's fate is undecided, but Mr. Neidich said he intends to restore the floor and the paneling. "Aesthetically, my goal is to keep as much as possible of what it was," he said. "It will be a lot of restoration and some preservation."
Details that can't be saved he will try to replace; he said he is already talking to a ceramist about matching the vintage green tiles in the restrooms. He also hopes that he can make use of the broiler, which seared double-cut pork chops and sirloin steaks for seven decades. Ms. Donohue-Peters said the steel rods below the flames are the same ones that have been in place since her father opened the restaurant in 1950.
"That's where the flavor is," she said.
Mr. Neidich said the new restaurant was still unnamed. The menu is still a vague notion, although he has been talking to Golden Age Hospitality's chef, Marjorie Meek-Bradley, about keeping the focus on broiled meats and a few side dishes.
As for the bar, he said he will have woodwork that was salvaged from somewhere else transported and tailored to the space. He hopes it will be "a real drinking bar" where the people mixing cocktails know their regulars' names and what they like to drink, just as Ms. Donohue-Peters and her bartenders did.
Everybody who knows Ms. Donohue-Peters agrees on one thing: The space on Lexington will not be the same without her. But Mr. Neidich hopes that something of the spirit of the old joint will stick around.
"Not to get too woo-woo, but I believe in the energy of spaces," he said. "I don't totally believe in cursed spaces, but I do believe in spaces that had really good runs and have an energy of all the good times that went on in them."
ABOVE AND BELOW RIGHT, EMON RASSAN FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
MARGAN GINDO FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
Top, Jon Neidich at the former Donohue's Steak House on the Upper East Side. His company signed a lease on the space. Above, the awning still stands at the old saloon/steak house. Left, Maureen Donohue-Peters was Donohue's last owner.
English Whisky Gets a Boost From the U.K.
HARRY LAWLOR FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
LEFT AND ABOVE, SOPHIE STAFFORD FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
But Scotch producers fear that they will lose prestige.
By SUSANNAH SKIVER BARTON
Each of the United Kingdom's four nations has its own capital and its own flag. And as of last week, each has its own official whiskey.
Whiskey has long been the United Kingdom's top food and drink export, raking in 5.5 billion pounds (about \$7.26 billion) in 2025, with an overwhelming majority of it made in Scotland. But over the past 20 years, dozens of distilleries to the south — that is, England — have opened, creating what they say is a new style of whiskey worthy of the same protections conferred on Scotch and its Irish and Welsh cousins.
On Thursday, that new status went into effect: a designation, known as a "protected geographical indication," by the kingdom's Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs, setting out specifications for how English single malt and grain whisky can be produced. (The department spells it "whisky," as Scotch and Welsh producers do.)
Supporters say the recognition is long overdue for a spirit that has not been well known or defined.
"If Scotch, Welsh and Irish have set out their standards, then that logical step is for the newly categorized English whisky — we're 20 years into our making — also gets a geographical indication standard and can sit alongside the other three," said Morag Garden, chief executive of the English Whisky Guild, which led the effort to formalize the rules.
Wales received a geographical indication for its whisky in 2023, while Scotland and Ireland, including Northern Ireland, had their existing European Union protections recognized by the United Kingdom after Brexit in 2020.
But the new recognition for English whisky has drawn the ire of the Scotch Whisky Association, a trade group whose members produce 97 percent of all Scotch. The group warns that it sets a lesser standard that could drag down Scotch's prestige.
"The text as approved undermines the established definition of 'single malt,' creates confusion for consumers and jeopardises the category which the Scotch whisky industry established and built the reputation of around the world," the association said in a statement.
Although England was home to several whiskey distilleries in the 1800s, when tax reforms prompted a boom in distilling across the United Kingdom, all had closed by the turn of the 20th century. The nation's modern whiskey movement began in 2003 with Hicks & Healey distillery in Cornwall, which bills itself somewhat cheekily as "England's Oldest Whiskey Distillery — 22 Years in the Making, Centuries in the Spirit." Since then, more than 70 more have cropped up, most of them making whiskey from malted barley and some using other grains, such as rye, wheat and oats.
