今日《The New York Times - 08.10.2026》全报共收录 218 篇核心报道。在政经治理、法理制度与公共政策层面,版面重心聚焦于:**俄罗斯称研究鼠疫的实验室未发现“紧急情况”**(俄罗斯伊尔库茨克一家抗鼠疫研究所的员工于10月2日去世,图中为该传染病医院的入口。);**律师援引行政特权以拒绝提供中心记录**(作者:朱莉娅·雅各布斯 (JULIA JACOBS));**胡塞武装袭击沙特阿拉伯 2 座机场,造成三人死亡**(沙特阿拉伯周三表示,胡塞武装对 2 座主要机场的袭击造成三人死亡,数十人受伤。此次袭击加剧了该王国与也门境内受伊朗支持的...)。 在本土文化与城市记忆方面,今日重点关注**「历史头条」**。
约 60%
核心数据指标
5人
核心数据指标
95 岁
核心数据指标
🎭 本期时代思潮与社会文化雷达
🎭 当代文化观察
《The New York Times - 08.10.2026》本期社会思潮与时代切片
本期特写报道深入探索社会结构转型与文化心态变迁,详见【📖 双语精读】各专题深度报道。
🗂️ 全版面分栏导览目录 (点击标题直达正文)
📑 World / News
纽约市长马姆达尼纪念以色列遇袭三周年声明引发争议The New York Times · 2 min
Mayor Zohran Mamdani ignited intense anger from Jewish groups on Wednesday when he issued a statement marking the third anniversary of the deadly Oct. 7 attacks on Israel that focused largely on the suffering of Palestinians in Gaza.
The mayor posted a 211-word statement on social media that made reference to “the horrific war crimes” committed by Hamas and called the anniversary “profoundly painful for so many New Yorkers.”
However, the bulk of the statement provided a detailed denunciation of Israel's military actions in Gaza since the attacks, which Mr. Mamdani described as a “devastating, ongoing genocide.” He did not provide a similarly detailed account of the killings of Israelis and abductions of hostages.
"The suffering did not begin nor end that day," he said, referring to Oct. 7, adding: "That suffering has intensified with every Israeli bomb dropped on ambulances waiting outside hospitals, every drone strike targeting a residential building or journalist, and every shipment of food aid turned away at a border crossing."
Talking of Painful Day, but Also of 'Ongoing Genocide' in Gaza
who has a fraught relationship with much of New York City's Jewish leadership, were highly anticipated and closely scrutinized because this is the first anniversary of the attacks on Israel since he took office in January.
And Wednesday's statement was notably different from those released by other elected officials, including Gov. Kathy Hochul, who described Oct. 7 as “the deadliest day for the Jewish people since the Holocaust.” In its own statement, the City Council highlighted the story of an Israeli Jew who was hidden from Hamas by a Bedouin Muslim farmer on the day of the attacks.
Some pro-Israel Jewish leaders, and the Israeli government, accused the mayor of minimizing Jewish and Israeli pain on a day of profound grief.
Rabbi Ammiel Hirsch, the president of the New York Board of Rabbis, said Mr. Mamdani's statement was "morally perverse" and "like sticking a knife into the pain
In Ohio, a longtime Democratic congresswoman in a tough race, Marcy Kaptur, is running an ad in which she says she thinks “boys should not play in girls’ sports” and that she is focused on “making your life more affordable.”
In North Carolina, a vulnerable Democratic congressman, Don Davis, has released a commercial that shows him stalking a football field and saying that there are “real concerns about fairness and safety” in youth sports and that
And in several of the country's most competitive congressional battlegrounds, a leading progressive super PAC is running ads describing Republicans as “obsessed” with transgender people and distracted from rising prices.
By TIM BALK
Over the past several months, as the conflict has dragged on, the Iran war has come to reveal enormous new American vulnerabilities, forcing changes that the Pentagon was not contemplating a year ago. But it has also proved a bitter lesson in the unintended consequences that have flowed from Mr. Trump's war of choice.
Mr. Trump intended the attack on Iran as another demonstration of the American military's extraordinary power, following the successful bombing raid on three Iranian nuclear sites in June last year and the seizure of President Nicolás Maduro of Venezuela from his bed in Caracas in January.
Continued on Page A13
PAYETTE, Idaho — Andrea Shaw has spent most of the summer alone in a cell in Payette, Idaho, taking comfort from photos of her family, according to her lawyer. Her twins were 18 months old when they died, in May 2025, and her living daughter is three months old. She can talk to her husband, Nate, and the baby only by phone or video chat, which she does several times a day. As she waits for her lawyer to drive up from Boise, she reads inspirational books such as “Tuesdays With Morrie.”
there “should always be a safe and fair space for women and girls in sports.”
AIMARGUES, France — Imagine dozens of cats napping or milling around a space that looks a lot like a pet day care center.
As the midterm election approaches, some Democrats in battleground races are moving to respond to Republican attacks casting them as extreme on transgender issues. In some cases, Democrats have reacted by accusing Republicans of being out of touch with voters' economic concerns, or desperate to change the subject. In others, Democrats have voiced their opposition to transgender female athletes participating in girls' and women's sports. At times, their opposition has
Willow, a taste tester for Royal Canin cat food in southern France.
But rather than enhance American power, the war has constrained it. The closing of bases in the Middle East and limiting the use of one in Britain have, at a minimum, vastly complicated the logistics of projecting power.
But to anyone watching the deployment of American power around the globe in the seven months since Mr. Trump decided to attack Iran, it was another glaring example of how, time after time, Mr. Trump and his defense secretary, Pete Hegseth, have been forced into retreat, pulling back military forces that had been deployed to the Middle East and Britain as a deterrent.
By JENNY GROSS
Every day at 4 p.m., dinner is served. The cats step into cubbyholes, each with two trays of kibble atop scales. The cats choose which food they like better, and the scales measure how much they consume. Nutritionists at a Royal Canin pet center in southern France are watching: Which kibble do the animals prefer? How enthusiastically do they chow down? A team uses the data to adjust recipes and devise new ones.
spurred inflation and wage growth has not kept up, the pet food market has kept growing.
And as pandemic pets, adopted in droves in 2020, enter middle age, pet food makers are zeroing
To hear President Trump and his aides describe it, the rush to withdraw 12 B-1 bombers from an air base in Britain over the weekend was a prudent precaution, in response to a threat they refused to describe.
Continued on Page A8
It was no big deal, Mr. Trump insisted, and his secretary of state, Marco Rubio, tried to wave it away by noting the Pentagon is “constantly reallocating resources where they need to be.”
By DAVID E. SANGER and ERIC SCHMITT
in on aiding aching joints, strengthening tired muscles and protecting cognitive function.
MATHIAS DEPARDON FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
Pet food makers like Royal Canin, owned by the global consumer conglomerate Mars, are pouring money into research to understand the palates of cats and dogs — and to cater to people who see their pets as family members. Even as the war in Iran has
Planes Pulled in U.K., And Forces in Gulf
“Aging is one of the biggest opportunities,” said Cécile Coutens,
NEWS ANALYSIS
Shaw, 23, is charged with the smothering murder of the twins — Tyson, a boy, and Dallas, a girl — in the middle of the night, in the bed that they shared. At trial, scheduled for January, evidence will show that “the only conceivable explanation” for their deaths is that she suffocated them, the Payette County prosecutor Mike Duke wrote in a court filing. Shaw has pleaded not guilty.
Joe Filicetti, Shaw's lawyer, describes Shaw as “sweet.” In court, in her red-and-white striped uniform, she mostly comes across as young. The Shaw case, grim as it is, might have been a purely local story except for the extraordinary attention it has received from the captains of the nation's vaccine-skeptical movement. Three days after their twins died, Andrea and Nate Shaw appeared on a video podcast produced by Children's Health Defense, the anti-vaccine
Continued on Page A18
But most important, the rapid withdrawals have taught a lesson to the Iranians — and potentially to other adversaries — that they hold the power to chase out a superpower. In Europe, Mr. Trump and Mr. Hegseth are thinking of reducing American
American bombers can still reach their targets, of course, but only by flying from the United States, requiring more time and refueling. American carrier groups can still patrol in the Arabian Sea, outside the Persian Gulf, but now they must be re-supplied from Diego Garcia, an island in the Indian Ocean 2,200 miles away, requiring additional weeks and huge costs.
Continued on Page A9
司法部中,可疑的招募者填补空缺
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📄 Original Section
AT JUSTICE DEPT., DUBIOUS RECRUITS FILL IN THE RANKS
Red Flags in Their Pasts May Once Have Been Disqualifying
By GLENN THRUSH
WASHINGTON — A former prosecutor forced off a high-profile murder case for peeking at the defense team's strategy documents.
A onetime gambling executive who promoted conspiracy theories about the Las Vegas massacre in 2017.
A Florida activist who once served 20 days in jail for hacking a local elections system.
They are among the 130 lawyers who have recently joined the Justice Department's short-staffed civil rights division as the Trump administration has struggled to fill the depleted ranks of a unit that was once a magnet for legal talent. Since early 2025, upward of 300 nonpolitical career employees, representing decades of experience, have left the division after its leader, Harmeet Dhillon, repurposed it to pursue President Trump's agenda.
As a consequence, the division has opened its doors to recruits, many of them conservatives, some with education and work histories that might have disqualified them from being hired in the past, former officials said. For Free Papers Check Sanet.st Some have left a trail of hyperpartisan, conspiratorial and, in some instances, bizarre statements, according to an examination of about a dozen recent hires based on court records, social media posts and interviews.
Department officials, speaking on the condition of anonymity to discuss internal matters, said they have rejected nearly as many applicants as they have hired, 126. Any ideological tilt in the career ranks, they added, reflected the Trump-era applicant pool, which includes conservative activists and recent law school graduates.
Ms. Dhillon praised the quality of the new lawyers, and said she was revamping a division that had been dominated by liberals for far too long.
“For years, the civil rights division recruited from a narrow pipeline of progressive activists and called it excellence,” she said in a statement.
“We are hiring trial lawyers,” she added. “The attorneys The Times singled out have collectively tried hundreds of cases, prosecuted those who prey on trafficked children, won at the Supreme Court and practiced law for decades. That is the experience this division needs to enforce civil
Continued on Page A16
FILM PUBLICITY ARCHIVE/UNITED ARCHIVES, VIA GETTY IMAGES
EVA MARIE SAINT, 1924-2026
A beauty with dramatic depth, she brought an intensity to roles and seduced Cary Grant in “North by Northwest.” Page B12.
Despite Washington's threat to target them, companies continue to service Iranian tankers near Malaysia. PAGE A7
Why French Students Protest
Pupils at Paul Éluard High School near Paris were fed up with shoddy classrooms and staff shortages. PAGE A6
NATIONAL A12-21
Quest for Vote Fraud Widens
Officials are investigating nonprofits that they say may be recruiting noncitizens for registration, even though noncitizen voting is rare. PAGE A14
More Questions in Tennessee
A judge planned to order the state to preserve any evidence tied to a failed execution attempt of Christa Pike, who has regained consciousness. PAGE A20
Scientists are worried about the future of the networks that test vaccines and treatments for H.I.V., tuberculosis and emerging infectious diseases. PAGE A17
THURSDAY STYLES D1-8
Still Lighting Up the Rooms
Lindsey Adelman has used an unconventional management style to build a company that is known for its innovative chandelier designs. PAGE D7
Argentines were caught up in revelry and emotion at the soccer star's finale on the international stage. PAGE B10
BUSINESS B1-5
Whistle-Blower Sues I.R.S.
A tax fraud investigator has accused the agency of leaking his personal data to prosecutors in retaliation. PAGE B1
India Dominates Drug Market
Cheap labor and global supply chains are obstacles to bringing generic drug manufacturing back to the U.S. PAGE B1
OPINION A22-23
Beth Simone Noveck
PAGE A23
Crossword C3
Obituaries B11-12
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气候前瞻
今年 1 月在南极洲附近。科学家观察到该地区冰层在过去十年中急剧下降,并预计这一趋势将继续。
CHANG W. LEE / 纽约时报
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The New York Times
A.G. SULZBERGER
Publisher
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一位研究南极海冰的气候“天才”
与科学家、麦克阿瑟基金会资助获得者玛丽卡·霍兰(Marika Holland)的对话。
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📄 Original Section
Founded in 1851
ADOLPH S. OCHS
Publisher 1896-1935
ARTHUR HAYS SULZBERGER
Publisher 1935-1961
ORVIL E. DRYFOOS
Publisher 1961-1963
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作者:克莱尔·布朗 (CLAIRE BROWN)
今年夏天,专注于海冰研究的气候科学家马里卡·霍兰 (Marika Holland) 在她位于科罗拉多州国家大气研究中心 (National Center for Atmospheric Research) 的办公室里参加了一次电话会议。
幸运的是,在通话开始前,她关上了办公室的门。
她此前被告知,约翰·D. 和凯瑟琳·T. 麦克阿瑟基金会 (John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation) 想讨论一项新的气候计划,她以为对方会邀请她加入某个委员会。但通话开始后不久,她听到了这个消息:她被选中获得该基金会的“天才”奖金——这是一项金额为 $800,000 的无条件津贴,每年授予 20 位展现出“卓越创造力”的艺术家、作家、科学家和学者。
“我完全震惊了,”她说,“我哽咽了,花了好几分钟才接受他们所说的话。”
今年的获奖者中,有三位从事气候问题研究。布法罗大学的副教授霍莉·简·巴克 (Holly Jean Buck) 是一位研究新兴气候和能源政策的社会学家。而伊利诺伊大学厄巴纳-香槟分校的环境科学家管凯宇 (Kaiyu Guan) 则致力于通过农业建模来预测不同条件下的结果。
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"I am standing in front of them. I will bring my entire family also to stand in front of them. They can see for themselves that we exist."
NANHE LAL, who made multiple visits to a voter center in India with documentation to remain on voter rolls. The nation has purged some 130 million names. Page A4.
The height of the Chrysler Building, which opened in 1930 and was once the world's tallest building. The large commercial landlord Tishman Speyer, along with other investors, is buying the Art Deco skyscraper for \$235 million and planning a significant renovation. Page B3.
我不仅提名这部关于牙买加恐同心理的暴力史诗——它曾入围长名单,但未能进入决赛圈,不像詹姆斯 2019 年的奇幻作品《黑豹,红狼》(Black Leopard, Red Wolf)那样——我还想在特别类别中提名我尊敬的同事德怀特·加纳(Dwight Garner),因为他那篇轰动性的评论显然帮了忙,让《The Disappearers》从书店和图书馆的架子上“消失”了,令那些渴望阅读的读者感到沮丧。
戴夫·埃格斯(Dave Eggers)著《Contrapposto》
嘿!既然 90 年代复兴风潮能给我们带来 FX 频道上那部名为《Love Story》的惨剧,为什么不能顺便提升一下真正的 X 世代作家埃格斯多年来最优秀的作品呢?这部作品深入探讨了他关于艺术、阶级、金钱以及一段终身跨大西洋的暧昧关系(situationship)的想法。
📄 Original Section
NATIONAL
A story on Tuesday about the combative political ad campaign in the Ohio governor's race referred incorrectly to a man featured in a campaign ad whose wife has Alzheimer's disease. His wife is alive; he is not a widower.
An article on Monday about the impact that the sexual assault case is having on Cornell University's reputation referred incorrectly to sexual abuse allegations at Baylor University that led to the resignation or firing of officials. There were more than 15 accusers, not just 15, and the accused included football players and other students, not just football players.
An article on Sept. 27 about finding the right continuing care facility misstated the nature of Type A contracts. They function similarly to insurance, but they don't include long-term care insurance.
Errors are corrected during the press run whenever possible, so some errors noted here may not have appeared in all editions. For recently published corrections, visit nytimes.com/corrections.
Marika Holland, a climate scientist focused on sea ice, joined a call this summer in her office at the National Center for Atmospheric Research in Colorado.
Luckily, she closed her office door before it started.
She'd been told the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation wanted to discuss a new climate program, and she assumed they would ask her to join a committee. But not long after she hopped on the line, she heard the news: She had been selected to receive one of the foundation's “genius” grants, an \$800,000, no-strings-attached stipend awarded annually to 20 artists, writers, scientists and academics who show “exceptional creativity.”
“I was completely shocked,” she said. “I got very choked up, and it took me several minutes to accept what they were saying.”
Three of the fellows this year work on climate issues. Holly Jean Buck, an associate professor at the University at Buffalo, is a sociologist who looks at emerging climate and energy policies. And Kaiyu Guan, an environmental scientist at the University of Illinois-Urbana Champaign, works on agricultural modeling to forecast outcomes under different conditions.
I caught up with Holland recently. Here's a condensed and edited version of our conversation.
What does the grant mean for your work? It's still very fresh, and I don't have specific plans for what I'll do with this money.
I'm a physical climate scientist, so that means I study the physics of the climate system. I specifically study sea ice and the role of sea ice, which is part of the polar climate in our Earth system. But I work a lot with biologists to understand how changes in sea ice are affecting the ocean or large marine ecosystems — polar bears, penguins, things like that.
I also work with local communities in the Arctic, and I work with people who are thinking about policy and decision-making. To me, there's a lot of need to have opportunities for more of those kinds of collaborations.
My colleagues reported in December that the Trump administration intends to dismantle the National Center for Atmospheric Research, where you work. I'm wondering how that's affected your job. NCAR is still there, and I am still employed there, but there have been these threats, and it's concerning.
We're living through the climate changes that the models have predicted, right?
We predicted these changes decades ago, honestly. And now we're living through them. And so I think climate science is really important, understanding what's in store, what's to come in the future.
How we respond to that as people, as societies — those are all really important and critical questions. And we need large national centers to help us answer those questions.
At an institution like NCAR, our whole mission is around building national resilience. And doing that with a strong scientific basis. And so it's just very disheartening
Once a week in this space, we're bringing you news and insights for a warming world. Subscribe to the Climate Forward newsletter at nytimes.com/climateforward.
The “genius” grants tend to value cross-disciplinary work. Tell me about a project you’re proud of.
We've done a lot of work understanding Antarctic sea ice — the sea ice in the Southern Ocean that grows and forms and melts and moves around the Antarctic continent in the very far south.
And that sea ice is really important for ecosystems in the region. I've had the great privilege to have long-term collaborations with scientists who are studying penguins and seals. That work has really revealed that some of these amazing ecosystems are at risk because the sea ice is declining. In the last decade or so we've seen some very large declines in Antarctic sea ice, and we project that those declines will continue into the future.
That's because of rising greenhouse gases in the atmosphere from the burning of fossil fuels and human activity. And we've investigated through the whole life cycle of penguins (emperor penguins, in particular), which rely on sea ice for breeding and molting. They rely on it in different ways at different stages of their life cycle.
A Times experiment pitted professional musicians against artificial intelligence, and we need your help judging. Listen to two songs, one made by man and the other by machine, and vote for your favorite. nytimes.com/music
VIDEO
President Trump has had a minimal response to the rape allegations at Cornell University. The reporter Michael C. Bender examined Mr. Trump's shifting approach to civil rights law in his second term. Watch at nytimes.com/video.
Can you name 16 iconic figures from history? Look at pictures of notable people from the past 175 years of Times coverage and see if you can figure out who's who. nytimes.com/upshot
PHILADELPHIA EXPOSITION A FAILURE; UNPAID BILLS TOTAL MORE THAN \$3,000,000
October 8, 1926. Mayor W. Freeland Kendrick of Philadelphia announced that the Sesquicentennial International Exposition, held there in honor of the 150th anniversary of the signing of the Declaration of Independence, was a financial failure, according to an Associated Press article printed in The Times. He said that its lack of success was due not to “management, but to the failure of the people to go there.” When the fair opened that May, organizers had expected 30 million people to attend, but only five million showed up. Poor planning and a streak of bad weather were said to be among the reasons for low attendance at the expo, which included exhibits from at least 31 states and was set to end the following January. While figures range, The Times later reported that city losses from the fair totaled about \$200,000 (roughly \$3.8 million today).
Alaska accounts for roughly 60 percent of wild seafood harvested in the United States, from high-end wild-caught Chinook salmon to frozen fish sticks and McDonald's Filet-O-Fish. In Alaska, Fish Take Center Stage In Midterms A12
When Rome was struggling to subdue Germanic territories in the first century, elite women often wore wigs made from the blonde hair of Germanic captives or tried to imitate the color with dye for style.
In Ancient Rome, the Fashion Was Loud C2
It has been more than a thousand days since the Dallas Cowboys won a game in which the defense held an opponent to fewer than 14 points. Dallas Defense Still Under Construction B7
When the director Wayne Wang was in Hong Kong shooting his 1989 film “Eat a Bowl of Tea,” a local gang shut down the production claiming the white silk being used to diffuse light brought bad luck.
Movies From Hong Kong
That Left Their Marks D3
Porsche once relied on China for more than a third of its sales volume. By 2030, China is expected to account for one in 10 deliveries.
Porsche's New Look: Pricier Cars And a 25% Cut in Its Work Force B4
The Surrealist Gertrude Abercrombie lived most of her life in Chicago, where she was known for puttering about in a beat-up Rolls-Royce, wearing conical black hats and hosting salons graced by jazz artists like Sonny Rollins.
Breaking up is hard to do, in part because you have to talk about it. Or email about it. Or at least text about it.
Last October, we asked for your best breakup lines for a special Modern Love project, and you delivered; it was our most engaging story of the year. So we're asking again for your most unforgettable lines from a breakup — kind, bizarre, profound, haunting or funny — either delivered or received.
ROMAN MURADOV
In your own breakup experiences, what did you say? What have others said to you? Is there a line that you either delivered or received that has stayed with you because it was especially surprising, shocking, funny or poignant? Maybe the line was enlightening, or perhaps it “set you free.”
To share your best breakup lines, fill out a form at nytimes.com/modernlove. We will not publish any part of your response without contacting you first.
Bennett Cerf, above with his family circa 1950, is the subject of a biography by Gayle Feldman.
Finalists for the National Book Awards were announced this week. But to Alexandra Jacobs, a Book Review critic, several heavyweights were missing from contention. Read an edited selection below of some of the titles she thought should have made the cut.
'Nothing Random' by Gayle Feldman
One of the year's first biographies, and one of the finest. Also one of the longest, at 1,072 pages. But who's counting when your subject, Bennett Cerf, not only co-founded the largest and most important publishing house of the 20th century and beyond but was a syndicated columnist, best-selling humorist, television personality and world-class party giver himself? Were his ghost to haunt Cipriani Wall Street when the prize is handed out on Nov. 18, the whole affair would be a lot livelier.