The new designation outlines how such ingredients may be processed into whisky. It also imposes a few other rules, including using only grain grown in the United Kingdom, and allowing maturation in casks made of non-oak woods, something that is also allowed in Irish whiskey but not Scotch. Other guidelines more closely follow those in place for Scotch, such as mandating the use of pot stills and requiring at least two distillations for single malt.
But it's what the rules don't say that has drawn objections from the Scotch Whisky Association, as well as Scottish members of Parliament.
While single malt Scotch's predistillation steps of grain cooking and fermentation — essentially, brewing — must take place inside the distillery, the new regulations allow those processes to occur off-site for single malt English whisky. That difference was a concession to distilleries that work with local brewers, as Hicks & Healey does, or that operate both a brewery and a separate still house, as Spirit of Yorkshire Distillery does.
During a session of Parliament last month, that provision came under fire from Wendy Chamberlain, the M.P. for the North East Fife district in Scotland and leader of a parliamentary coalition that promotes the interests of the Scotch whisky industry.
"The term 'single malt whisky' carries a long-established reputation and meaning for consumers," she said. The new designation for English whisky, she added, "risks disadvantaging Scotch producers, who have invested heavily to comply with the traditional single-site production model."
The decision, she said, "creates an un-even playing field across the U.K."
English distillers aren't buying the claim that their whiskies threaten Scotch. "I don't think it's relevant," said David Thompson, a co-founder of Spirit of Yorkshire, noting that the assumption that most consumers know the definition of single malt whisky is flawed. "There's a lot of misunderstanding on that terminology."
Daniel Szor, founder of Cotswolds Distillery and current chairman of the English Whisky Guild, said the Scotch association had actually helped the guild as it drafted the new standards, only registering its objections when the public comment period opened in February 2025. Mr. Szor characterized the backlash as a “tempest in a teapot.”
For now, the guild anticipates that the geographical indication will not only make it easier for whiskey drinkers to understand what makes the category distinct from Scotch, but could help English whisky win international protections in trade agreements. The United States — the biggest export market for Scotch — is a key target for many brands, and is currently accessible tariff-free since President Trump lifted the 10 percent levy on whiskey from the United Kingdom in July.
Scotch whisky, including single malt Scotch, is formally recognized as a distinct class of spirit by the Alcohol and Tobacco Tax and Trade Bureau. Someday, English whisky could gain a similar status in U.S. regulations.
Dozens of English
distilleries have begun
making whisky over the
past two decades. Above
center, a worker pulling
whisky from a cask at
the Spirit of Yorkshire
Distillery in Hunmanby,
England. Above right,
David Thompson, a
founder of Spirit of
Yorkshire, dismissed
claims that new rules for
English whisky will
confuse consumers to the
disadvantage of Scotch.
CATH HARRIES/ALAMY
A few English whiskies have already made their way to the United States, including Cotswolds, Spirit of Yorkshire's Filey Bay brand, Adnams and Bimber. Although they tend to be younger than most Scotch whiskies, the single malts share many similar flavors with their Scottish counterparts. They often emphasize warm, spiced and sweet wood notes from cask aging.
Ryan Maloney, owner of Julio's Liquors in Westborough, Mass., known for its whiskey selection, said English whisky is comparable in quality to more established whiskies like Scotch. "The products coming out now are top-notch," he said, adding that some "punch above" their price. Their new status, he noted, should help with consumer education, which he sees as the biggest obstacle for English whisky in the U.S. market. To that end, Julio's recently hosted a tasting of Cotswolds whisky that sold out.
The promise of English whisky is strong enough that it's even attracting experts from Scotland to the industry.
"There's a great opportunity for English whisky right now, and there's some really incredible stuff being made," said Brendan McCarron, a master distiller and blender based in Stirling, Scotland, who serves as whisky maker for the Lakes Distillery.
"Does English whisky need to be the biggest whisky industry in the world? I don't think it does," he said, adding, "It's small, it can move quite quickly, and it can change things up, can try and fail, and try and succeed."
RESTAURANT REVIEWS
A Pair of Places, Each With Plenty of Charm
Carnivores can savor slow-cooked chicken and rosy prime rib at spots in the West Village and Boerum Hill.
LONNIES
CLEO
★ | Critic's Pick
An upscale neighborhood rotisserie presents a paradox. Just as New Yorkers don't expect, say, slice-joint tasting menus, most of our finest bronzed birds hail from affordable takeout shops. I've never finished off pollo a la brasa and wished it could be fancier, pricier or paired with a pet'nat and osetra.
Yet so it goes that the city has two expensive new spots dedicated to pedigreed, slow-cooked fowl. One of them, Gigi's, stirred up a ruckus when it debuted with \$40 half chickens. And now, we have the Levantine-leaning Cleo, where \$78 gets you a small plate of crispy chicken-skin and, yep, caviar.
From the crew behind Margot, we get a sleek West Village restaurant — cream walls, chrome-wrapped tables, pretty people in white pants drinking pale wines — with a West Village starter-pack menu. Crisp vertical salads rise like kakigori, topped with sweet sun-dried tomatoes and meaty chickpeas. Shallots and Fresno chiles brighten up slouchy haricots verts. Silky branzino sits in a pool of beurre monté. Cue the orange wine.
But the room smells of meat and musk. Juliana Latif, nodding to her heritage, brines her birds — \$32 for a half, \$58 for a whole — with a warming Lebanese seven-spice blend. The tender, seasoned flesh isn't quite as powerfully chicken-y as at Gigi's. That's OK. You're here to enjoy mahogany skin, as floppy as birria-soaked tortillas; it tastes of roasting juices, cumin and Aleppo pepper. You're here to drench rich thigh meat with tangy, fiery harissa — and to dunk crinkly fries into viridescent zhug, perfumed with a garden's worth of cilantro and basil.
You're at Cleo to slather burnished wings in creamy labneh ranch. A chicken dinner like no other is worth a few extra bucks, even if you stain your white chinos.
RYAN SUTTON
621 Hudson Street, West Village, no phone
PHOTOGRAPHS BY YUVRAJ KHANNA FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
From top: Juliana Latif of Cleo; rotisserie chicken with three sauces; and an outdoor view of the restaurant, in the West Village.
★ | Critic's Pick
Some chefs and restaurateurs spend decades chasing what Sean Rembold and Caron Callahan have created at Lonnies in a few short months. Theirs is a warm neighborhood dining room with a charming, lived-in feel. And because this is Boerum Hill, the West Village of Brooklyn, the design is impeccable: artfully curated and oozing with style.
Lonnies makes you feel like a regular, even if you've never sipped on one of the bar's smooth gin martinis or come face-to-face with the saucy dry-aged burger.
Such instant self-assuredness doesn't just happen. Mr. Rembold and Ms. Callahan, who are married, had some practice at their Brooklyn Heights tavern, Ingas Bar. Mr. Rembold honed his culinary talents working for Andrew Tarlow, of the Brooklyn market-to-table movement.
Those experiences coalesced into a menu that reads like the Farmers' Almanac of seasonal goodies — Sungolds, runner beans, squash blossoms, oh my! The burger was reliably satisfying, but the more interesting seafood toast was loaded with briny mussels, cockles, squid and an exquisite saffron aioli. Watermelon sticks cleverly topped with boquerones and olives exploded with fresh juiciness. The \$48 prime rib was perfectly rosy, with a deep savor that could pass for a much pricier steak at the Grill. Technical issues arose here and there: Tagliatelles noodles in a buttery pan sauce bloomed with richness, then settled into a pool of grease. The prime rib was so good but far too salty, an issue that plagued several dishes.
Nonetheless, Mr. Rembold, Ms. Callahan and their team have hit the ground running with clear, captivating flavors and a dining room buzzing with life. MAHIRA RIVERS 112 Bond Street, Boerum Hill, Brooklyn, 347-529-4130
Mahira Rivers and Ryan Sutton are contributing critics. Their brief starred reviews of New York restaurants first appear weekly in the Where to Eat newsletter.
PHOTOGRAPHS BY NICO SCHINCO FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
From top: digging into the prime rib at Lonnies; the hamburger, left, and the watermelon puttanesca; and the seafood toast.
Better Cooking With Buddhism
CONTINUED FROM PAGE DI
has avoided writing about his faith.