'American Hagwon' by Min Jin Lee
With Cornell University in the news for all the wrong reasons, Lee's novel about the tension between scholarship and striving in the pursuit of elite college admissions is ringing extra loudly in my head. And it was already ringing pretty darn loudly, because it's so good: There's plenty of sex, speculation and embezzlement to go along with the education theory. This is the third in Lee's planned quartet about the Korean diaspora — perhaps you've heard of the second,
Subscribe to the Books newsletter at nytimes.com/newsletters.
“Pachinko,” an N.B.A. finalist in 2017 and a big best seller. I knew that one had reach when my brother-in-law in Dallas raved about it; now I know what I’m getting him for Christmas in exchange for those tamales on dry ice he sends every year.
'The Disappearers' by Marlon James
Not only do I nominate this violent epic about homophobia in Jamaica — it was on the longlist but didn't advance to the finalist round, unlike James's 2019 fantasy “Black Leopard, Red Wolf” — I also nominate my esteemed colleague Dwight Garner in a special category for his blockbuster review, which has apparently helped make “The Disappearers” disappear from store and library shelves, to the frustration of eager readers.
'Contrapposto' by Dave Eggers Hey! Why can't the '90s revival, which brought us the atrocity that was "Love Story" on FX, also elevate the finest work in years from the echt-Gen Xer Eggers, which plumbs his ideas about art, class, money and a lifelong trans-Atlantic situationship?
Here to Help Change Your Toilet Seat, Change Your Life
Changing your toilet seat is a low-effort, low-cost reset for your entire bathroom. Here's how to select a style, shape and size to ensure your new seat fits your toilet — and your life — perfectly. IVY ELROD
Select your preferred perch. Think about how you want your toilet seat to look and feel. First, pick your material, which not only influences the look, but also its feel.
While standard plastic is usually most affordable, it can feel flimsy and lightweight. Solid wood offers a natural, high-end warmth and more stability than plastic, but it can sometimes feel unyielding. If you prefer more give, engineered wood has a wood look and a bit of flexion.
Color is another factor to consider. When I made the swap from a white plastic seat to a black engineered wood seat, the contrasting color shifted the style of the bathroom from generic to classic Deco. Also consider how the seat closes. Soft-close hinges can feel like a true lifestyle upgrade, preventing the seat from slamming down.
Find your fit. Toilet seats are generally standardized into two shapes: round (about 16.5 inches from the mounting holes to the front) and elongated (about 18.5 inches).
Measure from the center of the bolt holes to the very front of the bowl to see which camp you're in. Most bolt holes are spaced at a standard 5.5 inches, so as long as you match these dimensions, the seat should fit. Once you know what size you're looking for, you can begin searching based on your criteria for material, color and hinge.
NYT WIRECUTTER
Remove the older seat. For most toilet seat swaps, you'll likely need just a screwdriver and some cleaning supplies. But for older bathrooms, or if the seat has never been changed, a few other tools can be helpful: a screwdriver that matches the seat hardware; a penetrating solvent like WD-40; a toilet wrench; pliers; and rubber gloves. To remove the old seat, take off any bolt covers and soak the hardware, if necessary. Then remove the hardware and wipe the area clean using soapy water or vinegar.
Install the new seat. While new seats come with their own installation instructions, they generally involve following simple steps. First, place the seat atop the bowl and align it with the bolt holes. Next, slide the bolts into place and tighten them with a screwdriver while holding the nuts beneath. Then, thumb-tighten the nuts and push any bolt covers back into place.
Ivy Elrod is a writer for Wirecutter, a product recommendation site owned by The New York Times Company. For more advice, visit nytimes.com/wirecutter.
We prioritize accuracy, fairness and quality for our readers. When we fall short, we publicly acknowledge and correct our mistakes.
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The New York Times
A water cannon dousing protesters in New Delhi, and Jama Masjid, one of the city's largest mosques. India's 200 million Muslims appear to have been disproportionately affected by a voter roll purge.
Outrage in India as 130 Million People Are Wiped From the Voter Rolls
A demonstrator being detained on Sunday in New Delhi. Public anger is growing over the government's purge of voter rolls, which some critics say could undermine the world's largest democracy.
Cleanup of Discrepancies and Duplicates Appears to Target Modi's Opposition
This article is by Mujib Mashal, Pragati K.B. and Hari Kumar.
NEW DELHI — Nearly a billion people in the world's biggest democracy are being asked to show documents to prove that they should keep the right to vote.
The exercise is billed by an election commission appointed by Prime Minister Narendra Modi as cleaning India's voter roll of duplicates and discrepancies. So far, it has expunged over 130 million names — more than the population of Mexico.
Tens of millions of voters have been flagged by algorithms for deletion over anomalies in their information. Millions who have appealed their deletions remain stuck in adjudication, deprived of their right to vote during close-fought elections earlier this year. Some removed for being dead are challenging the decision based on the fact they are very much alive.
Public anger is turning into widespread protests, as evidence piles up that the exercise is disenfranchising parts of society seen as less likely to support Mr. Modi's ruling Hindu nationalist party. India's 200 million Muslims appear to have been disproportionately targeted.
Protesters are calling for the resignation of Gyanesh Kumar, the chief of the election commission, a body that was long held in high regard for running relatively fair polls in a region with a history of coups and autocratic governance.
"The heart of our democracy, which is the right to vote, is at great peril," Rohinton Nariman, a former solicitor general of India and a supreme court judge, said in a lecture last week.
The exercise, which began last summer in one state before being expanded to every voter in the country, has struck the biggest blow to election integrity in India's more than seven decades as a republic, former Indian polling officials and analysts say. The anger is intensifying on the back of recent revelations that officials within the election commission and the Supreme Court have expressed reservations about the revision.
"The entire approach has changed from making the rolls inclusive," Ashok Lavasa, a former election commissioner, said. "The effort, and the priority, seems to be getting rid of people on the slightest pretext."
While previous revisions of the voter roll focused on “physical verification, door to door” to make sure that every citizen was included, he said the current process puts the onus of proof entirely on citizens and otherwise excludes them. That leaves a large section of the electorate at the mercy of algorithms and mistakes in old records that could largely be clerical errors, he said.
To be sure, inaccuracies in the voter roll, which included about 970 million names before the recent revisions, have long been a fixture in a country where tens of millions of people are on the move for work, enabling abuses by some. But the list is routinely updated before every local and national election, and public faith in the electoral system was strong enough that the impact of the remaining discrepancies was believed to be marginal. Mr. Modi won three terms in office through elections based on the voter roll before the nationwide revision, and his Bharatiya Janata Party flourished.
The sudden discovery and deletion of over 20 million dead people and 90 million others categorized as “absent, shifted, and others,” has cast doubt about the integrity of previous elections or raised suspicion about the ruling party’s intentions for upcoming ones, analysts and opposition leaders say.
Since a weaker showing in 2024 national elections, Mr. Modi's party has strung together a series of wins at the state level, including flipping one large state that it had never won based on a revised voter list. The next national election is in 2029.
Election commission officials did not respond to multiple requests for comment. Leaders of Mr. Modi's party have rejected the uproar as fomented by a struggling opposition, which had earlier asked for similar revisions.
"If political parties themselves have repeatedly demanded the removal of duplicate, bogus and ineligible entries in the past, why should the election commission's effort to clean and update electoral rolls now be portrayed as inherently suspect?" said Pratyush Kanth, a spokesman for the party.
Two senior officials who would talk about the governing party's strategy only anonymously said the process was aimed at entrenching its electoral advantage. The officials asked not be named for fear of retribution.
One of them said the intention was purely political: to use the party's vast local machinery to flag people to local authorities for deletion. But the effect, he said, had been limited in India's federal system because not all local officials were beholden to the B.J.P.
The other official said making gains in recent elections was secondary to a larger ideological objective: implementing an effort by the Hindu right to weed
Allies of Prime Minister Narendra Modi dismissed the uproar over the purge as being provoked by a weak opposition.
out large numbers of Muslim illegal immigrants, something it had failed to achieve through an earlier attempt at citizenship tests.
A citizenship registration project in 2019 flagged an even larger number of Hindus as lacking documents, halting the exercise. Using the election commission allows the ruling party deniability while achieving the same goal of blocking political participation by Muslims, the official said.
The argument is supported by rhetoric from leaders of Mr. Modi's party who have defended the effort as weeding out "infiltrators" — a term that ostensibly means migrants from Bangladesh but has increasingly been deployed to refer to all of India's Muslims.
Analysts and former election officials say the authorities are asking people to verify their voting rights with documents that prove citizenship. Many people in India — Hindus and Muslims alike ple in India — Hindus and Muslims alike — struggle to produce such documents because record keeping is poor, and many people lack even birth certificates.
There has been no strong evidence that the revision exercise has found a substantial number of foreigners. Leaders of Mr. Modi's party have nonetheless declared that those deleted from the voter roll will be denied welfare benefits meant for citizens.
India's poorest citizens are forced to chose between multiple visits to polling officers and earning a daily wage.
"I am standing in front of them. I will bring my entire family also to stand in front of them. They can see for themselves that we exist," said Nanhe Lal, 43, a toy store worker in Delhi who was on his third visit to a voter center with documents to prevent the deletion of their names.
His employer kept calling to ask how much longer he would be away from his duties, he said.
Opposition parties say Mr. Modi is using independent institutions like the election commission to lock in his party's advantage for years to come.
They say the groundwork had started years earlier. In 2023, Mr. Modi changed the composition of the committee through which election commissioners are appointed to tilt it in favor of the government. He also passed a law to give commissioners legal immunity.
Since then, the opposition parties have raised complaints over irregular additions and deletions of voters ahead of several state elections. But the election commission ignored their pleas to investigate even cases of “statistical abnormalities,” said Praveen Chakravarty, a lawmaker from the opposition Congress Party. Instead, the commission restricted the opposition’s access to things like machine-readable voter rolls and existing CCTV footage from polling centers, which would allow them to verify voting data, he said.
In the revisions, millions of people have been flagged by algorithms for “logical discrepancies” — a term that could include inconsistencies like the spelling of a name or the number of siblings listed.
Other people have been deleted based on forms submitted by third parties who dispute their existence.
In one constituency in the southern state of Karnataka, nearly 2,000 such forms were filed on a single day late last month, a review by The New York Times showed. Nearly half of those were filed by five individuals, and the voters they were disputing were overwhelmingly Muslim. Many of the forms were typed up with the target's name, leaving only a blank space for the name of the person objecting to fill in by hand, which analysts said suggested an orchestrated campaign.
The election commission's conduct in one state in particular has drawn particular scrutiny.
Mr. Modi's B.J.P. had for decades fallen short of a majority in elections for the state legislature in West Bengal. It finally came to power in May, right after a voter roll revision that removed about nine million names.
India's top court allowed the election to proceed, even though millions of people who had challenged their removals were still waiting for their cases to be heard. In about 100,000 appeals to have been adjudicated so far, a majority were found to be legitimate and ordered restored to the roll.
Leaders of opposition parties in West Bengal have argued in petitions to the Supreme Court that the number of deleted voters exceeded the margin of victory in 82 of the 207 seats won by Mr. Modi's party, a number that tips the balance of power.
Officials appointed by the court cleared 1.6 million West Bengal voters to be restored to the roll, but the election commission has blocked their return by appealing against their inclusion, according to the commission's own court filing. A recent investigation by an Indian newspaper found that two of the country's three election commissioners had expressed outrage internally at the effort, which they said was done without their knowledge.
Mr. Lavasa, the former election commissioner, questioned why the body responsible for protecting voter's rights "would implement a procedure which will deprive" them of it.
Mass Trials in El Salvador Sweep Up Hundreds in Single Proceedings
By JAMES WAGNER
Hundreds of inmates watched their court proceeding virtually from the Terrorism Confinement Center, or CECOT, prison in April in Tecoluca, El Salvador.
JOSE CABEZAS/REUTERS
Across El Salvador, hundreds of inmates appear in court by video simultaneously for a single, joint hearing. Some lawyers say that they are first meeting their clients on the same day as their trial. And individual anonymous witnesses are testifying against dozens of suspects at a time, human rights groups say.
More than four years after President Nayib Bukele's administration arrested tens of thousands of people in a crackdown on gang violence, those detained are finally getting their day in court.
But the trials are unlike anything seen before by most lawyers.
Hundreds of detainees at a time face mass trials that result in near-universal convictions for gang-related offenses, according to a new report released Wednesday by Human Rights Watch, as well as four defense lawyers who spoke directly to The New York Times.
The lawyers and Human Rights Watch reported widespread violations of international human rights conventions in these trials.
The human rights group determined that judges routinely blocked access to files and prosecutors threatened proposed defense witnesses with prosecution. The findings were based on interviews with 15 lawyers representing people arrested for gang-related crimes — four of whom spoke to The Times — and a review of four indictments covering more than 600 defendants and a sentencing document. Lawyers said that the fast-paced mass proceedings gave them little time to present a defense. Furthermore, the cases rely heavily on anonymous plea-bargain testimony and on reports that some police officials have acknowledged are fabricated or based on uncorroborated evidence.
The Human Rights Watch report added that prosecutors and judges have little, if any, independence from Mr. Bukele's office.
One lawyer described being threatened by a judge with arrest for representing a detainee who had tattoos that the authorities had interpreted as evidence of gang membership.
The lawyers interviewed for this article spoke on the condition of anonymity because they were barred from talking publicly about their cases and feared government reprisals. All said their clients had been in detention for at least three to four years before facing trial.
“First it was mass arrests, now it’s mass convictions,” said Juanita Goebertus, the Americas director of Human Rights Watch. “These trials don’t provide redress to victims of gang violence. They are designed to rubberstamp arbitrary arrests and deliver long prison sentences, in many cases to innocent people.”
The Salvadoran attorney general's office, a spokeswoman for Mr. Bukele and the Supreme Court, which oversees the organized crime tribunals where the trials are being held, did not respond to requests for comments.
Under Mr. Bukele, the small Central American nation of six million people — once racked by gang violence — was transformed into one of the region's safest countries.
It is a feat that Mr. Bukele, 45, promotes repeatedly. He has drawn the admiration of the Trump administration and conservatives around the world. But human rights groups, some governments and the United Nations human rights office have criticized the strongman tactics Mr. Bukele used to achieve the turnaround.
Mr. Bukele has defended his practices by saying that there is too much focus on the rights of suspects and not enough on citizens freed from gang violence. In April, he said mass hearings aren't new, pointing to the Nuremberg trials of Nazis after World War II.
"The only ‘novel’ aspect is holding the leaders accountable for crimes committed by their organizations," he posted on social media. "But we did not invent that principle. It is called ‘command responsibility.’"
An estimated 90,000 people were arrested under a state of emergency put in place in spring 2022 that remains in effect today. The measure brought the country's prison population to roughly 120,000, creating one of the highest incarceration rates in the world.
Some national police officers in El Salvador told The Times last year that they were under intense pressure to meet arrest quotas and admitted that arbitrary detentions and flimsy evidence helped reach those totals.
Since his political party gained a supermajority in 2021, Mr. Bukele has exerted control over all aspects of the Salvadorean government, including the legislature, prosecutors and courts. Anti-gang measures were enacted, including increased penalties for gang membership or “unlawful association,” the elimination of pretrial detention limits and the permission to prosecute up to 900 people at once if they were tied to the same criminal group.
The result has been a presumption of guilt rather than innocence, and a simulation of justice, not a fair shake in court, according to the four lawyers The Times spoke with. Three of them said that gangs were a grave problem in their country and needed to be brought to justice but that the government's measures went too far.
“Objectively, there are gang members, criminals and hit men, but among all those people, there are innocent ones, too,” said one lawyer, who has represented nearly 30 people arrested under the state of emergency.
The lawyer said El Salvador needed fair processes to determine who were the real criminals.
In fact, the system is rewarding some gang members who serve as anonymous witnesses through arrangements with prosecutors and receive reduced sentences in return, the lawyers said.
In court, the anonymous witnesses are hidden behind screens so that only judges and prosecu-
最近的一个下午,皇家宠物食品在树下的一处阳光充足的地方,为我和我的摄影师同事重新演示了一次测试。我观察到一只2岁的布偶猫 Willow 先吃 A 盘,接着吃 B 盘,然后又回到了 A 盘。她的犹豫意味着什么?一名皇家宠物食品的官员承认,这并非一次真正的 A / B 测试;两个盘子里的食物是一样的,这与通常的做法不同。Willow 并不在意,她把两盘都吃完了,然后走开了。
📄 Original Section
No time, no access and no privacy, say defense lawyers.
tors know their identities, they added. The accused appear in groups by video from prison. Earlier this year, nearly 500 suspected MS-13 gang members watched their court proceeding together virtually from prison.
The lawyers said the witnesses' testimonies were frequently vague, not verified and contradictory, yet often served as the main evidence used to convict. There was also a lack of supporting evidence, they said.
One lawyer, who currently has more than 25 cases, said that one anonymous witness had testified against 300 people in a single hearing, including two of his clients. And because there were so many people being tried at once, another lawyer said, lawyers were each allotted only about five minutes for cross examination.
“Imagine being a public defender and defending 80 people at once,” another lawyer said.
One lawyer, who has three cases, said that he had once been given only about 20 minutes to make closing arguments. Another lawyer said he felt his argument had been little more than a formality because the judge appeared to have already made up his mind; all 70 defendants were convicted.
Judges, too, remain anonymous during the trials to protect them from reprisals, and the hearings, like the case files, are sealed.
The lawyers said that they had not been allowed to meet or speak with their clients before the trials. The first time they ever met, they said, was virtually in court during a hearing. The few pretrial client meetings allowed to take place have been virtual and recorded by the authorities, according to the Human Rights Watch report.
The lawyers interviewed said that all their clients who reached trial had been convicted, often receiving sentences of 20 to 30 years.
In late 2024, Mr. Bukele acknowledged that 8,000 innocent people had been freed from detention. Human rights groups have said that roughly 30,000 innocent people were arrested, an estimation Mr. Bukele has denied.
Prosecutors have grouped the accused into two categories. There are “homeboys,” or gang leaders, and there are “collaborators,” the most common but loosely defined designation. It refers to anyone who receives a “direct or indirect benefit” from assisting a gang in any way and can include people who serve as lookouts or even provide food.
Under Salvadoran law, convicted leaders face sentences of 40 to 45 years, while collaborators face 20 to 30 years.
The government, the lawyers said, has disproportionately arrested residents of poorer communities where gangs operated and sometimes forced residents into working for them.
One mother, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because she were barred from talking publicly about the case and feared reprisals, said her son, now 29, had been arrested on his way to work in June 2022. She acknowledged that he had occasionally bought marijuana but insisted that he had none on him the day of his arrest and did not belong to a gang.
Last month, she said, he received 25 years for being a collaborator. Her lawyer plans to appeal.
RIO DE JANEIRO — Flávio Bolsonaro watched last year as his father was sentenced to 27 years in prison for trying to stage a coup after losing Brazil's last presidential election.
His father, the former right-wing president Jair Bolsonaro, was barred from ever returning to politics.
The younger Mr. Bolsonaro took up the mantle. Then scandal threatened to derail his own presidential hopes after he was accused of raising funds for a biopic about his father from a disgraced banker at the center of a huge corruption scheme.
But Mr. Bolsonaro was able to rebound spectacularly, and on Sunday night he celebrated at a raucous election night party, following a surprisingly strong showing that put him on the path to becoming the president of Latin America's biggest country.
“Deep down, people were voting for a legacy,” said Camila Rocha, a political scientist who studies the Brazilian right. “Because they believe that, if Flávio were to be elected, the one governing would be Jair.”
The younger Mr. Bolsonaro, 45, fell short of the votes needed for an outright victory, but appeared on his way to ousting President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva in a run-off later this month.
Mr. Bolsonaro earned more votes than Mr. Lula and is now likely to win many of the ballots cast for other right-wing candidates eliminated in the first round.
And the presidential hopeful wasn't the only Bolsonaro who had a good Election Day. Four other Bolsonaros also won federal
Isabela Cruz and Thayz Guimarães contributed research.
offices, riding a potent right-wing wave sweeping the country.
Their triumphs cement the Bolsonaros as the dominant force within Brazil's right and could make the country the eighth Latin American nation to elect a conservative president in the last 18 months.
President Trump was quick to celebrate Mr. Bolsonaro's performance, while cautioning that the second round would be tight.
“It’s a big victory,” he told reporters on Monday. “Close — but a very big victory.”
The vote marked an unexpected turnaround for the Bolsonaros after the elder Mr. Bolsonaro tried to subvert democracy and inspired thousands of supporters to storm Brazil's halls of power, in an episode echoing the attack on the U.S. Capitol.
The presidency could now grant Mr. Bolsonaro and his family new, sweeping powers to rewrite Brazil's history and reshape its future in profound ways. If elected, Mr. Bolsonaro has promised to seek amnesty for his father and the rioters, as well as impeach the Supreme Court justices who jailed them.
Mr. Bolsonaro may also try to reverse a decision by the court to convict his brother Eduardo of interfering in their father's coup trial by lobbying Mr. Trump to pressure Brazil to drop the case.
With a deeply conservative legislature stacked with members of his political party, including his relatives, these goals may now be far easier to achieve for Mr. Bolsonaro.
Flavio Bolsonaro, leading presidential candidate in Brazil, with a portrait of his father last month.
ADRIANO MACHADO/REUTERS
The Bolsonaro family's comeback mirrors the enduring hold of other powerful political dynasties around the world, including the Marcoses in the Philippines, the Sharifs in Pakistan, the Fujimoris in Peru and the Kirchners in Ar-
gentina.
In Brazil, like elsewhere, that dynasty began with a charismatic patriarch with populist appeal.
When Jair Bolsonaro, 71, waded into presidential politics in 2018, he succeeded in tapping into deep anger among many Brazilians over endemic corruption gripping the nation's political class. Though he had spent nearly three decades as a minor lawmaker, the former army captain succeeded in casting himself as a political outsider.
Modeling himself after Mr. Trump, he railed against “woke” ideology and offended women and minorities. Promising a drastic political overhaul, he vowed to root out graft, crush criminals and restore family values.
In a deeply conservative nation disillusioned with politics, his take-no-prisoners message found an enthusiastic audience.
Brazilians were less keen on Mr. Bolsonaro's family, distrustful of apparent links between his sons and corrupt or criminal groups. Family drama, mostly between Mr. Bolsonaro's sons and Michelle Bolsonaro, his current and third wife, has also sullied their image.
In one episode that transfixed the nation, Ms. Bolsonaro, 44, a popular figure among evangelical women, accused Flávio Bolsonaro of disrespecting her in a biting 27-minute video posted on social media, damaging Mr. Bolsonaro's candidacy. The two eventually made up in an effort to project unity.
Yet on Sunday, millions of Brazilians appeared to set aside those reservations. Beside nearly handing Flávio Bolsonaro a victory, voters also elected two of his brothers, his stepmother and an uncle in races for the nation's legislative branches.