"He's always been a little reluctant to position himself as some sort of expert on spirituality," said Andy Ward, the executive vice president and publisher at Random House, who has edited Mr. Ripert's last four books. "It's always been important to him personally, but he hasn't been as interested in telling people how to live their lives."
With "Mindful Cooking," Mr. Ripert has embraced a role he shunned for years: an interpreter of Buddhism for Westerners, particularly those who like to cook.
CULTURAL CORPS OF KOREAN BUDDHISM
BAPTIZED AND RAISED in the Roman Catholic Church by his French-speaking parents in the tiny principality of Andorra, Mr. Ripert first encountered Buddhism in 1989 through an impulse purchase during a layover at an airport in Paris. An ambitious young cook, he was on his way to a job at a restaurant in the United States. On the verge of buying a copy of Playboy, he noticed a book about Tibet and bought it instead.
The author, Lobsang Rampa, claimed to be a Tibetan lama who had undergone surgery to implant a clairvoyant third eye in his forehead. Mr. Ripert would read several of Rampa's books before learning that he had been unmasked as Cyril Henry Hoskin, an Englishman who had never been to Tibet and had the standard number of eyes.
His literary output is now considered a hoax, including a book that was supposed to have been dictated to Rampa by Mrs. Fifi Greywhiskers, a Siamese cat. But the books kindled a lifelong interest in Tibet and its Buddhist traditions in many readers. Mr. Ripert was one of them.
The book in the airport "spoke to the possibility of peace," he wrote in his memoir, "32 Yolks," — "not in the global sense but a peace that could exist in one's life and in one's heart."
His interest deepened when he read the address given later that year by the Dalai Lama on receiving the Nobel Peace Prize. Mr. Ripert, who spoke very little English at the time, asked his mother to mail him French translations of the Dalai Lama's books. He also attended public talks the Dalai Lama gave in New York City. "He's amazing at explaining things in a very simple way," Mr. Ripert said.
CULTURAL CORPS OF KOREAN BUDDHISM
Wanting to learn more, he began working one-on-one with a teacher of Tibetan Buddhism. They study together once a week when Mr. Ripert is in New York.
CULTURAL CORPS OF KOREAN BUDDIISM
GABRELA HORMAN
MR. RIPERT MET Jeong Kwan, the Buddhist nun, in her hermitage above the Baekyangsa temple in 2014, when he was in South Korea making an episode of "Avec Eric," a food-travel show that ran for three seasons. They cooked together, and he was taken with her charisma and humor.
Most days, Mr. Ripert wakes up by 6 a.m. and retreats to a room in his Upper East Side apartment set aside for meditation, rituals and readings. After about two hours, he'll bring his wife, Sandra, coffee in bed. Sometimes he continues meditating on his walk through Central Park to Le Bernardin. If his apartment is empty when he comes home at night, he will resume his practice. If his wife or son are home, though, he hangs out with them.
Later, as he asked how she prepared the food at the hermitage, he began to see that her work brought together two of the major passions of his life, Buddhism and cooking, in ways he had never imagined.
He has had to promise his wife that he will not become a monk. "I try to be for them as normal, as we say, as possible," Mr. Ripert said. "I don't want them to be freaked out by what I do."
She told him about spring planting, a serious business undertaken only by senior monks believed to have the requisite experience to pray for the seeds and endow them with love. At harvest time, she explained, the monks thank not just the plants but also the weather, the earth and the universe. When preparing meals, she said, she tried to put feelings of gratitude, kindness and compassion into the food.
The chef Eric Ripert of Le Bernardin, above, visiting a South Korean temple in 2015. From top left: Mr. Ripert last year at the Jinkwansa Temple in Seoul with the chief abbess, Gyeho Sunim; meditating with Jeong Kwan, a Buddhist nun, in Central Park in 2017; and cooking with Gyeho Sunim in Seoul last year.
Much of her devotional practice is specific to life at the temple, which belongs to the Jogye Order of Korean Buddhism. Still, Mr. Ripert believes that secular Western
VIA RANDOM HOUSE, PHOTO BY NIGEL FAIRY
Mr. Ripert's new cookbook, above, includes a salad pancake recipe, bottom, that he learned at Jinkwansa Temple. Before starting work at Le Bernardin, below right, he devotes about two hours each morning to Buddhist practice.
readers, distracted and made anxious by modern life, can learn from Ms. Kwan's habits of cooking with good intentions.
"When you have that attitude in your kitchen, you don't stress," he said. "You are very much in control and very much at peace with your process and doing the best you can for the people who are eating."
He has returned to South Korea several times to meet with Ms. Kwan and with cooks in other temples.
"Every monk loves Eric because Eric asks so many questions," said Nadia Cho, an unofficial ambassador for Korean cuisine in the United States who has helped set up his trips to the country. "They're surprised: How come a non-Asian has such deep questions?"
When Mr. Ripert's curiosity kicks in, meetings scheduled to last an hour can go on for two or three.
"They revere Eric there," said the writer Joshua David Stein, who went to Baekyangsa Temple with Mr. Ripert in 2024. Wherever they went in South Korea, they were greeted by banners that read, "Welcome Chef Eric Ripert."
Sometimes Mr. Stein's own name, a seeming afterthought, would have been appended "in Post-it notes," he recalled. "It was a good lesson in ego death for me." (Mr. Stein is a Buddhist. His conversion was inspired by Mr. Ripert, who gave him a copy of a book by the Dalai Lama wrapped in white silk after the two talked about the poisonous effects of anger.)
On another trip, Mr. Ripert learned a recipe that went into "Mindful Cooking." He calls it "the soul of the book."
HE WENT TO Jinkwansa, a thousand-year-old temple in Seoul, to cook with the chief abbess, Gyeho Sunim. Spotting a wilted head of lettuce, Mr. Ripert asked what they were going to do with it.
Some of the ingredients that come into her kitchen look beautiful, the abbess said. "And sometimes the perception is that they are not beautiful," she went on. "But everything is beautiful."
She crushed the stem of the lettuce with a knife, dipped it in batter and fried it in perilla oil: a wilted-lettuce pancake. Mr. Ripert dipped a wedge into a sauce they had quickly stirred together, and had his mind blown.
After they'd eaten, the abbess told him that many chefs from around the world had come to the temple. None of the others, she said, understood what the cooking meant, its place in the life of the temple or as an act of Buddhist practice.
She told him she was retiring, and said she wanted him to bring the philosophy of temple cooking to the West. And with that, she took off her apron, folded it and presented it to him.
Mr. Ripert was not the only one startled by this. "All the other nuns in her temple were really surprised she wanted to give that to Eric, because it means a lot in Buddhism," Ms. Cho said.
The pancake recipe is one of the few in "Mindful Cooking" that comes straight out of a monastic kitchen. Only a handful are Korean, and many contain onions and other alliums, which are not served in temples because they're believed to interfere with meditation. If not for Mr. Ripert's brief essays on gratitude and other concepts, and some photos taken at temples, the book's Buddhist roots would be barely discernible.
DANIEL KRIEGER FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
This is part of Mr. Ripert's point: that anyone of any faith can cook with the mind-set of a Buddhist nun. His grandmother, for example, used to buy what was best at the market and plan a meal around it.
“That’s inspiration,” he said. Inspiration is one of his chapter headings. And he ticked through some of the others: the gratitude his grandmother felt for good ingredients; the love and compassion she put into her food; the mindfulness, without stress or distractions, she showed in the kitchen.
"She had no idea I would write a book like this," Mr. Ripert said. "But she was applying the principles of this book by instinct and tradition."
CHRISTOPHER TESTANI FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES FOOD STYLIST: ANNA BILLINGSKDG.
---
SALAD PANCAKE
ADAPTED FROM ADAPTED FROM "MINDFUL COOKING" (RANDOM HOUSE, 2026) BY ERIC RIPERT
TIME: 30 MINUTES
YIELD: 4 SERVINGS
For the Dipping Sauce:
1 tablespoon soy sauce
1 tablespoon water
1 tablespoon unseasoned rice vinegar
1 teaspoon toasted sesame oil
1 teaspoon sugar
$\frac{1}{2}$ teaspoon toasted sesame seeds
---
For the Pancakes:
1 large head oak leaf lettuce
2 cups all-purpose flour
5 tablespoons cornstarch
1 tablespoon baking powder
1 teaspoon fine sea salt
2 cups water
2 cups water
4 tablespoons perilla oil, divided (see Tip for substitute)
1. In a small bowl, stir together the soy sauce, water, vinegar, sesame oil, sugar and sesame seeds. Set aside.
2. Slice the lettuce in half through the stem and wash well. Using a rolling pin or small pan, gently smash the stem end of the lettuce halves to flatten them. Set aside.