“Yes, it’s this whole family of politicians,” Ms. Rocha said. “But the one who’s in charge, in people’s eyes, is the father. That’s who they trust with their vote.”
With the elder Mr. Bolsonaro out of politics, his supporters transferred to Flávio Bolsonaro their faith that he would continue his father's political agenda. Mr. Bolsonaro has reassured his supporters that he plans to model his government after that of his father.
“Jair Bolsonaro triggered ‘bolsonarismo,’” said Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser, a professor at the Pontifical Catholic University of Chile and director of the Laboratory for the Study of the Far Right. “And he’s still the electoral glue.”
On Tuesday, Mr. Bolsonaro lamented a court order barring him from visiting his father, claiming it was political interference aimed at keeping him away from his “political mentor.”
Instead of relying on a party's political machine, the Bolsonaros are building their movement through their family brand, Mr. Kaltwasser said. "They have a long-term ideological project. And they are ensuring it endures over time."
In a nation where many voters have long rejected party affiliation, this may hold the key to a future beyond the movement's patriarch. Mr. Bolsonaro, who is serving his sentence at home because of poor health, has been hospitalized numerous times with serious ailments that he attributes to a stabbing attack on the campaign trail in 2018.
At the same time, the opposition appears weaker than ever. The leftist political party founded by Mr. Lula succeeded in rallying voters around him for years, leaning on his charisma and populist appeal.
But Mr. Lula's political movement has failed to produce a successor and appears to have lost touch with its base, as many Brazilians link it to corruption and government mismanagement.
If Mr. Bolsonaro now succeeds in unseating his leftist rival in the Oct. 25 runoff, he would gain unusually broad powers to shape Brazil. The next president will be able to appoint up to four new justices to the nation's Supreme Court, which has 11 seats in total.
Even if Mr. Lula were to mount a comeback in the second round, analysts say it would prove nearly impossible to govern alongside a deeply conservative legislative branch allied with Mr. Bolsonaro.
Mr. Bolsonaro's promises have excited some of his most ardent supporters, who believe his father was jailed unfairly and have been frustrated by a corruption scandal that has embroiled the nation's top court.
But the idea of possibly weakening democratic checks and balances has also unnerved many in Brazil, a country with a dark history of strongmen and dictatorships, including the brutal military junta that ruled the nation between 1964 and 1985.
"If he is elected in the second round, it's granting him almost total power," Ms. Rocha said. "He will be able to do whatever he wants."
在一次袭击中,舒艾巴港(Port Shuaiba)的一个陆军战术行动中心被摧毁,导致 6 名美国军人丧生。伊朗的无人机和导弹还袭击了阿里萨勒姆空军基地(Ali Al Salem Air Base),损坏了飞机结构并造成人员受伤,以及袭击了布林营(Camp Buehring),损坏了维护和燃料设施。
在卡塔尔,伊朗袭击了美国中央司令部在该地区的航空总部——乌代德空军基地(Al Udeid Air Base),损坏了一套预警雷达系统。在巴林,一架伊朗自杀式攻击无人机击中了美国第五舰队总部的通信设备。在沙特阿拉伯的苏丹王子空军基地(Prince Sultan Air Base),伊朗的导弹和无人机损坏了通信设备和数架加油机。
PARIS — When students at Paul Éluard, a high school in a working-class suburb north of Paris, arrived for the first day of school, they found classrooms lacking chairs, tables and reliable electricity, students and teachers said. With the school under renovation, students were being taught instead in prefabricated buildings with bad insulation, filthy toilets and regular power outages, they said.
Then came the staffing shortage. Two mathematics professors were moved to another school, leaving no one to cover their classes for over a week. There were no replacements for the school's absent psychologist or careers adviser, they said, and there was only a single part-time nurse to provide on-site medical care to roughly 2,000 students.
"It was a completely chaotic way to welcome students," said Irène Cailleteau, a mathematics teacher at Paul Éluard since 2020. "It was an extremely difficult way to start the year."
Those are among the frustrations that have fueled a surge of student protests since late September, both at Paul Éluard — one of the wellsprings of the unrest — and at hundreds of high schools across France.
Thousands of students, sometimes backed by teachers like Ms. Cailleteau, have blockaded their schools to protest widespread teacher shortages, creaking school infrastructure and grueling schedules — and to demand an overhaul of the national system that allocates places in higher education programs.
The movement, which was bolstered on Tuesday by union-led rallies in more than 40 French cities, has divided the country and inflamed political tensions, particularly after many demonstrations descended into violence. Some protesters have shot off mortar-style fireworks, burned public buildings and looted shops, while rights groups and jurists have accused the police of disproportionate force. In just over two weeks, more than 6,500 people have been arrested, and more than 750 police officers, as well as roughly 300 students and staff members, have been injured, according to French officials.
At the demonstrations at Paul Éluard, footage showed largely peaceful protesters, disrupted by some participants who pulled down part of the school fence and set fires in the street outside. That led the authorities in late September to order the school's closure, ban protests in front of it and arrest several students.
The school's principal and the local branch of the Education Ministry declined to comment on the accounts in this article. The office of the regional president, Valérie Pécresse, said that her administration had recently invested about \$50 million to improve the school, which is among more than 50 in the area, a suburb called Seine-St.-Denis, that has been newly renovated.
To students and teachers at Paul Éluard, that investment doesn't do enough to reverse decades of neglect, both at the school and in the wider district.
In Seine-St.-Denis, a sprawling area with a large immigrant community, the unemployment and poverty rates far exceed the national average. That inequity is mirrored in the district's education system: 61 percent of middle and high schools in Seine-St.-Denis and its neighboring areas had a missing teacher at the start of the year, according to a survey by a major labor union of more than 1,000 French schools. That was eight points higher than the national average.
"The problem is national, but it's three times as bad in the suburbs," said Bilel Narjissi, a senior at Paul Éluard and a member of the school's student council.
Recent students and teachers at Paul Éluard said classes had spent an entire school year without a professor in some subjects, including philosophy, which heavily affected students' preparation for their senior exams.
France's education minister, Édouard Geffray, said on Tuesday that the number of teaching vacancies had fallen by more than half over the past year.
But students said they had yet to feel meaningful change.
Zakarya Boukhadda, a 16-year-old at Paul Éluard, said at a rally this week that there weren't enough special educators at the school, especially “for students with neurodivergent conditions or autism like myself.”
Frustrations That Boiled for Years
Paul Éluard, founded in 1965, was
named for a French writer whose
poem “Liberté” became a widely
read ode to freedom during World
War II.
Over time, the school bearing his name became synonymous with decline.
In May 2023, staff members created a social media account comparing the high school to the Titanic. Pictures and videos showed cracked and crumbling walls, leaking or collapsed ceilings, and flooded floors. Those conditions were also described in interviews with former and current students, who recalled rats scouring the hallways.
In late 2024, regional officials reported finding parts of the school in a state of disrepair, warning of fire doors that had been wedged shut, a blocked emergency exit and signs of vandalism.
Ms. Pécresse's office said that the regional government had tried to resolve the structural problems at the school, including by waterproofing its buildings, adding fire doors and providing more security, as well as investing the \$50 million, about 45 million euros, which would go toward “a comprehensive transformation of the entire site.”
But to the students and their supporters, those additions are too little too late and have left students cooped up in substandard temporary buildings while the renovation goes on.
Bally Bagayoko, a far-left local mayor, told journalists at a rally on Sunday that the regional council's response was “contemptuous.”
“They say, ‘We’re giving you 45 million,’” said Mr. Bagayoko, who has often joined demonstrations in solidarity with the students. “That means, ‘Be satisfied with what we’re giving you, be happy that we’re giving you anything at all,’” he added
Mr. Bagayoko, 53, grew up in the area and recalled studying in badly insulated buildings when he was a student himself.
"How many times did I sit in a classroom where there was so much construction going on?" he asked. "We were sitting there in our coats because we were freezing our butts off," he added. "That's why it's unbearable to see those who have the power to act pretending that they're just now discovering this."
Ms. Pécresse has dismissed Mr. Bagayoko as a rabble-rouser, pledging on social media to send
A protest outside Paul Éluard High School last week. A sign, left, says “Golden offices for you, dilapidated high schools for us.” At far left, Bally Bagayoko, a local mayor.
him “the bill for the 100,000-euro replacement of the gate at Paul Éluard High School.”
“Let the mayor take responsibility for his actions,” she added. “I’ve taken responsibility for mine: a complete renovation of the high school.”
For some at Paul Éluard, the conditions at the schools compound the perception that the national leaders care little for the area or its alienated and underprivileged residents, many of whose families come from France's former colonies in Africa.
“They simply don’t care about us,” said Zorah Adrachi, 19, who graduated from Paul Éluard in the summer hoping to study psychology or train as a teacher. Despite passing her senior exams, an achievement that generally guarantees entry to university, Ms. Adrachi is among thousands of young high school graduates who have not been offered a place in a higher education program, leaving her in limbo.
Mr. Narjissi, the student council member, who wore the French tricolor on the collar of his woolen coat, said he would not give up the fight for better learning conditions.
“Maybe our parents didn’t dare pursue executive careers or positions of responsibility,” he said. “But tomorrow we’ll be the members of Parliament, we’ll be the mayors, and we’ll keep going and we won’t give up.”
Rubio Dodges Diplomatic Flap in Iceland After Trump Posts Provocative Map
POOL PHOTO BY MARK SCHIEFELBEIN
Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Thorgerdur Katrin Gunnarsdottir, Iceland foreign affairs head.
By MICHAEL CROWLEY
REYKJAVIK, Iceland — One month after President Trump hinted that Iceland should belong to the United States, Secretary of State Marco Rubio needed to address the matter during a visit with the country's leaders, insisting afterward that “everything’s very positive in our relationship.”
Mr. Trump had posted a map on his Truth Social account in September depicting Iceland as part of U.S. territory.
The post unnerved and angered Icelandic officials, who had watched Mr. Trump threaten to annex neighboring Greenland by force before agreeing to a long-term security deal instead.
Mr. Rubio brushed off a question about the incident, saying he would not address social media posts. But it seemed clear that his counterpart, Foreign Minister Thorgerdur Katrin Gunnarsdottir, did not consider the matter trivial.
“We discussed that,” she said alongside Mr. Rubio at a Tuesday news conference in Reykjavik, the capital.
The chief Icelandic diplomat, who summoned the U.S. ambassador for an explanation after Mr. Trump's post, added that the issue had been dealt with “constructively” and that U.S.-Iceland relations remained strong.
Both Mr. Rubio and Ms. Gunnarsdottir sought to focus instead on what Mr. Rubio called the “critical” strategic relationship between their countries amid growing concerns about Russian military activity in the Arctic.
The diplomats had earlier met in Reykjavik's historic Hofdi
House, site of a 1986 nuclear arms reduction summit between President Ronald Reagan and Soviet premier Mikhail Gorbachev that helped lay the groundwork for the Cold War's end.
But a new sort of Cold War has since emerged. In recent years, Russian ships and submarines have sailed close to Iceland's shores in what Western officials call reconnaissance missions to gather information on NATO activities and to map vital undersea communications cables that could be severed to devastating effect.
Visiting a NATO air base outside the capital, Mr. Rubio toured an American P-8 Poseidon aircraft equipped to detect, monitor and destroy ships and submarines.
The United States built Naval Air Station Keflavik early in the Cold War as it established a permanent military presence meant to counter Soviet threats against the Arctic and northern Europe. With the Soviet threat gone, the United States turned the base over to NATO more than 20 years ago but has recently upgraded the facility and begun rotating forces through it on a regular basis.
“While the world’s focus drifted over the last 20 years, the reality is the geography is always important, and we’re seeing that come now to fruition,” Mr. Rubio said, noting that Iceland lies at a naval choke point between Europe and the United States.
At the same time, Mr. Rubio acknowledged that a U.S. military stretched thin by the seven-month conflict with Iran had contributed no ships or planes to NATO's “Northern Viking” military exercises held annually off Iceland’s coast. The United States did provide hundreds of personnel for the exercises, conducted from late August to early September
“Obviously, there’s things going on around the world,” Mr. Rubio said. “It requires us to allocate resources,” he added, saying that the protection of commercial shipping lines from Iran and “the need to backfill what’s happening in the Indo-Pacific as a result” has left fewer American forces available
for exercises.
He had less to say about the map, before flying on to Greece later in the day.
Mr. Rubio, who on his foreign travels often drops figurative ice cubes into the hot water of Mr. Trump's more provocative comments, dismissed a question on the topic.
“We’re not talking about social media posts,” he said, before celebrating U.S.-Iceland military and economic relations.
The map, which Mr. Trump posted with no comment, depicted all of North America — including Mexico, Canada, Greenland and the Caribbean islands, as well as Iceland — covered by the stars and stripes of the American flag.
"There is nothing funny or normal about making fun of the sovereignty of states, especially today when it is not a given," Iceland's prime minister, Kristrun Frostadottir, said in response to Mr. Trump's post.
Iceland, a small but wealthy Nordic nation with a population of about 400,000, is a NATO member but lacks a standing military.
Nor was the post an isolated incident. Iceland's public broadcaster, RÚV, reported last month that Mr. Trump, in an informal phone call soon after his November 2024 election, had urged Iceland's then-prime minister to consider U.S. statehood for his country. (Some of RÚV's sources cautioned that Mr. Trump may have been joking, though others insisted the idea took a serious turn.)
And Mr. Trump's ambassador to Iceland, the former U.S. Representative Billy Long, apologized in January for a comment of his own about Icelandic statehood.
Mr. Long, who had been nominated but not yet confirmed as ambassador at the time, said he was joking when he was overheard telling House colleagues that Iceland would follow Greenland into the United States and that he would become governor of the 52nd U.S. state.
Iceland's foreign ministry sought clarification from the U.S. Embassy in Reykjavik about the remarks.
Mr. Long, a former auctioneer and talk radio host who spent 12 years representing Missouri in the House, was narrowly confirmed as ambassador by the U.S. Senate in May.
The anger and worry in Iceland over Mr. Trump's intentions comes at a moment of strong nationalism for the country, which made a clear assertion of its independence last month when voters in a hotly debated referendum chose not to resume talks to join the European Union.
A tanker used as floating storage near Malaysia last month. It is the kind of vessel used in ship-to-ship transfers that can include Iranian oil on its way to China — a practice drawing more U.S. scrutiny.
Just Off Malaysia, an Ecosystem Of Companies Servicing the Trade
'It's very easy to get into trouble, too easy to get exposed.'
JEFFREY SOH, whose company operates a storage tanker.
By MAX KIM
JOHOR STATE, Malaysia — Blacklisted Iranian oil has long been a source of perilous competition for Jeffrey Soh, whose job sometimes takes him on a super-tanker moored in a corner of the South China Sea.
His ship, the 1,264-foot-long Europe, is so cumbersome large that it is semipermanently anchored for use as floating storage off the southwestern coast of Malaysia. On a recent Wednesday, a tanker named the Dubai Beauty was parked against it, pumping in marine fuel from Oman via thick, black hoses.
“Up to 4,000 metric tons per hour,” Mr. Soh said. The sickly sweet smell of oil hung in the air. “But a transfer can take up to 72 hours.”
These ship-to-ship, or S.T.S., transfers are a common practice in the petroleum industry, and a routine part of business for Mr. Soh's firm, Contemporary Logistics, which has clients like Chevron. But in recent years, an Iranian shadow fleet has also used such transfers to illegally transport and sell millions of barrels of Iranian crude oil in the waters around Malaysia in evasion of American sanctions.
The shadow fleet's illicit cargo has flooded the global oil market at heavy discounts, suppressing prices for Mr. Soh's clients. Its vessels, which are often old and dubiously insured, threaten to raise premiums for the rest of the industry whenever they are involved in an accident. And a few years ago, one of its tankers used one of his company's storage units to deliver what turned out to be Iranian oil.
“It’s very easy to get into trouble, too easy to get exposed,” he said. “And these days, if you say S.T.S. transfer and Malaysia, people group you with the dodgy ones.”
This unsavory reputation has invited scrutiny from U.S. officials, who for decades have tried to starch the flow of Iranian oil by going after the dark fleet of tankers as well as their operators and financiers. Now, more than seven months into the war with Iran, Washington is increasingly taking aim at another target: maritime service providers in countries like Malaysia and Singapore, which it says are helping the Iranian vessels.
"The shadow fleets can't function without them," said Charlie Brown, a senior adviser to United Against Nuclear Iran, an advocacy group that tracks Iranian ships.
Millions of barrels of Iranian oil slipped through the Strait of Hormuz before the United States blockaded Iranian ports. In August, Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent announced sweeping new sanctions that also targeted the companies that enabled the Iranian tankers, such as vessel brokers, bunkering service providers and financial intermediaries.
"We are enforcing a zero-leak-age approach," Mr. Bessent said.
U.S. sanctions can be debilitating for foreign companies by ex-
Zunaira Saieed contributed reporting.
cluding them from dollar transactions, which can leave them unable to pay suppliers or retrieve dollar-denominated assets. Other businesses and even banks will shun them.
Still, Washington has been trying unsuccessfully to stop the flow of Iranian oil for decades, and analysts said it is far from clear whether the more extreme measures will do any better. "So far, those efforts do not appear to have had a significant impact on the flow of Iranian oil through these networks," said Dalga Khatinoglu, an Azerbaijan-based expert on Iran's oil trade.
Nearly all the Iranian oil that is exported today is bought by small Chinese refineries known as teapots. And to hand off their cargo to the vessels that will ship it there, Iranian tankers have increasingly congregated in the Malaysian Eastern Outer Port Limits, or E.O.P.L., a patch of ocean 45 miles off the eastern coast of the Malaysian state of Johor.
The trade in Iranian oil has continued to thrive in this area, which is outside Malaysia's territorial waters just past the Strait of Malacca, a critical shipping lane that connects Middle Eastern oil to East Asian buyers.
While it does lie within Malaysia's more expansive offshore Exclusive Economic Zone, the nation's authorities rarely clamp down on the trade, saying they face jurisdictional challenges and practical difficulties in policing the area.
To evade detection from the U.S. authorities tracking them, vessels that conduct ship-to-ship transfers often operate under false flags and manipulate their transponders, transmitters that large ships must use at all times under international maritime law to reveal their location. Some also paint over ship names and hide other visual identifiers.
But even Iran's dark fleet requires the same goods and services as other ships: crew supplies, repairs, fuel and fenders — gigantic floating bobbers that stop two tankers from bumping into each other during a fuel transfer. And Johor, which has two major ports and an extensive maritime industry, is home to a gray market that is happy to supply them.
The companies do it because the work commands a premium and is often paid in cash, according to the manager of a local ship chandler who spoke on condition of anonymity out of fear of drawing American reprisals. His company accepted work from known or suspected Iranian tankers only if they could ensure no record tying them to the transaction would remain, he said.
Local captains who are familiar with the Eastern Outer Port Limits' currents are in particularly high demand. Since many Iranian ships conduct ship-to-ship transfers while still moving in order to avoid detection, they are needed to serve as mooring masters, piloting the huge tankers as they maneuver into precise alignment.
“Malaysian, Singaporean and Indonesian master mariners are highly sought for these operations,” said Eddie Effendi, a mooring master for a company that specializes in these operations.
He said his company always turns down the requests it gets from Iranian ships, which are sent via their agents and sometimes come with offers of payment in cryptocurrency. But he is not surprised to see others enticed by the prospect of bigger profits.
"The E.O.P.L. has become a parallel economy," he said. "They're being offered good money for pilotage services."
It is not illegal for businesses to work with Iranian ships in Malaysia, which does not consider the U.S. sanctions to be legitimate. And though they have at times projected a tougher stance against Iranian tankers in response to pressure from the United States, the local authorities have largely turned a blind eye.
It is up to the individual businesses to decide whether to take the risk of being cut off from the dollar system, said a former official in the Ministry of Transport's maritime division, adding that operators of the ports where these companies do business also oppose more regulatory oversight. The former official, who now works in the private maritime sector, spoke on condition of anonymity out of fear of jeopardizing relationships with the ports.
Though it has critical economic ties with Washington, Malaysia also keeps friendly relations with Iran and China, the biggest buyer of Iranian oil. Malaysia, which is predominantly Muslim, has a longstanding policy of nonalignment, and has been one of the most vocal international critics of the war in Iran. Beijing is its biggest trading partner.
But as Washington increasingly demands that nations make such a choice, it is unlikely to find much support for its crackdown among Malaysians, said Joshua Kurlantzick, a senior fellow for Southeast
Asia and South Asia at the Council on Foreign Relations.
"The U.S. is extremely unpopular in Malaysia, and has been since the beginning of the war in Gaza," he said. "It has only gotten more unpopular in Malaysia since the Iran war."
Such sentiments are shared among maritime professionals like Mr. Effendi, the captain, who sees the crews of Iranian vessels
— who are often not Iranian themselves — as fellow mariners just trying to do their jobs. He questions whether it is moral to refuse them services like fresh water or food.
“Those seafarers onboard are just working to feed their families at home,” he said.
Unlike the oil tankers themselves, which are extensively monitored via satellite imagery, identifying the supporting companies is not so easy. For one, they use smaller boats to deliver supplies. "In satellite imagery, they're barely a smudge," said Mr. Brown of the group that tracks Iranian ships.
The companies also often hide themselves by using shell companies, said Mr. Soh of Contemporary Logistics. “They can just start another company,” he said. “Once you start sanctioning marine service providers, it will never end.”
On the bridge of the Europe, he watched distant oil tankers silently glide down the Strait of Malacca. The ocean was a vast place with plenty of space to escape watchful eyes, he said. Even if the United States does succeed in cracking down on the Eastern Outer Port Limits, the Iranian tankers can just relocate.
"They're moving elsewhere to Penang or Malacca. There are also transfers in Indonesian waters, wherever the eyes are not looking at them," he said. "They are, honestly, everywhere."
Illicit Oil, a Minor Player And U.S. Sanctions' Limits
By MAX KIM
JOHOR STATE, Malaysia — In early 2024, an aging tanker anchored off Malaysia's coast delivered more than half a million barrels of oil that were said to be from Oman, but were in fact from Iran.
The deception was intended to evade U.S. sanctions on Iranian oil, which have long been part of Washington's efforts to choke off revenue for Tehran's military and nuclear weapons program. The ship, the Palau-flagged Reneez, was not on the list of blacklisted entities that the U.S. government maintains online.
Shahul Hamid Ahmad, who owned a small Malaysian shipping agency, said he thought little of taking a job to coordinate repairs and an inspection of the ship. His company, Tefcas Marine, was one of many companies that specialize in arranging port services for ships passing by the state of Johor.
But halfway through the repairs, the tanker was placed under sanctions for ties to Sa'id al-Jamal, a Houthi financier who previously had been placed under sanction by the United States for leading a network that procured “tens of millions of dollars” by smuggling Iranian oil. In late 2024, Tefcas and two other Malaysian companies were hit with sanctions for having “materially assisted” Mr. al-Jamal.
The action was part of an expanding effort by Washington to crack down on foreign maritime service providers, which U.S. officials have said facilitate Iran's oil trade.
For Mr. Shahul, 62, the outcome felt staggeringly disproportionate. His company's bank closed his accounts, and Microsoft locked his company email, which holds records he needs to file taxes.
Tefcas made around \$2,500 from the 2024 engagement, according to invoices viewed by The New York Times. But at least nine other entities involved with the Reneez since it began shipping Iranian oil in 2023 went untouched, The Times has found. Among them was a major East Asian oil company that received the cargo.
“We always turned down sanctioned vessels,” Mr. Shahul said. “I would not jeopardize my company for that money.”
Tefcas's case, experts said, illustrated the limits of Washington's increasing crackdown.
"Sanctioning these small players is a warning shot, but I'm honestly not sure if that warning shot has been heard given this activity continues," said David Tannenbaum, a former official at the Treasury's Office of Foreign Assets Control and the director of Blackstone Compliance Services, a consulting firm.
Since Tefcas was sanctioned, the trade of Iranian oil near Malaysia has only grown, con-
Zunaira Saieed contributed reporting.
tributing to the 667 million barrels exported by Tehran last year, according to data from United Against Nuclear Iran, a nonprofit.
In Malaysia and Singapore, the buyers of Iranian oil have continued to operate with impunity, said Jeffrey Soh, the director of Contemporary Logistics, a Malaysian maritime services company.
Mr. Soh, whose company owned the floating storage unit into which the Reneez had deposited its Iranian cargo in 2024, said that both his company and the local port authority had failed to screen out the vessel. So did the apparent charterer of the oil, which was a major state-linked oil corporation in China, according to a contract viewed by The Times.
But all three avoided sanctions, Mr. Soh said, adding that his company had cut ties with that client, which he believed knew of the oil's Iranian origins. He spoke on the condition that the customer not be named, citing risks of legal retaliation.
"Some companies, it's an open secret that they trade Iranian barrels," he said. "The case with Tefcas was really an injustice."
U.S. sanctions, by design, do not necessarily point to the biggest or most culpable actors, said Erich C. Ferrari, the founder of Ferrari & Associates, a Washington law firm.
"The consequences of designating a large trading house or
a counterparty in a politically sensitive jurisdiction are weighed at the interagency level," he said. "OFAC
Shahul Hamid
Ahmad
OFAC
designates
to produce
an effect," he added, referring to the Office of Foreign Assets Control. "And the effect it wanted here was to deter the service ecosystem around these transfers, which you can do with small agents at very little diplomatic cost."
While Mr. Soh's company has spent thousands of dollars to upgrade its screening, he said not every business has “the financial ability to do that.”
Last year, Mr. Shahul asked the Office of Foreign Assets Control to reconsider his case. He has not yet heard back. A Treasury spokeswoman declined to comment on his case.
Because Mr. Shahul has been accused of collaborating with a terrorist, his former clients refuse to settle unpaid invoices, but he owes creditors \$240,000.
“I think I have under a year to solve this,” he said.
But the Reneez has continued to ship Iranian oil, according to satellite data from TankerTrackers.com. It was spotted near Malaysia as recently as May, under a new name and flag.
“这里到处都是红区,”曼加拉的医疗主任雅克·萨沃·巴穆希加(Jacques Savo Bamuhiga)医生说道。
疑似感染埃博拉病毒的患者坐在救护车中,等待被送往医院接受治疗。
📄 Original Section
Nobel Prize in Chemistry Is Awarded for Solving a Century-Old Mystery
By K. R. CALLAWAY
Henri Kagan and Kenso Soai were awarded the Nobel Prize in Chemistry on Wednesday for solving a longstanding mystery about mirror images in molecules. Their work has led to advances in the pharmaceutical industry and in scientists' quest to understand the molecular origins of life.
Some molecules, such as water and carbon dioxide, are so symmetrical that if you lined up their mirror images they would match. However, chiral molecules — which include sugars, common medications and amino acids — are asymmetrical. Like our right and left hands, they look and act alike but if you lay one on top of the other they don't quite match.
Dr. Kagan and Dr. Soai worked to understand these chiral molecules, and how chirality can change the result of chemical reactions.
The Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences called their discoveries “decisive for chemists who design reactions for the manufacture of pharmaceuticals.”
"While we certainly haven't fully unraveled the mystery yet — and there are undoubtedly more fascinating discoveries to be made," Dr. Soai said during a news conference in Tokyo after the Nobel ceremony, "I intend to do my utmost, however humbly, to help advance this research in the future."
Dr. Kagan, 95, is French and a professor emeritus at Université Paris-Sud in France. He has been working on the issues of chirality since the 1960s. In 2001, when colleagues were awarded the Nobel Prize in Chemistry for their work on asymmetric chemical reactions, several French scientists and officials voiced surprise that Kagan had been overlooked.
Dr. Soai was born in 1950 in Hiroshima, Japan, and is a professor emeritus at the Tokyo University of Science. He established his research group at the university in 1981 and first performed the “Soai reaction” celebrated by this year’s Nobel in 1995.
Why did the committee say they received the prize?
The Nobel Committee credited the men with solving a mystery that had long puzzled scientists. Some molecules, such as amino acids, can exist as two variants that are each other's mirror images. But the proteins in living organisms are made from only one of those mirror images. This property, called homochirality, is fundamental to life as we know it. And yet chemists long struggled to find reactions that would produce only one mirror molecule.
Dr. Kagan and Dr. Soai helped solve this conundrum, leading the way for scientists to choose molecules' chirality by manipulating the inputs of a chemical reaction.
“Henri Kagan and Kenso Soai have provided a solution to a chemical mystery that is over a century old,” Heiner Linke, chair of the Nobel Committee for Chemistry, said in a statement.
"The chemical reactions they have developed are spectacular," he added.
Chiral molecules were discovered in 1848 by the French chemist Louis Pasteur. While looking through a microscope at acid crystals inside dregs of wine, Pasteur noticed that the crystals weren't all alike despite being created in the same reaction; some were mirror images of the others. Still, the road to understanding why these mirror images exist and how they change a molecule's properties was a long one.
Dr. Kagan took the “first decisive step in 1986,” the committee said, when he discovered a new way of manipulating chemical reactions that “allowed him to create a greater excess of one of the mirror images than had previously been thought possible.”
Dr. Soai took the next step, designing “the first ever chemical reaction that had the potential to be homochiral” — which he finally succeeded in doing in 2003, the committee added.
"Ladies and gentlemen, you have to be aware this is probably the coolest experiment in organic chemistry," Peter Somfai, who serves on the Nobel Committee for Chemistry, said during the award ceremony in Stockholm. "Taken together, the groundbreaking discoveries by Henri Kagan and Kenso Soai have reshaped our understanding of molecular chirality, how it is created, amplified and transmitted."
---
在阿拉斯加,鱼类成为中期选举的焦点
📄 Original Section
How do their colleagues describe their work?
Many chemists are interested in the effects of chirality on medical treatments. Because the amino acids in our body all have the same chirality, molecules of that same-handedness can become integrated into our tissues easily while the mirror image version might be less effective — or come with unwanted side effects.
This “has major implications, for instance in biomedical applications, from drug development to medical diagnosis,” said David Ayuso, a chemist at Imperial College London.
For example, the drug thalidomide — which was prescribed to prevent morning sickness in pregnancy before being found to cause birth defects — is made up of a chiral molecule. Some researchers suggested that only one “hand” of the molecule is responsible for the drug’s harmful effects.
“We are very sensitive to the symmetry of a molecule,” said Rigoberto Advincula, an organic chemist at Oak Ridge National Laboratory in Tennessee. “It can harm you or it can help you.”
Dr. Kagan and Dr. Soai's work on controlling the handedness of molecules has added another tool for chemists seeking to create new or better versions of drugs and other therapeutics.
“By choosing which molecule you ingest, you can control how it affects your body,” explained Rigoberto Hernandez, a chemist at Johns Hopkins University and the president of the American
BRIGITTE EYMANN/ACADÉMIE DES SCIENCES, VIA ASSOCIATED PRESS
Kenso Soai, left, and Henri Kagan, above, were awarded the Nobel Prize in Chemistry on Wednesday for work with mirror images in molecules.
KIM KYUNG-HOON/REUTERS
Chemical Society in Washington, D.C.
Dr. Hernandez compares chiral molecules to dance partners. Two can mirror each other in a waltz or do the same moves in a line dance. Both interactions might be good to watch, or scientifically helpful in the molecules' case, but Dr. Kagan and Dr. Soai's work means that you can choose which "dance" you are getting.
What did the laureates say about winning the prize?
Dr. Soai was out grocery shopping near his home when he got the call from the Nobel Committee.
"Of course this is one of the most exciting days in my life," Dr. Soai told reporters when he called in during the ceremony. "I'm very glad to share the prize with Professor Henri Kagan, such a famous organic chemist."
He added that chirality was “fundamental and essential” for understanding the development of amino acids, and by extension, the development of life itself.
Dr. Kagan could not be reached for comment. In an earlier interview with the Franklin Institute in Philadelphia, he said that he had been interested in chemistry since childhood and was driven by the hope of discovering something both unexpected and practical.
"When it is a new area, you never know if you will succeed — it's risky," Dr. Kagan said in the interview.
Who won the Nobel Prize in Chemistry in 2025?
The prize went to Susumu Kitagawa, Richard Robson and Omar Yaghi for the development of molecular building blocks with spaces large enough for gases and other chemicals to flow through them.
Karl Deisseroth, Peter Hegemann and Georg Nagel were awarded the Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine on Monday for their discovery of a transformative neuroscience tool that may one day lead to a treatment for blindness.
Francis Halzen was awarded the Nobel Prize in Physics on Tuesday for pioneering a telescope that paved the way for a new kind of astronomy.
The prize for chemistry was the third of six Nobel Prizes awarded this year. Each award recognizes groundbreaking contributions by an individual or organization in a specific field.
■ The Nobel Prize in Literature will be awarded on Thursday by the Swedish Academy in Stockholm. Last year, Laszlo Krasznahorkai, a Hungarian novelist known for his dystopian themes and relentless prose, received the award.
■ The Nobel Peace Prize will be awarded on Friday by the Norwegian Nobel Institute in Oslo. Last year, María Corina Machado, who built a powerful social movement in Venezuela challenging the nation's authoritarian president, won the award.
■ Next week, the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences will be awarded on Monday by the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences in Stockholm. Last year, Joel Mokyr, Philippe Aghion and Peter Howitt were honored for research explaining the relationship between technological progress and sustained economic growth.
All of the prize announcements are streamed live by the Nobel Prize organization.
Cassandra Vinograd and Kiuko Notoya contributed reporting.
Royal Canin, which has its headquarters in Aimargues, France, is pouring money into research to understand the palates of cats and dogs. A team of nutritionists monitors the animals' behavior after breakfast and dinner. Studies have shown that people will cut back on spending for themselves before their pets.
president of Royal Canin. The company's senior cat food line includes extra-soft mousse for cats ages 11 and up and easy-to-eat kibble for cats 15 and up. Many companies sell supplements for cats with dementia and to support healthy brain aging.
Inflation has driven up the prices of conventional kibble (“croquettes” in French). And yet options in the dog and cat food aisles have become pricey and specialized, with brands selling fresh, human-grade food. Studies have shown that people will cut back on spending for themselves before their pets. Purina last year debuted a “tender cuts in elegant jelly” dish in a pyramid shape to encourage cats to take wide bites.
More than \$17 billion was spent on cat food in the United States over the last year, up 14 percent from the same period two years ago, according to NielsenIQ, a consumer research firm. (Dog food sales were roughly even.) In contrast to previous generations, when parents took in pets at the request of their children, people today often have pets before they have children, if they have children, Ms. Coutens said.
PHOTOGRAPHS BY MATHIAS DEPARDON FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
Companies are investing in premium pet food lines that cater to wealthier people, as the K-shaped economy — shorthand for the widening gap between the rich and poor — persists.
When the dogs at the Royal Canin headquarters aren't eating, they are often swimming. The company also has a pet center in Ohio.
While in some ways cats are lower maintenance than dogs, cats tend to require some human ingenuity when it comes to food.
“We like cats a lot because cats are also pickier eaters, in a sense, so you need more science technology to actually cater to that successfully,” Philipp Navratil, the chief executive of Nestlé, said at a conference in June. Cats have in recent years been adopted at higher rates than dogs, as people spend more time in the office.
Like Nestlé, which has two centers where researchers study cat and dog behavior, Royal Canin has an extensive research program dedicated to dogs and cats. At Royal Canin's pet center in Aimargues, only the most discerning eaters of the 377 dogs and cats that live on campus participate in taste tests. The company's other pet center is in Ohio. As part of training, kittens are offered food of different textures and flavors to develop their senses. At 7 months, they are taught to eat from designated feeders.
Dogs that eat almost anything, such as Labradors, do not make the cut, said Silvia Miret-Catalan, vice president of research and development at Royal Canin.
At the Royal Canin center, a team monitors behavior after breakfast and dinner. Do the cats and dogs seem more lethargic than usual? Playful? What's the quality of their stool, on a scale from one to 10?
"The lowest score will be diarrhea," said Yannick Soulard, who works in innovation. The feces are then dried and analyzed to determine how the food is digested, he said. Once the dogs and cats turn 7, employees can adopt them. There's a long waiting list, and employees who have developed a bond with particular animals get priority.
Taste is a big focus. Scott McGrane, a feline expert at Mars's Waltham Petcare Science Institute in England, said his team was especially interested in understanding the senses and tastes of cats, including senior cats. Why didn't they have a preference for sweet foods? Why do they love tuna so much? He said researchers determined that cats had the umami taste receptor, which enables them to taste and detect umami compounds. Tuna has a unique combination of compounds that is akin to “super umami” for cats, he said.
As cats age, some of their taste buds fade, but they retain their perception of bitterness, causing certain foods to become less appealing, Ms. Miret-Catalan said. Her team designs food for senior cats that masks bitterness and enhances attractive aromas to keep cats interested in their food as they age, she said.
Mars is probably better known for making Snickers, M&Ms and Skittles than for pet care. Though it acquired Royal Canin in 2002, the company got into the pet food business almost a century ago. At the time, people were feeding their dogs mostly table scraps.
In recent decades, Mars has acquired thousands of pet hospitals and clinics. It owns 6 percent of all U.S. practices, according to KPMG. The company is the largeest pet food provider in the United States and globally.
Cathy Bedrick, a partner at KPMG who advises private equity clients, said companies that own veterinary practices are expecting more business in the coming years as the world's pet population rapidly ages. Ms. Bedrick's dog gets weekly acupuncture for tightness in his spine.
Inside the Royal Canin factory, past a wall of framed pictures of giant kibble pieces, are enormous steel barrels where corn, chicken, wheat and other ingredients are mixed. The factory produces 146 types of kibble that pet owners can choose from.
On a recent afternoon, Royal Canin recreated a test for me and my photographer colleague in a sunny spot under a tree. I watched Willow, a 2-year-old ragdoll cat, eat from Tray A, Tray B, then Tray A again. What did her indecision mean? A Royal Canin official conceded it wasn't a true A/B test; the trays had the same food, a departure from the usual practice. Willow was unfazed. She finished both and walked away.
“民主党需要确保我们的胃口不要太大,我们的抱负不要超过我们的竞选账户,”Blue Dog Action 的高级顾问菲尔·加德纳(Phil Gardner)警告道。这是一个与温和派“蓝狗”党团(Blue Dog caucus)结盟的超级政治行动委员会(super PAC),而共和党目前正将目标对准该党团成员。
Trump's Push to War Turns From a Show of Force Into a Retreat
The R.A.F. Fairford air base in Britain, from which U.S. B-1 bombers were withdrawn, has been a mainstay of military cooperation.
@CRAIGYOUNGMEDIA, VIA REUTERS
From Page A1
forces on their terms and their schedule. In the Middle East and Britain, their hand was forced.
American and British officials said on Monday that the bombers were rushed out of the British base after commanders received specific, credible information that Iran-backed operatives were planning to launch drone strikes against the aircraft and U.S. troops from right outside the fence.
The possible plotters may have been inspired in part by an audacious attack that Ukraine made against Russia last year, when it smuggled drones deep into the Russian heartland and launched them from semi trucks. The strikes damaged or destroyed at least a dozen aircraft.
That and other attacks have recalibrated the Pentagon's understanding of military vulnerabilities. Suddenly, keeping forces out of missile range is not enough. Drones and cyber-weapons have reshaped the battlefield.
The president rightly says that Iran's entire navy was sunk in the initial military action, and that its decrepit air force is out of business. And the country is teetering on the economic edge, crippled by a naval blockade that has brought its oil exports to a trickle.
But that has not stopped the Iranians from forcing American aircraft and personnel to flee their once-secure bases — farther and farther from Iran. American personnel were evacuated from bases in Bahrain, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates and Qatar, all of which were within Iranian missile and drone range. Some of those bases were so badly damaged that inside the Pentagon there is little interest in rebuilding them; they will be moved farther away, if Congress grants the funding.
The waterways are a more complex story. But the United States has been unable to guarantee freedom of navigation through the Strait of Hormuz or parts of the Red Sea. And for the past half-century, that was one central American justification for a continued presence in the Middle East.
Dana Stroul, the Pentagon's top Mideast policy official during the Biden administration, said the abrupt transfer of the dozen bombers back to the United States could have internal and external ramifications.
“Such a hasty decision is intensely disruptive to operational planning and force morale," said Ms. Stroul, now at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy.
"The more concerning issue is at the strategic level, the Iranians are likely to internalize a dangerous lesson — that by demonstrating the ability to get close to U.S. military bases far beyond the Middle East, Trump can be pushed around," she said.
Mr. Trump and his defenders have a very different narrative of events. On the campaign trail for the midterm elections, he has portrayed Iran as on the brink of collapse, its currency plummeting. The naval blockade on all shipments in and out of Iran, he insists, is choking the country, and will force it to make a deal. Any description of Iranian progress, he insists, is “fake news,” promulgated by news organizations that are writing about munitions shortages and other setbacks because they are disloyal to the country.
For the first time, Iranian officials have acknowledged the economic pain. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent noted this week that Iran has a new oil minister, and then asked on social media, “Considering Iran has not loaded a single barrel of crude onto a vessel since August 25th, what is the oil minister managing?”
Moreover, administration officials describe the evacuations as prudent, short-term measures. And it is possible that the rushed-away B-1 bombers may return to the R.A.F. Fairford air base, which has been a mainstay of U.S.-British military cooperation since it was built in preparation for the D-Day invasion in 1944. Even if the threat precludes return, Air Force officials insist they can carry out their long-range missions from bases in the United States.
The Pentagon wants to think about new bases in Israel and Jordan, but those would require congressional approval and take years to upgrade or build. When Mr. Hegseth spoke to troops last week, he did not mention the destruction at the Mideast bases. Instead, he talked about putting American states in competition for a new, vast base inside the United States.
This was not the plan when Mr. Trump announced the attack on Iran on Feb. 28. Mr. Trump was looking for a victory in a few days, then five or six weeks. Mr. Trump demanded “unconditional surrender,” and three weeks into
在政治色彩更蓝的地区,民主党选民似乎没那么宽容。众议员塞斯·莫尔顿(Seth Moulton)是一名民主党人,他在2024年大选后表示,不希望自己的女儿在赛场上“被一名男性或前男性运动员撞翻”,他在上个月的初选中败给了参议员爱德华·J·马基(Edward J. Markey)。这位参议员在竞选中重点关注了这一议题。
Iran learns a lesson that it can chase out a superpower.
the conflict declared Iran's total defeat. Last Thursday, he said Iran would fold “right after the election.”
Iran's bombing of U.S. bases across the Middle East forced many American troops to relocate to hotels and office spaces throughout the region, raising questions about the Trump administration's preparations for the war.
Iran figured out where many of the troops were staying, some in unprotected hotels, and began to target them as well. It wasn't only military targets: the C.I.A. station in Saudi Arabia was also hit, though it is still unclear whether the Iranians targeted it, or got lucky striking a diplomatic compound.
Many of the 13 main military bases in the region used by American troops were quickly rendered uninhabitable, with the ones in Kuwait, which is next door to Iran, suffering perhaps the most damage.
Six U.S. service members were killed in a strike on Port Shuaiba that destroyed an Army tactical operations center. Iranian drones and missiles also targeted Ali Al Salem Air Base, damaging aircraft structures and injuring personnel, and Camp Buehring, damaging maintenance and fuel facilities.
In Qatar, Iran struck Al Udeid Air Base, the regional air headquarters of U.S. Central Command, damaging an early-warning radar system. In Bahrain, a one-way Iranian attack drone struck communications equip-
ment at the headquarters of the U.S. Fifth Fleet. At Prince Sultan Air Base in Saudi Arabia, Iranian missiles and drones damaged communications equipment and several refueling tankers.
Now Iran “is adopting a strategy toward the United States defined by escalation and continuous offense,” Mohammad Aya-tollahi Tabaar, an associate professor of international affairs at Texas A&M’s Bush School of Government and Public Service, wrote in Foreign Affairs this month.
“That means it will neither stay the course nor compromise with Washington,” he added. “Instead, it will start doing even more to hurt the economies of the United States’ regional partners and to decimate global energy markets, as well as expand its attacks on U.S. military infrastructure.”
He predicted Iran could attempt to seize some of the largely abandoned U.S. bases in Gulf Arab countries, though so far it has avoided any such ground actions.
Senator Christopher S. Murphy, Democrat of Connecticut and a member of the Foreign Relations Committee, visited the Persian Gulf region this week to see the damage and said on social media that he had been denied entry to the Al Udeid base.
A Pentagon spokesperson said Mr. Murphy had been warned before his trip that he would not have access to the base, under restrictions Mr. Hegseth had imposed at the start of the war.
The subject of the bases is such a sore one for the Pentagon that it has refused to provide Congress with cost estimates to repair or rebuild the facilities, which lawmakers said could run tens of billions of dollars. It is unclear what is motivating the refusal to discuss the topic, though a price tag that big could become political fodder for candidates opposing the war.
Instead, there is now serious planning at Central Command, which oversees military operations in the Middle East, to reposition and reshape its facilities in the region.
"The financial costs have continued to climb by billions each month, even as the administration refuses to acknowledge the munitions crisis we face or admit the costs to rebuild bases heavily damaged by Iran," Senator Jack Reed of Rhode Island, the ranking Democrat on the Armed Services Committee, said last month.