3. Combine the flour, cornstarch, baking powder and salt in a large bowl and mix well. Slowly add the water, mixing to form a thick batter (some lumps are OK). Gently dip one of the lettuce halves in the batter and massage to fully coat the leaves.
4. Set a large nonstick pan over medium-high heat. Drizzle in 2 tablespoons of the perilla oil to coat the bottom of the pan. When the oil is shimmering, remove the lettuce from the batter, letting any excess drip back into the bowl. Add it to the pan and press down gently with a spatula to flatten the top, making it as thin as possible.
5. Cook for 4 to 5 minutes, adjusting the heat if needed, until golden brown. Carefully flip the pancake and cook for another 3 to 4 minutes, until golden brown. Remove to a paper towel-lined plate. Repeat with the second lettuce half and the remaining batter and perilla oil.
6. Slice the pancakes into sixths or eighths, depending on how many people you're serving, and serve warm with the dipping sauce.
Tip: Perilla oil, available in Korean markets, imparts a subtle flavor of toasted seeds, but a neutral cooking oil like canola or vegetable can be substituted. To approximate the flavor of perilla oil, add 1 teaspoon of toasted sesame oil to the pan along with the 2 tablespoons of neutral oil in Step 5.
PHOTOGRAPHS VIA FLORENCE FABRICANT
ROBERT WALKER/THE NEW YORK TIMES
How a Passion for Food Inspired a Writing Career
Florence Fabricant's memoir traces her path to The Times.
By FLORENCE FABRICANT
In 1967, my family and I rented a summer cottage in Wainscott, N.Y., a rural beachside hamlet on Long Island's East End with abundant farmland, nestled at the western edge of the town of East Hampton. The routine was that I stayed in Wainscott all summer like a number of my peers, other mothers with children and who did not have full-time employment, while my spouse, Richard, commuted, with several of the husbands, on weekends, on the cannonball express Thursday afternoons, often driving back to New York on Sunday with the guys. At that point, despite my master's degree in French literature and years of experience as an advertising executive, I was not considering "What next?"
VIA FLORENCE FABRICANT
But a few years later, I certainly was. When the children were in nursery school, I volunteered in a public school, drawing on my French to work on reading with Haitian children. But I wanted a career. I considered: a doctorate in French, then teaching? But I'd have to learn another language for a Ph.D. in French, a somewhat daunting consideration since N.Y.U. required it couldn't be a Romance language. Law school perhaps? Richard did not encourage law school, perhaps selfishly, knowing how much work it would entail and how it might disrupt his comfortable life with a wife at home caring for the children, cooking his dinner and planning a robust social schedule. I was not ready to disagree. But unlike so many women whose marriages foundered on the rocky jetties of career goals that husbands found to be too ambitious or even threatening during the rise of feminism, I had Richard, who was encouraging.
How could I have known that this guy who I met on a Saturday and decided that a lifetime together would be a good thing just five days later would be so supportive? Sheer luck? Our happy marriage did not become a Friedanian fatality.
Then another idea intervened; one that might have been simmering on a back burner in my mind all along. It was a thought influenced by my childhood, my abiding passion for food, and my mother's cooking.
I had become a minor food authority among our friends. They loved the dinner parties we gave, and I seemed to be the one who always knew which farm stands had the finest strawberries or tomatoes or whatever. I could be counted on to have confidence in preparing newly harvested weakfish or how to assemble a pie. And I gave good advice on where to find the best takeout coleslaw or roasted ducks.
At the same time, I also became increasingly irritated when I saw shoppers in the supermarkets buying heads of iceberg wrapped in cellophane and pink so-called slicing tomatoes as sturdy as tennis balls with a similarly wooly texture. Even as a young child living in the Bronx, I remember my mother buying produce, especially peppers and tomatoes, from a guy with a truck-load of them who drove around the neighborhood.