Two of President Trump's top political allies, Chris LaCivita, left, and James Blair, right, flew to the Balkans during the busy U.S. midterms to provide political counsel to the Russia-aligned government of Milorad Dodik, top, according to four people familiar with their travels.
By KENNETH P. VOGEL
WASHINGTON — As President Trump crisscrossed the country last week trying to help his party avoid a blowout in next month's midterm elections, two of his top political advisers were in the Balkans helping a pro-Russian government looking to tighten its grip on power.
James Blair and Chris LaCivita, who are leading a big-money midterm advertising campaign for the Trump political operation, spent some of the past few days in a small self-governing territory in Bosnia and Herzegovina called Republika Srpska ahead of its elections last Sunday, according to four people familiar with their travels who requested anonymity because they were not authorized to discuss the Balkan work.
The engagement is the latest example of Trump advisers profiting from far-right politicians abroad seeking favor from the U.S. president while bucking the international community.
Mr. Blair and Mr. LaCivita were paid hundreds of thousands of dollars each through a Washington-based law firm that was retained by Republika Srpska's government to provide counsel on voting issues, according to two of the people familiar with the engagement. They said the work was for the government and not the nationalist party that controls it, though they are essentially one and the same.
Under that party, Republika Srpska has aligned with President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia, while spending heavily to court Mr. Trump and his supporters.
Mr. Trump distanced himself on Wednesday from the advisers' work, writing on social media that Mr. LaCivita and Mr. Blair were "outside consultants" for his political operation. He said he did "not have any idea who else they work for but will, on reflection, ask them and, if there's a conflict, I will terminate them, immediately!"
Mr. Trump's allies have promoted the party's embrace of Christian conservatism and its resistance to joining the European Union. In the run-up to Sunday's elections, the party had warned that its hold on power could have been threatened by the debut of voting machines like those that Mr. Trump and his allies continue to falsely blame for his loss in the 2020 U.S. presidential election.
Some delays and technical issues were reported during voting on Sunday. But the nationalist party won convincingly.
In a victory speech Sunday, Milorad Dodik, the party's leader and until recently the autocratic president of Republika Srpska, thanked Mr. Putin for his support and credited Mr. Trump's 2024 victory with creating a favorable political environment.
The Republika Srpska government did not respond to requests for comment about the work or payments for it.
It is not uncommon for political consultants, lawyers and lobbyists with ties to U.S. presidents to offer their services to foreign governments and campaigns.
But it is notable that the trip to Republika Srpska, from which Mr. Blair and Mr. LaCivita returned on Monday, came as they were playing key roles in the Trump team's efforts to limit Democratic gains and preserve Republican control of Congress.
Mr. Blair, who was the political director of Mr. Trump's 2024 campaign, left his role as a deputy chief of staff at the White House in the spring to run MAGA Inc., the Trump-backed super PAC. Mr. LaCivita, the co-manager of Mr. Trump's 2024 campaign, is a senior adviser to MAGA Inc.
Alex Pfeiffer, a spokesman for MAGA Inc., declined to comment on the trip to the Balkans. But he said that during the travel, Mr. Blair and Mr. LaCivita remained fully engaged in the midterm effort of the PAC.
“James and Chris hosted a team call with race captains on Saturday morning to go over recent survey data,” Mr. Pfeiffer said in a text message.
The two men are not the only Trump allies who have accepted payment to help the Srpska government.
Lobbyists and operatives with connections to Mr. Trump and his Republican allies have been paid more than \$4 million by the government of Republika Srpska since the beginning of last year, according to records filed with the
Justice Department. The influence campaign scored a major victory late last year when the Trump administration lifted sanctions on Mr. Dodik, his family and his aides.
The sanctions were first imposed on Mr. Dodik in the final days of the Obama administration. They remained in effect during the first Trump administration and were supplemented during the Biden administration.
They were punishment for Mr.
Dodik having undermined the U.S.-backed Dayton Accords peace agreement. Signed in 1995, it ended bloody sectarian fighting in the 1990s between Bosnian Muslims, Serbs and Croats in the former Yugoslavia. It enshrined Republika Srpska, which is overwhelmingly Serbian and Christian, as one of two political divisions in Bosnia and Herzegovina. And it created a tripartite presidency that governs Bosnia. It consists of a Serb seat, which Mr.
Dodik's party retained during Sunday's elections, as well as a seat for Muslims, who are known as Bosniaks, and Croats.
Mr. Dodik has been the dominant political figure in Srpska for decades. Once considered a moderate who would de-escalate sectarian tensions, he largely fell out of favor in the international community as he increasingly embraced Serbian nationalism and Moscow.
Mr. Dodik's allies have sought to cast him as a sort of Trump of the Balkans. They present him as the victim of the same sort of political prosecutions that Mr. Trump claims he and his allies have faced, and as someone willing to cut lucrative deals with Washington.
Mr. Dodik also was convicted by the Bosnian court system for disobeying the international entity overseeing the Dayton agreement, resulting in his removal as president last year and a ban from holding office.
But the support of Trump allies and the lifting of the sanctions has helped Mr. Dodik and his party weather domestic and international pressures that could have weakened him, said Adnan Cerimagic, an analyst at the European Stability Initiative, a Berlin-based think tank.
"Not only did it provide him legitimacy with the voters of his party — it has also strengthened him politically against both inside and outside critics," said Mr. Cerimagic.
He noted that Mr. Trump's eldest son, Donald Trump Jr., visited Srpska in April as the guest of Mr. Dodik's son, a trip that was viewed as a sign of support. And Zeljka Cvijanovic, a member of Mr. Dodik's party whose hold on the Serb seat in the Bosnian presidency was affirmed by Sunday's election, met last month at the White House with Susie Wiles, Mr. Trump's chief of staff.
The meeting was arranged by Alex Garcia, a lobbyist who worked on Mr. Trump's 2024 presidential campaign under Mr. Blair, according to two people with knowledge of the circumstances behind the meeting.
Mr. Garcia, whose firm registered to represent Srpska in February for \$35,000 a month, according to a contract filed with the Justice Department, was in the region for the election, according to two people familiar with the trip. He declined to comment through a spokeswoman.
Any affiliation with Mr. Trump is politically potent in Srpska, said Rod Blagojevich, the former governor of Illinois, whose family is of Serbian descent and whose firm has been paid \$1.325 million by Republika Srpska since last March, according to lobbying filings.
“They love Trump in Serbia and Srpska,” Mr. Blagojevich said in an interview. “Being pro-Trump in the Republic of Srpska is a huge political plus.”
BERLIN — The Russian authorities said on Wednesday that a researcher at a Siberian anti-plague institute who died from a mysterious pneumonia had been vaccinated against the pathogens she worked with and that no “emergency situations” had occurred at the lab.
Rospotrebnadzor, the Russian health regulator, issued the statement after the United States urged Moscow to be more forthcoming about the possible public health incident and the World Health Organization asked for more information to make an accurate assessment of any threat.
The paucity of details in Russian official statements and the absence of international health officials on the scene have led to questions about the Russian government's insistence that it has the situation under control. The world has remained on high alert about public health threats in the aftermath of the Covid-19 pandemic.
On Oct. 2, Darya Shipilova, a 28-year-old researcher at the Anti-Plague Institute of Siberia and the Far East in Irkutsk, died from pneumonia of an unknown origin at a hospital in Shelekhov, the town where she lived, prompting fears of a pneumonic plague outbreak.
Ms. Shipilova had been vaccinated and therefore “had immunity to the dangerous infections she worked with,” the Russian health regulator said on Wednesday. The statement implied that Ms. Shipilova had a lower risk of contracting the plague, though vaccination would not definitively rule out becoming ill with the disease.
Rospotrebnadzor also said that two commissions monitoring biological safety had inspected the institute. “No emergency situations were identified during work with pathogenic microorganisms,” the health regulator said.
Tests on Ms. Shipilova's remains, the regulator previously said, had not found evidence of any of the microorganisms she worked with at the institute.
Medical observation has been completed for more than 90 percent of the people Ms. Shipilova had been in contact with, and “no health impairments related to infectious pathology were detected,” the Russian regulator added. Nearly 5,000 laboratory tests revealed no hazardous pathogenic microorganisms, its statement said.
“Preventive and anti-epidemic measures have been organized to an exhaustive extent,” it said in the statement. “There are no epidemiological risks for the population of Irkutsk and the Irkutsk region.”
The Russian authorities released the additional information after the State Department sent a formal diplomatic note, known as a démarche, asking for more detail about what happened.
Secretary of State Marco Rubio also voiced the request publicly on Tuesday during a trip to Iceland, noting that the United States was monitoring the situation.
"I think it's incumbent upon
Reporting was contributed by Edward Wong, Chris Buckley, Oleg Matsnev, Milana Mazaeva and Alina Lobzina.
Russia to obviously share more information with the world," he said. "We're watching it very closely, hour by hour."
Ms. Shipilova's unexplained death prompted the Russian authorities to quarantine part of the hospital where she was taken, as well as the institute's staff and other people whom she had come into contact with in her final days. Other facilities in and around Irkutsk also implemented restrictive measures, in some cases as a precaution.
In the immediate aftermath of Ms. Shipilova's death, the Russian authorities gave only sparing public statements, failing to clarify the researcher's whereabouts before her death or to address questions about whether an accident had taken place at the institute.
Aleksei Tsydenov, the governor of the Buryatia region, which borders Irkutsk, initially said that Ms. Shipilova had died of the plague, without naming her, and then edited his statement to say that she had “possibly” died from the illness.
The Russian health regulator also waited five days after Ms. Shipilova's death to reveal her vaccination status. An independent Russian publication, People of Baikal, cited a former intern at the institute who said all employees were vaccinated against the plague as a precaution.
The Kremlin spokesman, Dmitri S. Peskov, has regularly referred questions to Rospotrebnadzor, which has not held any news conference on the matter. President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia has not publicly commented.
The existence of an active biological weapons program in Russia, which has historically sourced strains from anti-plague institutes, has added to global concerns.
In an annual threat assessment this year, U.S. intelligence agencies said Russian scientists were continuing to develop new chemical and biological weapons capabilities. The State Department, in its arms control compliance report last year, said Russia maintained an offensive biological warfare program in violation of the Bi-
截至目前,MAGA Inc. 似乎出资的大部分广告,是通过两个与其相关且名称不同的新成立超级政治行动委员会(super PACs)投放的。
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U.S. and W.H.O. officials have requested more data.
ological Weapons Convention.
The relatively thin details from the Russian authorities have unnerved U.S. officials and others around the world who remain scarred by the coronavirus pandemic and efforts by the authoritarian government in China, where the virus originated, to cover up information.
The Chinese government has so far offered a muted response to the reports from Russia.
“China and Russia maintain close exchanges and cooperation in the field of infectious disease prevention and control, including the plague,” Guo Jiakun, a spokesman for the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, said on Tuesday in a brief response to a question about whether Moscow had notified Beijing about the possible plague case.
Pneumonic plague causes a severe, rapid-onset lung infection and is considered the most virulent form of the plague. It results from the same bacteria that cause the bubonic and septicemic plagues.
Unlike Covid-19, the disease can be treated effectively with antibiotics, but it must be caught very quickly.
Plague is endemic to Siberia and Russia's Far East, where the bacteria that causes the disease circulates in wild rodents and their fleas. One of the tasks of institutes like the one in Irkutsk is epidemiological surveillance of such threats.
Experts have said that even if plague were confirmed in the Russian case, the risk of widespread contagion could be limited.
In a statement on Monday, the W.H.O. said that based on available information, “the public health risk to the general population appears to be low.” But on Wednesday, the organization said it had not received sufficient information from Russia to complete a full risk assessment.
The organization's leader, Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, said in a statement that the Russian health authorities had informed the W.H.O. that the Irkutsk region had not registered any confirmed cases of the plague. Russia told the agency that an epidemiological investigation had been conducted, with contacts of the deceased observed and tested, and “no high-threat pathogens had been detected.”
Mr. Ghebreyesus said the W.H.O. had requested further information to clarify the cause of the severe pneumonia, the pathogen that prompted the public health measures, and media reports of a second employee with pneumonia of undetermined cause.
The New York Times was not immediately able to identify any credible media reports of a second employee from the Siberian institute coming down with pneumonia. In a news conference on Wednesday, Mr. Ghebreyesus said the W.H.O. did not assess whether such reports were credible and could ask for information even based on unverified social media posts.
“We have asked Russia to respond to this,” he said. “Any reporting that comes, we cannot ignore it. And credibility of the media is not our mandate.”
W.H.O. officials said they wanted to establish what caused the pneumonia in Ms. Shipilova and could offer Russia help with additional testing.
Her mother, Svetlana Shipilova, said in an interview with a local Russian news outlet, Glubina, that she was upset about friends believing “nasty stuff” about her child, including an unverified report that suggested her daughter had become ill after breaking a test tube.
"Not all doctors even realize that a test tube is impossible to break. Even if you throw it against a wall," she said from quarantine. "Only an amateur could say that."
音乐家们上个月签署了一份新的四年合同。在马里兰州北贝塞斯达(North Bethesda, Md.)的斯特拉斯莫尔音乐中心(Music Center at Strathmore)举行的演出季开幕庆典上,现场观众热情高涨。
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Outcry Grows in Japan After U.S. Marine Arrest
By JAVIER C. HERNÁNDEZ and KIUKO NOTOYA
For days, the people of Okinawa, a Japanese prefecture that hosts a large American military presence, have expressed outrage over the death of a local woman, who the authorities say was killed by an American Marine.
On Wednesday, the anger reached the doorstep of Japan's prime minister, Sanae Takaichi, a close American ally who has sought to accelerate a military buildup in Okinawa.
Genta Koja, the prefecture's governor, had traveled to the capital to meet Ms. Takaichi and her advisers. He told Ms. Takaichi that the killing of the woman, Anna Yagi, "has caused great anxiety among the prefecture's residents and is absolutely unforgivable," according to a video of the meeting posted by the Prime Minister's office. Mr. Koja also expressed concern about the American military, telling Ms. Takaichi that efforts by the United States to strengthen discipline among personnel in Okinawa "are not working."
Ms. Takaichi reiterated at the meeting that Japan had lodged a protest with the American government.
“It is extremely regrettable that such a brutal and heinous incident has occurred,” she said. “I feel strong indignation.”
Mr. Koja is an ally of Ms. Takaichi and won office last month promising to uphold the central government's defense
Hisako Ueno contributed reporting.
policies. But he has faced pressure from Okinawans in recent days to deliver a forceful response to Tokyo and Washington. Japan has worked to turn Okinawa into a bulwark in its efforts to counter Chinese military aggression, in concert with the United States, which has about 30,000 active-duty personnel stationed there.
At the meeting, he handed Ms. Takaichi a request that called on the central government to help promote economic growth to “alleviate the excessive burden of military bases.” In the case of Ms. Yagi, he asked for “full cooperation with the investigation, the enforcement of discipline among U.S. military personnel, the implementation of measures to prevent recurrence, and effective, fundamental countermeasures.”
The Marine, Devin J. Ballard, a 20-year-old lance corporal assigned to the Third Marine Expeditionary Force in Okinawa, was arrested on Sunday. He is accused of robbing and killing Ms. Yagi, 39, who was found in a hotel room in Naha, Okinawa's capital, on Saturday. Okinawan news outlets have reported that he told the police he denied the charges.
American military officials in Japan announced on Tuesday that they would pause operations for two days and impose a ban on alcohol during that period. They also plan to implement a month-long curfew on Okinawan bases.
“Every interaction with our neighbors either builds or undermines the trust that is essential to our team,” Lt. Gen. Benjamin Watson wrote in a letter to U.S. military personnel in Okinawa announcing the measures. “When
A protest after a U.S. Marine was arrested on suspicion of murdering a local woman in Okinawa.
that trust is damaged, it affects the strength of our alliance and the security of this region."
Mr. Koja told reporters after his meeting with Ms. Takaichi that the steps taken by the American military show that the United States “takes this incident seriously.” But he added that the “crucial question is whether these measures will actually prevent a recurrence.”
Crimes committed by American service members in Okinawa have been a source of tension between the United States and Japan for decades. Okinawa, with a population of about 1.5 million, hosts 70 percent of the U.S. bases in Japan, despite accounting for only 0.6 percent of the country's landmass. The United States seized Okinawa from Japan after World War II; it returned the island in 1972 but has continued to operate bases there.
Okinawans have taken to the streets in recent days to protest the killing, shouting slogans like “violence will not be tolerated” and “the American bases are a human rights issue.” There have also been scattered demonstrations in Tokyo.
The incident poses a test for Ms. Takaichi, who only a few weeks ago was celebrating Mr. Koja's win. Her supporters thought his victory might make it easier for Tokyo to advance plans to deepen cooperation with the Americans and to add more Japanese troops, missiles and radar towers to Okinawan islands.
Mr. Koja ousted an incumbent last month who had criticized Ms. Takaichi's defense policies and had opposed the construction of new U.S. armed forces facilities in Okinawa.
Some analysts were skeptical that the outrage over the killing of Ms. Yagi would have much impact.
Manabu Sato, a professor emeritus at Okinawa International University, said Ms. Takaichi seemed to recognize the importance of managing the swelling anger in Okinawa. But he said much of the reaction from top leaders was “theater.”
“They make strong demands or put on a show of anger,” he said, “but they never take substantive action beyond that.”
This article is by Pranav Baskar, Eric Schmitt and Salman Masood.
Houthis Hit Saudi Arabia At 2 Airports, Killing Three
Saudi Arabia said on Wednesday that Houthi strikes on two major airports killed three people and injured dozens more, in attacks that intensified the kingdom's renewed war against the Iranian-backed militia in Yemen.
The Saudi government said the attacks hit the King Khalid International Airport in Riyadh and the Abha International Airport in southern Saudi Arabia. Yahya Saree, a Houthi military spokesman, said on Wednesday that the militia had attacked both airports with missiles or drones.
The Saudi-led military coalition battling the Houthis said on Wednesday that it retaliated for the airport strikes by attacking dozens of Houthis military sites in Yemen, including missile storage sites and command centers. The Houthis did not immediately respond to that claim.
The Houthis have managed to inflict few known fatalities on Saudi territory in recent years, and the kingdom's toll would be first confirmed at an airport in the capital, Riyadh. The attacks could presage worse fighting on both sides of the border, just as the Saudi-backed Yemeni government has declared war against the Houthis and presses a military operation to retake strategically important territory from the group.
"I think we will see the Saudis react even more aggressively than they have been doing," said Farea Al-Muslimi, a Yemen specialist at Chatham House, a London-based research group, after the latest attacks.
Saudi Arabia's Civil Aviation Authority said the airport attacks occurred on Tuesday and Wednesday but did not specify when each was hit. Two women died and 28 people were injured at Abha, and a Sudanese man was killed and eight people injured at King Khalid, the statement said.
The renewed fighting has put Saudi Arabia and the Houthis back in outright war. In 2015, a Saudi-led intervention in Yemen devolved into a grinding war that contributed to the deaths of hundreds of thousands of people from violence, hunger and disease, and failed to defeat the Houthis. A truce in 2022 established a fragile peace agreement until the conflict reignited.
The government of Yemen, backed by Saudi warplanes, began a military offensive this week to retake strategically important territory along the Red Sea from the Houthi militia, which is backed by Iran. A United Nations agency said Wednesday that nearly 200,000 people have been displaced in Yemen since early September, when fighting intensified. Now, the fighting could entangle more parties, after Pakistan and Turkey this week activated a defense pact to provide military support to Saudi Arabia.
A senior Pakistani military official, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss operational matters, said that Pakistan Air Force fighter jets were being used in strikes against the Houthis.
Col. David O. Smith, a former U.S. Army attaché in Pakistan and a former top analyst for the Defense Intelligence Agency, said on Wednesday that, while he does not have access to classified figures, the consensus among analysts is that about 8,000 Pakistani troops have been deployed to Saudi Arabia.
He said the troops include a contingent from the Pakistan Air Force and the Army Air Defense, and that they would likely be used to help secure oil infrastructure.
A second Pakistani official who also spoke on condition of anonymity said Pakistan's role is expected to focus on degrading Houthi drone and missile threats through air support, rather than a ground offensive in Yemen.
Pakistan's military declined to comment.
On Wednesday, the Houthis fired missiles and drones at an airport in Aden, a government-controlled city in southern Yemen, and a spokesman for the Saudi-led military coalition said it had intercepted a missile north of Saudi Arabia's capital.
As the U.S.-Israeli war against Iran transformed into an economic contest over control of critical waterways like the Strait of Hormuz, the Houthis began their own push into the Red Sea.
The militia, which controls much of northern Yemen, took aim at the Red Sea as an alternate shipping route for Saudi oil in July, declaring a blockade and attacking vessels. Last month, the Houthis gained more sway over the waterway by capturing Yemen's Red Sea coast in a lightning offensive, trouncing the forces of the Saudi-backed government.
That Houthi triumph was a significant blow to Saudi Arabia, and it appears to have tipped the scales for Saudi decision makers, as they considered returning to all-out war with the Houthis.
Health workers preparing to remove protective clothing at the hospital in Mangala. The gear is then burned.
“Everywhere is a red zone here,” said Dr. Jacques Savo Bamuhiga, the medical director in Mangala.
Patients suspected of having Ebola sat in an ambulance waiting to be taken to a hospital for treatment.
Mourning the death of Josué Ddirokpa, 7, last month in Ituri Province, epicenter of the Ebola outbreak that has killed over 4,000 in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
司法部用可疑的新招人员填补空缺
ANNA MONEYMAKER / GETTY IMAGES
POOL PHOTO BY PEDRO PORTAL
TORI LYNN SCHNEIDER / TALLAHASSEE DEMOCRAT, VIA USA TODAY NETWORK — REUTERS
Cuts, Instability and Bad Roads Hindered a Congolese Town
By MATTHEW MPOKE BIGG
Photographs by ARLETTE BASHIZI
MANGALA, Democratic Republic of Congo — On a hilltop town in eastern Congo, work has started on a new Ebola center. When completed, it will anchor an effort to contain the virus in the town and its surrounding villages.
Local health workers here say the center is too late.
Many lives could have been saved, the health workers say, if a sustained effort to combat the virus had started in the town of Mangala in June.
In other towns in Ituri Province, the epicenter of the outbreak, Ebola treatment centers were set up weeks after the World Health Organization declared a health emergency in May. In Mangala, the Ebola response did not start ramping up until August.
This outbreak, already the second largest on record, has reached seven provinces in the Democratic Republic of Congo and probably began spreading as early as January. More than 4,000 people have died of Ebola in Congo since May, according to the latest data from the government.
There is tentative evidence to suggest that the response is making progress. The number of new cases reported each week appears to have reached a peak in August, according to recent figures from Africa Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Outside aid organizations typically play a major role in African Ebola outbreaks, supplementing often weak government capacity.
But health workers in Mangala say fewer lives would have been lost if help had arrived here sooner.
"There was no help, not even a bit," said Godefroy Banzani, a senior nurse in Mangala, recalling how the town felt abandoned in the early weeks of the outbreak.
Experts say that what happened in Mangala underscores how this Ebola outbreak became the largest and fastest-growing that Congo has ever seen.
"With an epidemic, the slower the response, the bigger it grows," said Julien Harneis, a senior Ebola response coordinator for the United Nations.
Health workers here offered several explanations as to why the response lagged in Mangala. One issue: The town has few hotels, forcing aid workers to make a three-hour trip each day from Bunia, the regional capital. The rutted road is so dusty that drivers sometimes have to stop because they cannot see, while after rains it can become too muddy to navigate.
Violent insurgents sometimes impose checkpoints along the dirt road leading into town. Foreign aid cuts have forced health workers to make painful choices about already-scarce resources, including where to build Ebola centers, said Luca Fontana, a senior W.H.O. official with years of experience fighting the virus.
Privately, however, some international health workers said that Mangala was simply overlooked. Dr. Wessam Mankoula, head of emergencies at Africa C.D.C., acknowledged the concern in Mangala and said that it was difficult to establish treatment centers in every health zone affected by the virus.
When the W.H.O. declared an outbreak in mid-May, there were already hundreds of Ebola cases in Ituri Province, setting the overall response on the back foot from the start. But health teams in towns such as Mongbwalu, Bunia and Nizi were quickly mobilized to educate communities on infection.
As those efforts were underway, Mangala remained on its own, officials here say.
When The New York Times visited the town in September, signs of the struggle to contain the virus were everywhere. The coming treatment center, which will be run by the international humanitarian medical charity Alima, was just a patch of flattened red earth.
In the meantime, Mangala relies on the district hospital, where in the early months of the outbreak, Ebola patients were treated in a mud house with no windows, an earthen floor and little ventilation.
One afternoon in September, health workers set fire to their protective clothing after use, sending dark smoke skyward as the synthetic material burst into flames.
The fire burned yards from an area accessible to villagers.
Most treatment centers in Ituri Province are strictly divided into green and red zones. Patients and suspected Ebola cases are kept in the red zone, and anyone entering must wear protective clothing. In the separate green zone, medical staff members and visitors can enter safely, talking with patients at a distance or through plastic screens.
But at the regional hospital in Mangala, staff members said people with signs of the virus circulated freely across a central, grassy courtyard.
Mave Liripa, 26, came to the hospital with her mother and 1-year-old daughter, Justine Ngabusi, in September. All three showed signs of Ebola, including fever and vomiting, Ms. Liripa said.
Ms. Liripa's 8-year-old son had died with Ebola symptoms the previous week, and the family buried him at home,
she said.
Nurses wearing protective gear took blood samples from the family to be sent for testing. Nurses told the family to sit on a bench, which was near patients with unrelated illnesses.
“Everywhere is a red zone here,” said Dr. Jacques Savo Bamuhiga, the medical director in Mangala. Five nurses and a doctor have contracted Ebola at the hospital already, and one nurse has died, Dr. Bamuhiga said.
The government stopped paying Mangala's hospital staff at the start of the crisis. It gave no reason for the suspension, but the decision damaged morale and hindered efforts to organize a response, doctors said.
Some health workers quit, while others staged a brief strike. Though they have since returned to work, some said that they had still not received their salaries. Dr. Bamuhiga praised the staff members who had worked unpaid through the crisis.
Congo's health minister, Roger Kamba, acknowledged that some health workers had not been paid. The government was working to resolve the problem quickly and would add a bonus to health workers' salaries, he said.
Mave Liripa holding her baby daughter outside the hospital. A son, 8, died with Ebola symptoms last month.
Hospital treatment increases the chances of patient recovery, which helps to convince residents of the benefits of disclosing to medical workers when someone is ill. Ebola patients are most infectious in the final days of the illness and just after death, making safe burials essential.
All this reduces community transmission. But people must first be persuaded to allow sick relatives to be treated in hospitals rather than at home.
In Mangala, a fledgling outreach team was not established until August. As a result, fears spread unchecked through the town that the hospital was injecting its patients with Ebola, staff members said.
Residents boycotted the hospital and, even as late as early September, treatment rooms that were usually packed with patients before the outbreak remained empty.
On top of the elevated community transmission caused by home treatment and unsafe burials, more people have died of conditions unrelated to the virus because they were too afraid to go to the hospital, Dr. Bamuhiga said.
A single ambulance was recently assigned to the Ebola response team in Mangala and nearby villages, but several residents said they have sometimes waited days for its arrival.
The ambulance, a four-wheel drive, picked up six patients on a recent afternoon. The patients scrambled into the car's bench seats. Nurses had no choice but to cram three suspected Ebola patients next to patients with unrelated illnesses.
How many people could have been saved in Mangala had help arrived sooner is difficult to determine. Dr. Bamuhiga put the official Ebola death toll in the town at 165, but said that number failed to reflect the many deaths at home.
At least 200 people have died in nine villages near Mangala, said Josephat Pilo Mandje, a government representative in the area.
The fate of Bonheur Njabu, 22, reflects that of many others.
When he fell ill with Ebola symptoms, he initially kept it secret, according to his mother, Jeanne Ngawey. When he finally told her he was sick, she hurried to the village, but no ambulance was available to take him to the hospital. Motorbike taxis refused to take him, fearing infection, she said.
The only drugs Ms. Ngawey could get were from a tiny local pharmacy. Despite her efforts, her son died, she said. One day later, a team of health workers laid him to rest in the town's red earth. Dozens of people gathered at the gravesite, singing hymns and wailing.
Among the mourners was the president of the local youth council, Olivier Alike, 25. He had witnessed the outbreak as it tore through Mangala.
"I would like everything to go back to how it was before," he said.
"I want to do this for the rest of my life, but when every election cycle treats us like villains, you start to wonder what kind of future is actually left," Jake Everich said.
The New York Times
Senator Dan Sullivan, a Republican, and former Representative Mary Peltola, a Democrat, answered questions at the Fisheries Debate in Kodiak, Alaska, last month.
“None of the political debates capture the nuance, what it’s really like to try to make a living catching a wild animal in the 21st century,” Toby Sullivan said.
在水池案中,前奥运选手寻求对官员进行调查
作者:DEVLIN BARRETT
华盛顿 —— 一名曾被指控破坏林肯纪念堂反思池(Lincoln Memorial Reflecting Pool)但最终被撤销指控的前奥运选手,其律师现正要求政府内部监察机构调查司法部和内政部高级官员的行为,指责检察官在明知水池翻修工程失败的情况下仍对其提起起诉。
“由于司法部(D.O.J.)和内政部(D.O.I.)多名员工的行为,希恩先生被剥夺了自由,因一项他并未犯下的罪行而被起诉,面临最高 10 年的监禁威胁,并遭受了政府高层官员对其姓名和名誉的诋毁,”希恩先生的律师写道。请求进行调查的律师中包括前司法部监察长迈克尔·R·布罗姆维奇(Michael R. Bromwich)。
Declining Fisheries Loom Large, but No One Wants to Look at the Biggest Culprit: Climate Change
PHOTOGRAPHS BY KERRY TASKER FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
Alaska accounts for roughly 60 percent of wild seafood harvested in the United States, from wild-caught Chinook salmon to McDonald's Filet-o-Fish.
By ANNA GRIFFIN
KODIAK ISLAND, Alaska — Like corn in Iowa and cattle in Oklahoma, fish are always a hot topic in Alaska. This year, they could help determine which party controls the Senate.
Former Representative Mary Peltola ended a nearly half-century Republican hold on Alaska's lone House seat four years ago campaigning on “fish, family and freedom,” a phrase that was treated as something of a cute joke in Washington but was deadly serious back home. As politicians of all parties know, Alaska's fisheries are central to the state's fragile economy and facing an extraordinary convergence of threats.
In Alaska's Senate race, Ms. Peltola has accused Senator Dan Sullivan, the Republican incumbent, of putting “Seattle-based factory trawlers ahead of Alaskan families and our rivers.” She has doubled down on her fishing-first platform with a proposal to ban out-of-state trawlers, massive vessels that sweep the Bering Sea with funnel-shaped nets and process their catch onboard.
Mr. Sullivan has promoted his work to reduce the accidental catch of juvenile salmon and halibut, and has targeted Russian and Chinese fishing fleets that he says undercut Alaska fishermen.
“We are both talking about our fisheries in this campaign, but the difference is, I’ve actually done things to help protect them,” Mr. Sullivan said at a September Kodiak Chamber of Commerce debate focused entirely on fisheries.
A chorus of candidates for other offices, including governor and the House, has joined the fight — though few in oil-dependent Alaska are as eager with ideas for combating what scientists say is the broader threat, climate change and warming waters.
To those in the Lower 48, the fish fight might seem provincial, but it has real meaning. Alaska accounts for roughly 60 percent of wild seafood harvested in the United States, from high-end wild-caught Chinook salmon to frozen fish sticks and McDonald's Filet-o-Fish. The industry includes 370-foot factory trawlers that scoop up Bering Sea fish by the billions of pounds and Indigenous subsistence fishermen who feed their communities on a few hundred salmon a year.
Increasingly, it feels to many Alaskans as if only the biggest operators are doing well.
And fishermen in Alaska share other concerns with their brethren across the country. Those include the rising cost of diesel fuel and the Trump administration's cuts to the National Ocean and Atmospheric Administration, which regulates and provides important data on fishing stocks and weather patterns key to planning every boat's season.
All the talk persuaded Jake Everich last month to do something once unthinkable in the middle of the two-month fall pollock season, when he must maximize his catch to service the debt on his 73-foot boat, pay his four-person crew and keep Kodiak's processing plants busy; he stayed in port to listen to candidates talk.
“I don’t have time for politics,” said Mr. Everich, who attended the Kodiak debate for governor. But in this case, he added, “I have to pay attention.”
The politicians' preferred targets make sense in an election year. A recent poll by the progressive firm Data for Progress showed that almost three-quarters of Alaskans support a trawling ban, echoing a suspicion that predates statehood: that outside interests want to profit from Alaska's natural resources at the expense of the people who live there.
Alaskans, angry over out-of-state salmon traps and federal fisheries management, joined the Union 67 years ago “because people were tired of being a colony,” said David Kubiak, a retired salmon fisherman and high school English teacher in Kodiak. “Now it feels like there are all these outside interests trying to take what belongs to Alaskans again.”
Trawlers targeting pollock net other species, including juvenile salmon bound for western Alaska rivers. That accidental haul, known as bycatch, has become particularly contentious. Salmon runs have collapsed so precipitously that fishing along the Yukon and Kuskokwim Rivers has been severely limited or banned, devastating communities that rely on salmon for food, income and traditions stretching back generations. On the Kuskokwim, residents historically harvested between 67,000 and 110,000 Chinook salmon a year for subsistence. In 2024, they caught 32,500.
Ms. Peltola, who is Yup'ik, grew up fishing on the Kuskokwim River and has made trawling controls a campaign centerpiece. Her website even features an arcade-style game in which salmon dodge predators and nets while players learn about the damage trawling can do.
But trawling, like fishing more broadly, comes in a variety of flavors. The largest commercial boats are based in Washington or Oregon, and some can process and flash freeze fish onboard, meaning their crews may never dock — or spend money — in Alaska.
Owners of smaller trawl boats, like those based in Kodiak, say politicians are casting too broad a net. “The impact of trawling is getting blown way out of proportion and being used as political ammunition,” said Jason Chandler, a second-generation trawler. “It stings a bit to have your livelihood treated that way.”
Unlike factory fleets in the Bering Sea, Mr. Chandler's 77-foot boat, the F/V Topaz, delivers pollock and rockfish from the Gulf of Alaska to processing plants along Kodiak's harbor.
Banning or severely restricting trawling, he warned, would kill seafood-dependent communities like Kodiak “when we should be working together to improve all fisheries.”
Science does complicate the politics.
Studies have shown that eliminating trawling bycatch would return a single-digit share of salmon to western Alaska rivers. Curry Cunningham, a quantitative ecologist at the University of Alaska Fairbanks, said trawling was “just one piece of the puzzle.”
Mr. Sullivan has focused his criticism on illegal, unreported and unregulated foreign fishing, particularly by Russian and Chinese fleets. He has backed legislation to blacklist offending vessels and strengthen Coast Guard enforcement, while pushing to keep Russian seafood — including fish routed through China — out of U.S. markets.
Mr. Sullivan also wrote a bill, approved by the Senate Commerce Committee last month, to require pollock trawlers to use nets designed to let salmon escape, expand monitoring of bycatch and fund research on gear designed to reduce unintended catches.
'Now it feels like there are all these outside interests trying to take what belongs to Alaskans again.' DAVID KUBIAK, a retired salmon fisherman and high school English teacher in Kodiak.
The quick brown fox jumps over the lazy dog.
Neither Senate candidate has focused nearly as much on the role of climate change, a fraught subject in a state that relies on oil revenue to help pay for public services, even as the melting permafrost turns rivers red and swamps its villages.
“Let’s control what we can,” Ms. Pel-tola said at the fish debate.
The trawling fight comes as Alaska's fishing industry suffers through fluctuating wholesale prices, rising fuel costs and competition from farm-raised salmon. The federal government, Mr. Sullivan and Ms. Peltola both say, has moved too slowly to provide financial support in years when fish runs have collapsed.
Processing plants have closed or struggled to find employees as federal visas for seasonal foreign workers dry up, while increasingly sophisticated equipment and regulatory requirements have made fishing more expensive.
“None of the political debates capture the nuance, what it’s really like to try to make a living catching a wild animal in the 21st century,” said Toby Sullivan, a fisherman and executive director of the Kodiak Maritime Museum.
The worry in places like Kodiak, which has already seen shrimp and king crab stocks disappear, is that the financial challenges of fishing will drive younger Alaskans out of the business, ceding the seas to those out-of-state corporations cast as the bad guys.
Mr. Everich, 36, moved to Alaska from Rhode Island out of high school because he believed there were fewer barriers to being an independent boat owner here. He bought his vessel, the F/V Alaskan, in 2019 and diversified so that he can fish 10 months out of the year.
On a recent fall afternoon, as his crew prepared nets for evening departure and his dog, Pickles, kept watch over a pair of circling sea lions, he said the politicians didn't seem to understand the businesses they were criticizing.
"I didn't spend millions of dollars on a boat and improvements just to go out there and destroy the ocean," he said. "I want to do this for the rest of my life, but when every election cycle treats us like villains, you start to wonder what kind of future is actually left."
TIERNEY L. CROSS FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
How many seats Democrats win would affect Representative Hakeem Jeffries's ability to govern his party if he becomes speaker.
LANGHORNE, Pa. — The House battleground map is increasingly filled with alluring possibilities for Democrats as President Trump's support has cratered. But with their financial resources limited, one question keeps coming up as Democratic strategists puzzle over where to invest during the crucial final four weeks of the campaign.
Do they seek to rent — or own?
Do they seek to rent — or own? Democrats are trying to figure out where their money goes furthest. Are they better off seeking to run up their numbers by competing in less expensive races and for open seats in Republican areas? If they do, they might struggle to hold onto many of those seats in a couple of years, when there is less likelihood of a blue wave.
Or is it a better bet to spend more and go all-in to try to oust a handful of entrenched Republican incumbents who represent more Democratic areas? That path would be difficult, but if it succeeds, it could put those seats in the Democratic column for a longer time.
For all the party's current bullishness, Democrats hold zero seats in districts that Mr. Trump won by double digits in 2024.
“Obviously we want the strongest majority possible in 2026,” Representative Suzan DelBene of Washington, the chair of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, said in an interview. “But also with an eye toward 2028.”
Exhibit A of the Democratic conundrum is Pennsylvania's First District, where Representative Brian Fitzpatrick is the only Republican in the House seeking re-election who was able to win in a district that Mr. Trump lost all three times he ran, in 2016, 2020 and 2024.
In recent elections, Democrats did not fully try to vanquish Mr. Fitzpatrick, whose district includes Bucks County, the swingy Philadelphia suburban area, and a slice of Montgomery County. The Philadelphia media market was too expensive, and Mr. Fitzpatrick was seen as too hard to unseat.
But the party is making its biggest play there in years in the campaign's final sprint.
Bob Harvie, the Democrat who is challenging Mr. Fitzpatrick, said in an interview that he got a call from the Democratic Party's campaign arm last week informing him the group was planning to plunge \$900,000 into his race. The top Democratic super PAC, the House Majority PAC, has reserved more than \$6 million in television time on top of that, according to the ad-tracking service AdImpact.
The decisions on where to spend are being made day by day and district by district, according to interviews with a more than a half dozen Democratic strategists involved in the discussions, most of whom spoke on the condition of anonymity to describe private strategy.
Winning the majority of House seats remains the most vital task, they said — even if doing so risks seeming to waste money in some must-win seats. But there are different ideas about which races, beyond the core battlegrounds, provide the most return on their investment.
"The map is larger than the bank account can sustain," said Ian Russell, who previously served as national political director at the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee.
How many seats Democrats ultimately win will have repercussions for the ability of Representative Hakeem Jeffries of New York to govern his party if he becomes speaker next year. But the types of seats that Democrats carry will also shape the party's political strategy into the future.
这场疫情使这家国家公共卫生机构陷入了一场政治争端。民主党州长乔什·夏皮罗(Josh Shapiro)在8月表示,麻疹已导致其州内两人死亡。负责监管疾控中心的卫生部长小罗伯特·F·肯尼迪(Robert F. Kennedy Jr.)则暗示,州长的工作人员可能“捏造”了这些死亡病例,并称宾夕法尼亚州的患者在患有麻疹的情况下死亡,但并非死于麻疹。
Mr. Fitzpatrick, a former F.B.I. agent, is a throwback to a disappearing brand of moderate Northeastern Republicans. He has the support of top labor unions, gun-control groups and environmental organizations that typically support Democrats — and signs promoting them at intersections throughout Bucks County.
Mr. Fitzpatrick's latest ad hails
G.O.P. lawmakers Democrats may target: Brian Fitzpatrick of Pennsylvania, top left; Mike Carey, top right, and Mike Turner, left, both of Ohio; Bill Huizenga of Michigan, right.
him as the “most independent” lawmaker in the nation and features a carousel of rare-for-a-Republican endorsements, from groups including the LGBT Unity Fund and an arm of the Humane Society.
"The parties are the worst thing that our country has right now," Mr. Fitzpatrick said in an interview at a Jewish deli in Langhorne on Monday. Mr. Fitzpatrick said that he hadn't been to a House Republican conference meeting this entire Congress and that his family's bipartisan brand — his brother served in the House before him — runs deep.
“People know us around here,” he said. “There’s no poll that has us down.”
Yet he has already had to spend more than \$3 million on ads — far more than Mr. Harvie and his allies to date — and the race remains tight. National Republicans have not spent big or reserved air-time in the closing weeks.
“I think that they think that we’re OK here,” he said. “I think they think that, but that’s a gamble on their part.”
He acknowledged the headwinds of running under the Republican banner when Mr. Trump is deeply unpopular. But he said he had done it before.
"There is not a single person in this district that is not seeing an ad where they're trying to tie us to the president," Mr. Fitzpatrick said. "I just don't see it working."
As he stood up to leave, he watched as an anti-Fitzpatrick ad played on the television in the corner. He asked the cashier whether the television was tuned to cable or streaming.
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母亲声称并非杀死双胞胎幼儿,而是疫苗所致
爱达荷州指控安德里亚·肖犯有谋杀罪,称这是解释这些死亡事件的唯一理由。
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📄 Original Section
A Late Infusion of Cash
Democratic strategists believe that if they can dislodge Mr. Fitzpatrick now, the seat will lean Democratic into the future.
After all, Mr. Trump lost only three seats in 2024 that were held by Republicans at the beginning of the 2026 cycle, including Mr. Fitzpatrick's. This fall, Democrats are aiming to flip all three, and on Monday, one of them, in Nebraska, seemed safe enough in hand that a Democratic group began to pull its advertising.
Pennsylvania's First, however, remains a battleground.
“Where we’re at is very, very, very, very hard to flip,” Sharon Ba-stone, 47, a Democratic activist in Upper Hanover Township, said while attending a Democratic barbecue on Sunday that was attended by Mr. Harvie. “But I think this is our year to do it. If we don’t do it this year, it’s not going to happen.”
At the barbecue, one attendee passed along the good news to Mr. Harvie that a big endorsement sign from the A.F.L.-C.I.O. for his rival, Mr. Fitzpatrick, had been wrapped around a truck so tightly that it was illegible.
At a moment when many Democrats are creating an image independent of the national Democratic brand, Mr. Harvie, a Bucks County commissioner, seemed unconcerned about being aligned with the party. He told one voter on Sunday that he would support statehood for Puerto Rico and Washington, D.C., if they wanted it. And he invoked both Barbra Streisand, the songwriter and Democratic activist, and Representative Jamie Raskin, Democrat of Maryland, in his remarks at the barbecue.
The Harvie campaign is running a new ad saying that “Congress changed Fitzpatrick” and highlighting key recent votes on which he was aligned with Mr. Trump. The Philadelphia Inquirer endorsed Mr. Harvie this weekend after backing Mr. Fitzpatrick in 2018 and 2020.
“Brian is an independent when his party tells him he's allowed to be,” Mr. Harvie said in an interview.
The argument has resonated with some past Fitzpatrick voters in the second Trump term.
Rich Fain, 74, who lives in Upper Hanover Township, said he figured he was the lone Republican voter at Sunday's Democratic barbecue. He has never been a Trump voter. But he has previously voted for his local Republican congressman — until now.
"I just can't stomach what the administration is doing and how all the Republican Congress people have gone along with Donald knowing it's wrong," Mr. Fain said. "I am switching this year."
Party strategists are eyeing potential new spending to take out two Republicans in Ohio, Representative Mike Turner and Representative Mike Carey, and one in Michigan, Representative Bill Huizenga, and are spending more heavily in Wisconsin against Representative Bryan Steil.
All four represent seats Mr. Trump won by single digits in 2024.
Meanwhile, in Florida, private polls show a dead heat in the Miami district of Representative Maria Elvira Salazar — a seat that Mr. Trump carried by 15 percentage points just two years ago — but the cost of advertising in the Miami media market could prove prohibitive.
At the same time, some Democrats are worried that Republicans could do the same thing to Democratic incumbents in swing seats.
G.O.P. groups are spending millions of dollars to target lawmakers such as Representative Tom Suozzi of New York and Marie Gluesenkamp Perez of Washington in a push that has been mostly unanswered by national Democratic groups.