During summers in Wainscott, it only took 10 to 15 minutes to drive to Water Mill or Amagansett for farm stands and their copious selections of fresh produce. (Don't ask about trying that today, though there are now numerous farm stands closer to East Hampton, so suffering in gridlock is not necessary for a good peach.)
I hankered to set the supermarket shoppers straight, to disrupt their buying habits. I knew better and wanted a megaphone. The local weekly newspaper, The East Hampton Star, did not provide a food column. And so, I said, "Why not me?" The term farm-to-table was decades away, but it's no exaggeration to say that I was onto it from the very beginning of my career, and nothing could pry me away.
I wrote a letter to Everett Rattray, the editor of The East Hampton Star, and explained what I had in mind. My weekly column would feature the local bounty, with a recipe each week. I would not do this free, but I would accept any amount of compensation more than \$5. He liked the idea and requested a sample.
I was to submit 400 words, with a recipe. It was the sort of thing that, now, I could\*
Embracing fresh
bounties locally,
decades before the
farm-to-table era.
mentally draft in the shower. Then, it took me three weeks. But I completed the sample column, submitted it, and was given the green light for \$25 a week. It wouldn't make a dent in the mortgage or private school tuition we were paying, but Richard was supportive, with an attitude of "Why not give it a shot?"
That was in late May 1972. In October, I got a call from Alden Whitman of The New York Times, who wanted to interview me. The result was an article in The Times, "Writer Takes a Fresh Approach to L.I. Cooking," with Mr. Whitman's byline. It began:
In the last five months Florence
Fabricant has emerged as a name, indeed the name, that is talked about among the cooks and cuisiners of the Town of East Hampton, which occupies the eastern tip of Long Island's South Fork. Go to a dinner party and you are likely to be served at least one dish prepared from Mrs. Fabricant's recipes, the dish accompanied by conversation about its deviser.
The explanation for Mrs. Fabricant's celebrity is a weekly column, "In Seasons," that she has been writing for The East Hampton Star since Memorial Day. Capitalizing on the fact that Suffolk County, one of the nation's foremost agricultural areas, abounds in fresh and edible produce, Mrs. Fabricant has been telling her readers how best to employ the vegetables and fruits in their midst — tomatoes, peaches, strawberries, squash, peas, beans — and, of course, fish.
He noted, "Her food writing has evoked praise from such resident experts as Craig Claiborne, the former food editor of The New York Times. . . . 'Mrs. Fabricant is good, really good,' he said recently."
I'm quoted by Mr. Whitman as saying, "I strive for relatively simple bourgeois cooking, using fresh, pure ingredients." Had I called it "farm-to-table," I might have been able to claim coining the term.
As noted by both Mr. Claiborne and Mr. Whitman, my columns for The East Hampton Star followed the seasonal harvest, as my cooking does to this day, from the strawberries of late spring through corn and tomatoes, then autumn's cabbages, cauliflower, broccoli, brussels sprouts, heavy duty squashes and potatoes.
Farm-to-table, as yet undefined, was an approach that had yet to excite restaurant chefs, but it's where I had already planted my flag and would continue to do so for the rest of my career. The recipes were for things I liked to prepare: tomato sandwiches, basic tomato sauce and what we have always called Bronson's Clams, a formula provided by a neighbor in Manhattan, Bronson Binger.
Would that In Season in 1972 had been a blog, an Instagram post, a TikTok or a Substack newsletter, how many followers would I have? After the interview I asked Mr. Whitman, whose wife, Joan, was the editor of the Times food pages, "What next?"
Florence Fabricant in 1972, top, when The New York Times wrote about her and her food column in The East Hampton Star, and left at 4. From top right: Ms. Fabricant with her children, Patricia and Robert, on the Amalfi Coast in 1972; picking pumpkins with her granddaughter Evie Fabricant at a farm in Water Mill, N.Y.; with Julia Child and Jacques Pépin at a reception for an anniversary edition of the classic "Mastering the Art of French Cooking"; and Ms. Fabricant's new book.
"Oh," he said, "you'll be getting some assignments from The Times."
This article is excerpted from "Salty, Not Sweet: A Life in the Food World" by Florence Fabricant (Running Press, 2026).