Mr. Suozzi, for instance, has been opposed by \$6.9 million in outside spending, with only about \$340,000 in support. Mr. Jeffries referred to the deluge over the weekend, calling it a “wild” waste of millions of dollars.
“Democrats need to make sure our eyes aren’t bigger than our stomachs and our aspirations aren’t bigger than our campaign accounts,” warned Phil Gardner, senior adviser at Blue Dog Action, a super PAC aligned with the moderate Blue Dog caucus, whose members Republicans are targeting.
He feared the party's spending on far-afield races in the final weeks. On Monday, the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee added six new candidates to the “red-to-blue” program — the designation for top races — including two in districts that Mr. Trump carried by more than 20 percentage points in 2024.
"Odds-wise, it's better at this point to shore up a truly vulnerable incumbent with a proven ability to win, or reinforce a Democratic challenger who's spent the last year building a strong campaign," Mr. Gardner said, "rather than risk resources on too many late-breaking untested candidates."
Mr. Russell, the former D.C.C.C. strategist still involved in congressional races, said the climate could shift quickly this month, recalling the late convulsions of the 2016 campaign.
"Now is the fun part of the cycle where you decide where can you make a last-minute play to snatch a few extra seats," he said. "But you also have to be conscious that the political environment can change."
但根据内特在“儿童健康防御”(Children's Health Defense)播客中的讲述,她反而给在工作的内特打了电话。“‘怎么回事?’她问他,‘警察已经在你的拖车周围拉起警戒线了。’”内特说他不知道情况。他多次拨打安德里亚的电话,但对方没有接听;当他给母亲打电话时,接电话的是一名警察。内特回忆道,那名警察说:“‘嘿,我很遗憾地通知你,你的孩子们死了。’”内特说:“我的反应是,‘你在撒谎。你没告诉我真相。这不可能发生。’”
在播客采访中,安德里亚显得很震惊。内特看起来很紧张,一直在咬嘴唇。在采访者的鼓励下,他们讲述了前一周发生的事情。4月23日,安德里亚和内特的母亲温迪·肖(Wendy Shaw)带着达拉斯(Dallas)和泰森前往蛇河儿科诊所(Snake River Pediatrics)进行18个月的儿童健康检查。安德里亚回忆说,两名女性都对流感疫苗表示谨慎:内特和肖家族的其他成员对此有反应。安德里亚说,执业护士对这些担忧不屑一顾,随后安德里亚同意接种。(蛇河儿科诊所未回应置评请求。)
在儿童健康防御组织(Children's Health Defense)提供给《纽约时报》的医疗记录中,急诊室医生指出,这两个孩子当时看起来并没有处于任何危险之中。他们被诊断为“免疫后反应”,医生还进一步记录道,安德里亚“对此次就诊结果似乎感到满意”。据杜克称,尸检结果显示其中一名双胞胎患有轮状病毒感染,这种病毒通过粪口传播且极具传染性。我采访的多位医生解释说,轮状病毒很少致命,但如果儿童在婴儿期未接种疫苗,或脱水严重,则可能导致死亡。(医院记录显示,孩子们仍有排尿。目前尚不清楚他们是否接种过疫苗。)
Democrats Trying to Parry G.O.P. Jabs on Trans Issues
en's sports.
From Page A1
drawn criticism from other Democrats.
The strategies show how the party has shifted on the issue since the last nationwide election
— a pivot that has played out in various ways since early 2025, when Gov. Gavin Newsom, a Democrat from California considering a run for president, suggested that the participation of transgender athletes in women's sports was “deeply unfair.”
Democrats remain divided on the issue. Many of the party's candidates are wary of either angering the base by taking a position that would limit transgender rights, or taking a position at odds with most voters, who polls show overwhelmingly agree with Republicans on the issue of transgender athletes' participation in women's sports.
But a number of Democrats are trying to actively parry G.O.P. attacks, which haunted them in 2024, when Kamala Harris largely elected not to address a torrent of ads from Donald J. Trump that declared: “Kamala is for they/them. President Trump is for you.” Democratic strategists judged the ads to have been highly effective.
In the midterms, Republicans have again put the issue at the center of their message, part of a broader effort to cast Democrats as outside the mainstream. One ad, targeting Mr. Davis, said that the congressman was “fighting for they/them, not us.”
This time, Democrats are not
KENT NISHIMURA/GETTY IMAGES
SUE OGROCKI/ASSOCIATED PRESS
In Ohio, Democrats Marcy Kaptur and Sherrod Brown have had different ways of addressing transgender issues.
letting the attacks go unanswered.
“For the first time ever, Democrats are strongly on offense on this,” said Christina Freundlich, a Democratic strategist. She added that, while approaches varied across the country, Democrats were broadly focusing on “clarifying the record — but then moving onto groceries.”
Republicans are still directing far more focus and resources to the issue. AdImpact, a media tracking firm, said on Friday that it had observed more than eight times as much Republican spending as Democratic spending on midterm ads focused on L.G.B.T.Q. and transgender issues. Mr. Trump, in a video about the midterms, said that “We’re not going back to transgender for everybody.”
But Republicans have been unable to move the topic to the center of voters' attention. A CNN poll last month found that “policies regarding gender identity and trans people” did not make the top 10 issues that were most important to voters. (The issue ranked last out of 11 that CNN tested.) A Supreme Court decision in late June upholding restrictions on transgender female athletes prompted celebratory statements from Republicans, but scant expressions of disappointment from leading Democrats, depriving the G.O.P. of a chance to highlight a contrast.
“Democrats have figured out how to navigate this,” said C. Stewart Verdery Jr., a Republican consultant, though he added that the issue had not fully lost its salience, pointing to polling showing that roughly 80 percent of Americans opposed allowing transgender athletes to participate in wom-
Evan Gorelick contributed reporting.
At a moment when Democrats have advantages on many of the other core issues animating the midterms, Republicans have seized on the topic as a way to put Democrats on the defensive. They have framed the issue as one of basic fairness, and say that Democrats want to ignore it.
In some of the country's most high-profile races, Democrats have sought to take center-ground positions. When Representative Ashley Hinson, the Republican Senate nominee in Iowa, said on the day of the primary that her Democratic opponent, Josh Turek, was “extreme on gender ideology,” his campaign rushed to release a statement saying that he did not believe that “males should be playing female sports.”
In Texas, the Democratic Senate nominee, James Talarico, who has faced a drumbeat of Republican attacks over his past support for allowing transgender athletes in girls' sports, told Fox News in September: "I oppose trans athletes playing in girls' sports if it endangers safety or fairness."
The pivot has been sharpest among Democrats trying to compete in historically G.O.P. territory — like Iowa, Texas or Mr. Davis's district, a freshly gerrymandered swath of North Carolina that Mr. Trump won by nearly 12 percentage points in 2024.
In Ohio, Ms. Kaptur, a 22nd-term Toledo Democrat, faced local Democratic backlash over the ad in which she says that “boys should not play in girls’ sports.”
“We wanted her to take it down,” said Schuyler Beckwith, the chair of the Democratic Party in Lucas County.
Ms. Beckwith said that Ms. Kaptur was “stooping to the level” of Republicans’ “disturbing” rhetoric on the issue. Still, she added that Ms. Kaptur was in a “really tough race” and that she remained focused on helping the congress-woman’s re-election effort.
(On Saturday night, the Republican challenging Ms. Kaptur, Derek Merrin, assailed Ms. Kaptur over the issue at a rally with Mr. Trump, saying she was running from her record. A spokeswoman for Ms. Kaptur, Kylie Blitzer, said in a statement that Mr. Merrin was “desperate to change the subject” and that politicians should not set the rules for girls’ sports.)
In bluer areas, Democratic voters have seemed less forgiving. Representative Seth Moulton, a Democrat who said after the 2024 election that he did not want his daughters “getting run over on a playing field by a male or formerly male athlete,” lost last month in a primary against Senator Edward J. Markey. The senator focused heavily on the issue.
The Transgender Freedom Alliance, a research group advising Democratic candidates, has both urged candidates to respond to the attacks and frowned on the idea of Democrats fully embracing Republicans' positions on the issue. The group says its research has found that the most effective Democratic answer is to argue that Republicans are fixating on transgender issues at the expense of economic ones.
Adrienne Kimmell, who is leading the group's research, said Democrats did not need to say that “boys should not play in girls’ sports.”
“It’s just not necessary,” Ms. Kimmell said.
She said she favored the approach of former Senator Sherrod Brown of Ohio, a Democrat running to return to the chamber, who has run an ad featuring a voter who asks, "With everything going on, that's what they're talking about?" Another speaker in the ad points to existing restrictions in Ohio on minors seeking gender transitions, and a third blames Mr. Brown's opponent for rising grocery prices.
Kelley Robinson, the president of the Human Rights Campaign, a prominent L.G.B.T.Q. advocacy group, praised Mr. Brown's ad. But in a Substack post last month, she expressed concern about the way many Democrats were handling the issue.
“Turning on a vulnerable community is not a winning political strategy,” Ms. Robinson wrote. Addressing Democrats, she added: “It legitimizes their side and weakens ours. And it harms transgender people.”
Representative Vicente Gonzalez, a Texas Democrat who has joined Republicans in voting to criminalize providing gender transition treatments to minors, said it would be “really foolish” for Democrats running in tough races to stake out progressive positions on the issue.
He ran an ad in 2024 in his swing district highlighting his position on gender transition procedures.
“I was the only one who addressed it head-on last cycle,” Mr. Gonzalez said. “I know some folks were critical of it. But the fact is it played well in my district.”
MATT ROURKE/ASSOCIATED PRESS
Bob Harvie, the Democrat facing Mr. Fitzpatrick, said the Democratic Party campaign arm planned to put \$900,000 in his race.
Short on Evidence, Trump's Quest for Vast Vote Fraud Widens
Democrats worry that Republicans could use false claims of rampant illegal voting to challenge midterm results. Heather Honey, left, in 2024. Now a Homeland Security election integrity official, she is known for promoting false election information.
WILL WARASILA FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
MARK SCOLFORO/ASSOCIATED PRESS
This article is by Madeleine Ngo, Richard Fausset and Alexandra Berzon.
As the Trump administration promotes doubts about the integrity of the voting system ahead of the midterm elections, homeland security officials have investigated more than 150 organizations as part of their effort to scrutinize nonprofits that they say may be helping noncitizens illegally register to vote, according to internal government documents reviewed by The New York Times.
The documents also reveal that the department has considered deploying undercover agents to investigate the organizations. If they were found to be actively recruiting noncitizens for voter registration, the agents could gather evidence and “disrupt activities,” the documents said. The findings could then be used to initiate prosecutions and “dismantle illicit facilitation networks,” according to the documents, which were shared with The Times by Democracy Forward, a legal advocacy organization that received them through a public records request.
The details were included in a June memo providing status updates on the Department of Homeland Security's “election integrity investigations,” an effort by the Trump administration to find and root out noncitizens who illegally voted or registered to vote.
The problem of noncitizens' voting in the United States is a rare one, and there is no credible evidence that it has swayed an election. But the administration and its allies have been aggressively seeking data to back up assertions that Democrats could benefit from the support of noncitizens in the Nov. 3 midterm elections, in which Republicans are at risk of losing control of one or both chambers of Congress.
With control of Congress and the future of President Trump's agenda at stake, Democrats are concerned that false claims about rampant illegal voting could be used by Republicans to challenge the results.
Officials have made it clear that they will target for prosecution and removal any noncitizen discovered to have voted or even registered to vote in violation of federal laws. But the investigations into nonprofits underscore how far-reaching the administration's pursuit of noncitizens on the voter rolls has become. The investigations have stretched beyond individuals to include organizations that help and encourage people to register to vote, a tactic that critics have denounced as an attempt to intimidate voting rights groups.
The Homeland Security Department declined to comment on ongoing investigations but said it was focused on “actively rooting out and investigating election fraud wherever it can be found” and “ensuring that American citizens and only American citizens are electing American leaders.”
"Our message to aliens who vote in American elections is clear: We will find you, arrest you, and you will face the consequences — including criminal charges and deportation," the department said in a statement.
According to the memo, the investigations into nonprofits have heavily focused on Pennsylvania and New Jersey. The Homeland Security Department reviewed 82 organizations in Pennsylvania, including the Pennsylvania chapter of CAIR, one of the largest Muslim civil rights groups in the country. Ahmet Tekelioglu, the executive director of the Philadelphia chapter, said its “voter registration program follows all applicable voter registration rules and requirements.”
Federal officials also investigated about 44 groups in New Jersey, but no “derogatory information” had been found based on a review using internal tools, the memo said.
About 26 more groups were under review after they were flagged through a tip line, the documents said. Federal officials were also investigating Black Fork Strategies, an Ohio-based firm that focuses on voter engagement, and several other organizations tied to the firm, according to the documents. The firm declined to comment.
The documents also reveal that Heather Honey, a prominent 2020 election denier who now serves as the department's point person on “election integrity,” provided 48.4 million records of unknown provenance to federal investigators who are trying to find noncitizens on the voter rolls.
The revelation raises new questions about the quality of records that the Trump administration is relying on as it seeks to scrub non-citizens from the voter rolls before the midterm elections. Ms. Honey is known to come up with and promote false information about American elections, including claims that there were more votes cast in Pennsylvania than there were voters on the state rolls in 2020.
The documents do not indicate where the records from Ms. Honey originated from, other than to note that she obtained them “through independent sources of information.” The documents do not offer any further description of Ms. Honey’s records. But the documents note that these and other records, including more than 50 million that the Homeland Security Department obtained from the Justice Department, were sent to “iLab,” which appears to refer to the Innovation Lab within Homeland Security Investigations, an arm of Immigration and Customs Enforcement.
Ms. Honey did not respond to attempts to reach her by phone or email.
Before the 2020 election, Ms. Honey was a private investigator working on counterfeit-goods investigations with no experience in researching complex election systems. In the wake of that election, she connected with close allies of Mr. Trump's and provided them with theories that sowed doubt in the election results.
On Jan. 6, 2021, in a speech at the Ellipse in Washington just before a pro-Trump mob stormed the Capitol, Mr. Trump repeated Ms. Honey's false notion that more votes had been cast in Pennsylvania than there were voters on the state rolls.
The claim has been repeatedly disputed by election officials who said she was misinterpreting and misusing a state database that tracks registered voters and whether or not they voted in previous elections, but it continued to be repeated by Mr. Trump and others for years afterward.
She also came up with misleading claims that proved influential over the years that were used to raise concerns about voter registration systems; overseas voters, who tend to vote heavily Democratic; and noncitizen voters. Her claims were amplified through an influential network of election denial activists called the Election Integrity Network, run by Cleta Mitchell, a close ally of Mr. Trump's. Ms. Honey ran the Pennsylvania chapter of the network before her appointment at the Homeland Security Department.
Trump administration officials have repeatedly made unsubstantiated claims about the number of noncitizens on voter rolls. In July, Markwayne Mullin, the homeland security secretary, said the administration had identified more than 250,000 potential noncitizens on voter rolls in just four states: Nevada, California, New Jersey and Pennsylvania.
Some states have disputed the findings, and homeland security officials admitted that their initial claims were unsubstantiated in meetings with state election officials in Nevada. A state review of 185 names that federal officials said had been vetted and identified as noncitizens showed that all were lawful citizens.
New Shipyard, Old Feud: Maryland's Governor Skips Trump Event
Gov. Wes Moore of Maryland said President Trump blocked him from speaking at a shipyard.
KENNY HOLSTON/THE NEW YORK TIMES
By LUKE BROADWATER
BALTIMORE — President Trump traveled to Baltimore on Tuesday to promote a new Navy shipbuilding facility and the thousands of jobs it will create. He was not in the mood to share credit.
Lawmakers in Maryland, most of whom are Democrats, had worked for months to develop tax-incentive packages to lure business to the site, which used to be a steel plant along the Baltimore waterfront. But what could have been a moment for bipartisan partnership quickly turned into a partisan fight.
Gov. Wes Moore of Maryland, a Democrat who is believed to have ambitions for national office, said he was blocked from speaking at the ceremony by the Republican president.
“We have been working with them for over a year to bring them onboard, and we’re excited about what it’s going to mean for the area,” Mr. Moore told reporters outside an unrelated governor’s race debate. “But if the president of the United States wants to bring the circus into town and tell me that I’m not allowed to speak to the fact that we were the ones that helped bring the deal, then I will let the circus be conducted while I go back to the work of the people of Maryland.”
In response, Anna Kelly, a White House spokeswoman, said that Mr. Moore was being a “diva.”
“Governor Moore was graciously invited to attend the President’s announcement as a guest. The White House worked extensively with his staff and security team to facilitate,” Ms. Kelly wrote on X. “Now, I guess he boycotted the event entirely because he wants to make this \$6.6 billion investment, which will create thousands of sorely needed jobs in his state, about himself. Diva alert!"
The Navy has awarded a \$2.9 billion contract to Anduril, the defense technology company that makes artificial intelligence-backed weapons, to use the site of the former Bethlehem Steel plant to manufacture critical components for the Navy's nuclear-powered attack submarines known as the Virginia class. The shipyard is expected to create more than 3,000 permanent jobs.
“We will build the future of America’s Navy right here in Baltimore,” Mr. Trump told a crowd of mostly sailors.
Mr. Trump has at times shown a willingness to work with certain Democratic governors and mayors. For instance, he shared the stage with Gov. Gretchen Whitmer of Michigan at Selfridge Air National Guard Base to announce the deployment of new fighter jets. He has repeatedly expressed a sort of fondness for New York Mayor Zohran Mamdani.
But the president has frequently clashed with Mr. Moore, even as they worked toward the same goal in the Baltimore County project.
Mr. Trump has threatened to send the National Guard to Baltimore and pull funding for the rebuilding of the Francis Scott Key Bridge. He declined to invite Mr. Moore to a White House event for governors.
Mr. Moore has said he would not "bow" before the president, implying Mr. Trump views himself as a king.
Todd Eberly, a professor of political science at St. Mary's College of Maryland, said there was no love lost between Mr. Trump and Mr. Moore.
“That is pretty much Donald Trump in a nutshell. He does not share credit for anything,” Mr. Eberly said, adding, “I think we should just acknowledge if Maryland was a swing state, and there was an incumbent Republican running for, you know, re-election, Trump probably would have used it as an opportunity to boost that incumbent Republican. But in this case, Trump was not going to do anything to boost Moore.”
If Mr. Moore does harbor national ambitions (he has not committed to serve out a second term as governor should he win re-election), sitting in the audience applauding for Mr. Trump would not have done him any political favors.
"Why would he want to just be a prop?" Mr. Eberly said, adding: "The investment is going to be there well after Donald Trump leaves the state. It is something that Moore will continue to talk about, regardless of what happened today."
The Anduril announcement comes just days after Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth appointed the company's co-founder, the billionaire Palmer Luckey, to a task force along with Elon Musk, the chief executive of SpaceX, and Newt Gingrich, the former House speaker, to help the military figure out the future of war.
Christian Brose, the president and chief strategy officer of Anduril, said the firm would invest \$3.7 billion in the project. The new shipyard, which the company will call Arsenal Two, is expected to open in 2030.
Mr. Brose said manufacturing drone boats or unmanned weapons of war was not a part of the initial plans for the site.
With Republicans at risk of losing control of Congress in the midterm elections, Mr. Trump has been traveling across the country, including to deep red states, holding rallies to try to drive his most loyal followers to the polls. Polling shows voters have grown dissatisfied with his focus on the unpopular war with Iran and his failure to bring down the cost of goods. But Tuesday's announcement was intended to demonstrate that the president was focused on one of his main campaign pledges: bringing back manufacturing jobs.
A day after President Trump said his super PAC would pay for television ads promoting him that had been funded by taxpayers, White House officials said the group did not plan to reimburse the government for the more than \$10 million it had already spent on the ads.
Mr. Trump announced on Mon-
day evening that he was planning
to have his super PAC, MAGA
Inc., pay for the ads, which had
drawn backlash from members of
both parties. The White House of-
ficials later said that his promise
would only apply “moving for-
ward.”
Then, on Tuesday, a new taxpayer-funded ad — bragging about the American success in taking out Venezuela's former leader Nicolás Maduro — began airing on television. The new ad features Mr. Trump, Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth.
Officials in both parties have criticized the ads, which are being aired amid a heated midterm campaign. And some have said they could violate federal laws for using taxpayer funds for “publicity or propaganda purposes.” One of the ads included footage that had originally appeared in a 2024 Trump campaign video.
Facing backlash for the use of public funds for the promotional ads, Mr. Trump appeared to retreat on Monday, posting a message on Truth Social while en route to a rally in Nebraska. He wrote, “I have decided to do the Patriotic Ads, among others, and pay for them myself, and with money I raised for MAGA, Inc.”
A White House spokesperson said on Tuesday that “the president’s Truth was not referring to reimbursement.”
When Mr. Trump posted the message, more than \$10 million of such ads had run, according to AdImpact, the ad-tracking service.
When Mr. Trump was asked on Tuesday if he would reimburse the government for the ads, he demurred and defended them as “promotion for the country” and said “we’ll decide.”
As of midday Tuesday, nearly \$11.5 million has run, including a small sum for the new 60-second ad about the Venezuela operation. So far about \$17,000 had been spent on the new ad, which began airing in the early hours of the day.
Most of the funds so far — \$7.2 million — have paid for an ad that reused material from his 2024 campaign that casts Mr. Trump's detractors as “villains.”
The ads are running nationally on cable and network television and paid for through a \$20 million contract that uses funds from the Department of Homeland Security. Mr. Trump personally instructed his budget director to use taxpayer money for TV ads.
Senator Chuck Schumer of New York, the Democratic leader, called for an investigation into the payments for the ads. “It’s not enough to simply have his super PAC slush fund foot the bill — an illegal action itself,” he said in a statement. “Trump must return this money to the American people and there must be a full investigation into this gross waste and abuse of taxpayer dollars.”
When asked on Tuesday about the taxpayer-funded ads during a campaign stop in Pennsylvania, Speaker Mike Johnson sidestepped whether Mr. Trump should reimburse the government, saying what he had seen “looked like a public service announcement.”
“It was talking about America’s greatness and the economy coming back,” he said. “It wasn’t a plea to vote for anybody. It was just, it was pro-Americana.”
He added that if Mr. Trump's super PAC was funding the ads, "that's good."
The White House did not respond to questions about whether the administration was canceling any or all of the remaining money planned on the ads. The White House also did not answer questions about whether Mr. Trump planned to have his super PAC pay for ads that have run after his post on Monday.
But the declaration from the president is a rare reversal in a second administration in which Mr. Trump has governed by gut instinct and a refusal to accept norms or most limits on executive power. The ads drew criticism from Democrats and some Republicans as an inappropriate use of taxpayer dollars; the spots tend to glorify the president rather than focus on any specific policy item.
As of now, the majority of ads that MAGA Inc. appears to be funding has been run through two newly created super PACs linked to it, with different names.
监督权力。
企业、大学和非营利组织。
市政府和州政府。
国会、总统府和法院。
我们报道权势人物与机构,
不畏强权,不偏不倚。
纽约时报
📄 Original Section
Symphony Still Rehearsing at 'Dangerous' Kennedy Center
By ELIZABETH WILLIAMSON
The shuttered Kennedy Center is ringed by security fencing and signs preventing public access. Left, symphony and opera musicians performing in April at a condo building in Washington.
ELIZABETH FRANTZ FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
HAIYUN JIANG/THE NEW YORK TIMES
WASHINGTON — The shuttered John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts is a deadly place. Just ask President Trump.
This week he said it was “a great danger to anyone who walks inside.” Last month, he said that a security guard had narrowly avoided “certain death” after a storm brought down a five-foot piece of ceiling plaster, injuring no one. The center, he said, is in a “virtual state of collapse.”
And yet on most weekday mornings, 100-odd members of the National Symphony Orchestra arrive for rehearsals in the shell of their former home. This week they are rehearsing in the center's main concert hall for upcoming performances in the Maryland and Virginia suburbs of Prokofiev's Symphony No. 5, Haydn's Symphony No. 85 ("La Reine") and Stravinsky's Scènes de Ballet.
The theme, as advertised on their website, is “music that finds hope and vitality in the face of adversity.”
So far, none of the musicians have encountered collapsing concrete garage decks, falling 2,500-pound roof sections or “electrical explosions”—risks the center’s management says lurk everywhere.
“We’re just happy to work,” a violinist said last week, while hustling into the building through a parking lot entrance. The violinist, and all other musicians interviewed as they entered the building, asked not be named for fear of retaliation against the orchestra, which still has financial ties to the Kennedy Center.
One musician expressed the hope that her colleagues would “shut up” and focus on music, not politics.
Another said that the orchestra's presence in the building reinforced the view by some former employees that the administration's portrayal of the building's problems have been exaggerated.
"The absurdity of this is mind-blowing," a longtime symphony patron said.
A Kennedy Center spokesman, P.J. Elliott, said this week that the concert hall was perfectly safe for the musicians but not for the public. The hall “is not a restricted area to essential staff and N.S.O. musicians,” he said in a statement. “Musicians can rehearse in it safely during the closure.” He did not explain why.
The development is the latest in the saga of Mr. Trump's takeover of the center. Briefly: Less than a month into his second term, the president purged the Kennedy Center board of Biden-era appointees, installed allies who made him chairman, then announced that the place would close for two years of renovations. Democratic lawmakers on the board said it was an excuse to avoid the humiliation of plummeting ticket sales and fleeing artists.
In December, Mr. Trump put his name on the center, a living memorial to a slain president, but a judge ordered it off. When he was again denied last month, the president decreed that the renovation would not begin until courts allowed his name on the building front. He followed with a threat to tear the entire place down.
While the drama plays out, one of the nation's premier orchestras still needs a place to practice for its 2026-27 season, with concerts now in six different places across the region. They and the center's Opera House Orchestra, which now performs in an annex called The Reach, are the only paid performances that have survived Mr. Trump's takeover. Local music lovers call it a tribute to the orchestras' resilience.
One morning last week, the musicians drove up to a center underground parking garage, Lot A, their instrument cases riding shotgun. They parked their cars and headed through a door with a paper sign taped on it that said "NSO This Way." At one point the orchestra's conductor, Gianandrea Noseda, glided up carrying a garment bag and paused to hug staff members holding the door.
Matt Floca, the center's Trump-appointed director, said in reports to the board and the media this year that “moisture infiltration has caused corrosion and weakening of the concrete deck throughout the garages. Hundreds of compromised areas have been identified.”
But Mr. Elliott, the center's spokesman, said the musicians followed “routes assessed as safe by facilities and management” to the main concert hall. The unsafe areas, he added, are “off limits.” The center continues to rent out its parking garage by the day and month.
David Z. Seide, a lawyer representing the former employees, said in an interview that the orchestra's rehearsals “confirm what we’ve been saying all along: The building is not a threat to public health and safety.”
"This is part of a pattern of the government routinely saying one thing and doing another," said Norm Eisen and Kyle Freeny, lawyers representing Representative
Joyce Beatty, Democrat of Ohio and an ex officio Kennedy Center board member, who sued Mr. Trump to keep the building open and his name off its front.
Mr. Floca has said that the closure is temporary and is reassessed weekly. Critics, including congressional Democrats, question how things got to this point when Congress appropriated \$257 million for a full renovation more than a year ago, and pays annually for maintenance. They speculate that the week-by-week closure is a tactic to circumvent a judge's order that the center remain open.
In the meantime, the main building's cafeteria and restaurants have long been closed. A couple of the musicians said they bought bag lunches to eat backstage during their hourlong break. Others dip out to Tazza, a nearby cafe that has struggled since the closure. They have agreed to wear hard hats on the rare occasions they venture outside the concert hall.
Studio space in the Reach, a Kennedy Center annex where the Opera House Orchestra performs.
ELIZABETH FRANTZ FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
"There is a loneliness about it," an orchestra employee said. "I remember seeing so many different faces from so many different departments, and that just doesn't happen. You're often the only one."
After Mr. Trump put his name on the building, the orchestra's audiences fell by as much as half. The composer Philip Glass withdrew his new symphony from a scheduled debut with the orchestra, and Béla Fleck, the Grammy-winning banjo player, pulled out of three performances. Its executive director, Jean Davidson, left in March, saying, "It's no secret that this has been a really hard year."
Amid an exodus of performers, audiences and donors, the Washington National Opera, also housed in the center since its opening, moved out. But the fates of the National Symphony Orchestra and the Kennedy Center are more deeply intertwined. The center oversees the orchestra's budget, topping it up when ticket sales and donations fall short, which amounted to about \$17 million this year.
In February Mr. Trump began demanding the center close by early July, which would leave the orchestra homeless. The orchestra's budget request for 2026-27 languished for months without approval from the Kennedy Center board, preventing it from booking alternate venues and retaining guest performers.
Kennedy Center patrons formed Save Our Symphonies, a group supporting the orchestra and other center musicians in financial limbo. World-class performers volunteered to play in private homes, condominium lobbies and other local spots, pausing to explain their situation to Washingtonians while taking care not to talk politics, grant media interviews or otherwise anger the president. The performances have netted them new fans and donors.
The orchestra still lacks an approved budget, but in August received a green light from the Kennedy Center board to book the current season. It announced the dates only weeks before the first performance.
The musicians last month signed a new, four-year contract. An enthusiastic crowd attended the season-opening celebration at the Music Center at Strathmore in North Bethesda, Md.
陆军确定处决13人杀手枪决日期
2013年8月23日的谋杀案。
作者:约翰·伊斯梅(JOHN ISMAY)
华盛顿——陆军在周三的一份声明中表示,尼达尔·马利克·哈桑(Nidal Malik Hasan)少校将于12月3日在德克萨斯州的胡德堡被枪决。他因2009年在同一基地枪杀13人并导致32人受伤而被判刑。
Lawyers Cite Executive Privilege to Withhold Center's Records
By JULIA JACOBS
In the court battle over the John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts, the Trump administration has withheld documents related to the president's communications about the institution, opening up a legal dispute over executive privilege.
Representative Joyce Beatty, a Democrat of Ohio who has sued the center in her capacity as an ex officio board member, had sought the records as part of her ongoing lawsuit against the institution.
The suit seeks to block the president's plan to close the Kennedy Center for a two-year, \$250 million renovation project and to keep it from restoring his name to the exterior after a federal judge ordered its removal from the building in June.
The judge, Christopher R. Cooper of the U.S. District Court in Washington, is considering whether to allow the closure to proceed. To aid his decision, he has granted discovery, which enables Ms. Beatty's lawyers to request certain documents and question the center's officials.
In a court filing on Monday, Ms.
Beatty's lawyers objected to the Justice Department's attempt to use executive privilege to limit what evidence the center has to turn over. They argued that Mr. Trump's work at the center, where he leads the board as chairman, is separate from his role in the executive branch.
“Donald Trump is the chair of a nonprofit corporation's board, and his decisions and directions lie at the heart of that board's actions which, in turn, are the subject matter of this case,” the lawyers, Nathaniel Zelinsky and Norm Eisen, wrote. They argued that allowing the protection of privilege in this case would “obstruct the search for the truth.”
Presidents have claimed executive privilege under the Constitution to block other branches of the government from accessing certain communications. The purpose, established over the decades in judicial decisions, is to preserve a president's ability to speak candidly and confidentially with aides.
In a court filing, Justice Department lawyers wrote that requesting communications involving the president or White House personnel were “inappropriate,” citing case law that says that divulging certain evidence “creates an undue burden and distraction from those individuals’ critical executive responsibilities.”
The Justice Department did not respond to a request for comment. A spokesman for the center deferred to the Justice Department.
The executive privilege dispute now unfolding is novel because no other president has served as chairman of the performing arts institution at the same time.
Several legal experts said it could be difficult to support a claim of executive privilege in this instance because the communications for which protections are being sought are not the inner works of the White House, but those of a private nonprofit, albeit one located in a building that is maintained by federal funds.
"The Kennedy Center is not part of the executive branch; it's funded by Congress as an independent entity," said Richard Painter, a law professor who was chief ethics lawyer for President George W. Bush. "We don't even get out of the starting gate."
Heidi Kitrosser, a constitutional law professor at Northwestern University, said that executive privilege “doesn’t follow the president in other capacities, wherever he goes.”
Still, the dispute has the potential to significantly slow the pace of resolving the lawsuit as the two sides fight over how much of Mr. Trump's involvement in the center should be shielded.
The collection of evidence approved by Judge Cooper focuses mainly on the decision by the Trump-allied board to close the center for two years.
While the court scrutinizes the decision, Matt Floca, the center's executive director, has temporarily shuttered the venue's main building, citing what he described as urgent safety risks stemming from crumbling infrastructure.
Ms. Beatty's lawsuit asserts that the maintenance needs are being used as a pretext for a closure that is actually designed to mask cratering finances and audience demand since Mr. Trump's takeover.
As board chairman, Mr. Trump has been personally involved in the decisions at the heart of the lawsuit. He announced the plan to shutter the center for renovations in February and he has called Mr. Floca frequently to weigh in on the building's needs.
Ms. Beatty's lawyers wrote in court papers that they were informed by the Justice Department that when Mr. Floca is deposed, lawyers would object to any questions regarding his interactions with the president.
In recent weeks, Mr. Trump has raised the prospect that the center might need to be demolished. After he was photographed through the windows of Air Force One, where he was reviewing a poster that said “Kennedy Center DEMOLISHED,” Judge Cooper granted additional evidence gathering related to the images.
In executive privilege cases, judges weigh the value of the information being sought against the interest of the president in protecting sensitive deliberations. In the landmark 1974 Supreme Court case, President Richard Nixon's claim of executive privilege — used to withhold evidence from the Watergate investigators — was denied because the materials were deemed relevant to a criminal proceeding.
Last October, Marimar Martinez, then a 30-year-old teacher's aide, was shot five times by a Border Patrol agent during a confrontation on a Chicago street. A Department of Homeland Security official immediately branded her a “domestic terrorist” who had “ambushed” law enforcement. She was arrested, indicted and charged with assault.
One year later, it is Ms. Martinez who is on the offense.
On Monday, Ms. Martinez, an American citizen, filed a lawsuit against the United States, saying that her civil rights were violated by the shooting and its aftermath. The lawsuit says she has suffered emotional distress and physical trauma from the episode and argues that the federal government is responsible because it prosecuted her maliciously and without merit.
Her lawsuit was the latest in a widening push from people who claim they were harmed by the Trump administration's immigration crackdown and are now seeking justice.
As immigration operations have been met with stiff resistance across the country, the Trump administration has moved swiftly and aggressively to charge protesters with crimes. But it has done little publicly to hold agents accountable for shootings and other acts of aggression that drew widespread condemnation.
Although the federal government dropped its charges against Ms. Martinez, she was still not satisfied, she said on Monday. "I want to spread awareness because what's happening is not normal," Ms. Martinez said at a news conference.
A spokesperson for the Department of Homeland Security referred questions to the Department of Justice, saying only that the agent who shot Ms. Martinez, Charles Exum, had been placed on administrative leave. The Justice Department did not respond to a request for comment.
Last week, relatives of Renee Good, the woman killed by an immigration agent early this year during the administration's immigration enforcement campaign in Minneapolis, filed two federal lawsuits, including one against the officer who shot her and several top Trump administration officials.
In Chicago, a group of protesters known as the “Broadview Six” gathered in a courtroom last Thursday before a federal judge who is investigating the conduct of federal prosecutors who pursued charges against them last fall. The charges, of interfering with a federal agent and conspiracy, were later dropped. The group has asked for a formal inquiry into the conduct of prosecutors who they say pursued warrantless charges against them.
In California, at least three U.S. citizens recently used a new law to sue federal immigration agents for trampling on their civil rights, saying that they were wrongfully arrested. And in the District of Columbia, legal groups filed suit against the Department of Homeland Security on behalf of several Minnesota residents who said their homes were searched, in violation of the Fourth Amendment.
Federal agencies and officials have broad immunity from civil lawsuits. To prevail, plaintiffs must prove that they were injured or experienced property damage from the negligent actions of an official who was acting within the scope of their duties.
"This, in our opinion, is not a political issue," Christopher Parente, Ms. Martinez's lawyer, said on Monday. "We are asking the Department of Justice to do something. It's not the Department of Republicans. It's not the Department of Democrats. It's the Department of Justice."
The shooting unfolded on a Saturday morning last fall in Chicago, when the immigration crackdown, called Operation Midway Blitz, had been underway for several weeks. While driving in a neighborhood on the Southwest Side, Ms. Martinez spotted a silver S.U.V. that she assumed belonged to immigration agents. She followed the S.U.V., honking her horn and shouting, as some Chicago motorists did at the time to warn bystanders of the presence of immigration agents.
At one point, Ms. Martinez's car collided with the S.U.V. A Border Patrol agent stopped his vehicle, stepped outside and fired five shots into her car.
Ms. Martinez has filed a report with the Chicago Police Department, and a detective with the department is investigating, her lawyers said. The federal government has already backed away from its case against Ms. Martinez, dropping charges last November without explanation.
Justice Dept. Fills Depleted Ranks With Dubious Recruits
ANNA MONEYMAKER/GETTY IMAGES
POOL PHOTO BY PEDRO PORTAL
TORI LYNN SCHNEIDER/TALLAHASSEE DEMOCRAT, VIA USA TODAY NETWORK — REUTERS
From Page A1
rights laws for every American."
Among her top hires: The gun rights activist Barry Arrington, the acting chief of a new Second Amendment unit, is a high-profile opponent of the theory of evolution and same-sex marriage. Last year, he successfully challenged Colorado's ban on so-called conversion therapy before the Supreme Court.
The person she appointed to temporarily lead the voting section — the epicenter of the department's aggressive actions ahead of the midterm elections — is Eric Neff, who tried more than 50 criminal cases during a 12-year career as a prosecutor in California. His stint as a prosecutor in Los Angeles County ended in rancor.
In 2022, Mr. Neff was placed on administrative leave after the office withdrew his indictment of an executive at a software company for storing data on poll workers on a Chinese server. His bosses cited irregularities in the case. The county ended up paying the company \$5 million in a settlement.
Mr. Neff was reinstated in 2024 and has filed a whistle-blower claim against the county, which remains unresolved.
Questions for individual prosecutors and officials were routed to the Justice Department's public affairs office, in keeping with longstanding policy. A department spokeswoman, Kiersten Pels, defended Mr. Neff's appointment, citing his experience, "50 jury trials in cases ranging from fraud to multiple homicides" and his earlier career as an investigative reporter.
Critics have raised questions about lawyers assigned to crack down on voter fraud, which includes a thus-far unsuccessful effort to obtain sensitive state voter roll information, and the deployment of 1,000 election monitors across the country.
On the day of Minnesota's primary elections in August, two Justice Department officials approached a polling place in Minneapolis and were reminded by a local election worker to obey a law requiring them to stay outside at a certain distance, a video showed.
One of the department officials, David Michael Levin, a conservative lawyer and businessman, was himself a convicted lawbreaker.
In 2015 and 2016, Mr. Levin twice hacked into the Lee County, Fla., election system as a political stunt. He faced felony charges before pleading to a pair of misdemeanors in September 2016, and served a 20-day jail sentence with two years of probation, according to court records.
His application, like all the others, was reviewed and approved by the department's personnel office. His record alone would not have precluded him from being hired — the department is allowed after seven years to hire people who committed misdemeanors. But critics said it set a dangerous precedent.
"Deploying politically motivated individuals to carry out D.O.J.'s poll-monitoring efforts threatens to undermine Americans' faith in the electoral process ahead," Senator Peter Welch, a Vermont Democrat who sits on the Judiciary Committee, wrote to Ms. Dhillon last month after seeing the video.
In recent years, Mr. Levin and his wife have been associated with a company that provides customer leads to insurance companies, and have been embroiled in a bitter lawsuit with a client who accused them of providing unusable leads, court records showed.
Judges in the case repeatedly called out the Levins for not turning over documents demanded by the court. In April 2026, a district court judge in Florida cited them for “willful and bad faith disregard” of court orders, rules and discovery procedures, according to court filings.
In August, the court ordered Mr. Levin to pay more than \$200,000 in damages and lawyers fees, finding that he had engaged in fraudulent misrepresentation and civil conspiracy, according to a ruling last month. The docket shows no record yet of the Levins filing an appeal.
Mr. Levin's lawyer did not respond to a request for comment. (None of the prosecutors mentioned in this story, including Mr. Levin, responded to personal requests for comment.)
The Justice Department official accompanying Mr. Levin also had a notable history. He is William Mohrman, a lawyer in Minnesota who represented Minneapolis police officers charged in connection with the murder of George Floyd. He has also represented the civil rights division in voter roll cases.
Another lawyer working on elections litigation is David Vandenberg, who joined as a criminal trial attorney in the civil rights division in August 2025.
For several years, Mr. Vandenberg served as a prosecutor in Texas and New Mexico. His 22-month stint as an assistant district attorney in El Paso appears to have been a troubled one: He faced serious complaints about his volatile behavior toward colleagues, his former supervisor said, allegations earlier reported by Bloomberg Law.
In an interview with The New York Times, his former supervisor, Penny Hamilton, recalled intervening after two incidents of yelling. In one, Mr. Vandenberg berated a co-worker during a dispute over a photocopier. In another, a local judge barred Mr. Vandenberg from a courtroom after he chided a court official.
Asked if Mr. Vandenberg should have been hired by the Justice Department, Ms. Hamilton replied, "No," then amended her statement to, "Hell, no."
He is currently facing charges of animal neglect, according to El Paso municipal court records, charges often filed when dogs are found unattended for an extended period in a parked vehicle.
In 2025, a cellphone photo of Mr. Vandenberg appeared on a news station after a local mother accused him of intentionally side-swiping her car, with her two young children inside, flashing his district attorney badge and fleeing the scene. He was not charged. The woman is currently suing him over the incident.
Ms. Pels defended Mr. Vandenberg's record. He is “a dedicated prosecutor who spent years in New Mexico and Texas prosecuting cases on behalf of child victims of human trafficking, sexual assault and murder,” she said.
An official with knowledge of his hiring who requested anonymity to discuss personnel matters said that he had never been reprimanded by his previous employer, that he had denied wrongdoing and that he expected both matters to be resolved soon.
Khalil H. Quinan was hired in May as a prosecutor in the civil rights division's criminal unit after nearly a decade in the Florida state attorney's office, where he handled a range of gun, gang and violent crime cases.
In 2025, Mr. Quinan was forced to step aside as a lead prosecutor in the murder trial of Courtney Clenney, an OnlyFans model accused of killing her boyfriend, after the judge ruled that he viewed and shared iCloud files explicitly marked as privileged communications between Ms. Clenney's par-
ents and defense lawyers.
The judge dismissed Mr. Quinan's claim that the material was permissible because it did not directly involve Ms. Clenney. In February 2025, the judge ordered him to sit for a sworn deposition after finding a second possible violation of attorney-client privilege. He withdrew from the case soon afterward.
Mr. Quinan was not disciplined. Ms. Clenney eventually reached a plea deal to serve six years in prison.
Ms. Pels said the Justice Department stood by the hiring of Mr. Quinan, describing him as a top-flight prosecutor who “acted in full compliance with his supervisors’ directives.”
Above, Harmeet Dhillon, the chief of the civil rights division. The Justice Department hired Khalil H. Quinan, left, who was once forced off a murder prosecution, and Peter Feaman, whose far-right posts include calling Covid vaccines the “mark of the beast.”
James Breslo, hired in January, is part of the team suing the University of California, Los Angeles medical school for discriminating against white applicants. He is a former gambling executive and business lawyer who has hosted a podcast called “Hidden Truth.” Episodes included “AA Kills,” a takedown of Alcoholics Anonymous, and a deep dive into the origin of U.F.O.s. In 2018, he hosted the far-right activist Laura Loomer, who promoted her unsubstantiated claim that the man who killed 58 people on the Las Vegas Strip in 2017 was working for either Islamic terrorists or the government.
Mr. Breslo, in an essay posted weeks before the 2024 election, suggested President Barack Obama had “no love or reverence for the U.S. Constitution.” He claimed that Kamala Harris, the Democratic presidential candidate, embraced “a political system antithetical” to the country’s founding principles, something he said was “not surprising given her upbringing” by parents who were not U.S. citizens at the time she was born.
Mr. Breslo “brings decades of legal and executive experience” to his job, Ms. Pels said.
Daniel Flickinger, who began working on the division's education cases earlier this year, was forced out of his job at a Birmingham, Ala., law firm in 2020 after suggesting — to the disgust of his bosses — that Mr. Floyd was fortunate to have died in a “fentanyl-and methamphetamine-numbed strangulation” because “it meant being worshiped in a nationwide funeral.”
Mr. Flickinger maintained that his statement, posted to his private Facebook page, was never intended to be publicly disseminated. He later sued another lawyer for disseminating what he claimed to be defamatory comments about the post. Since then, he has worked in private practice, specializing in areas of law overseen by the division, Ms. Pels said.
Peter Feaman, a veteran lawyer from Florida hired in early 2025 as a senior counsel, has a history of far-right political statements. In a May 2021 post on social media, he accused the “diabolical” Democratic governor of Michigan, Gretchen Whitmer, of forcing citizens into getting the “mark of the beast” (a coronavirus shot).
Mr. Feaman also suggested that the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the Capitol was a false-flag operation orchestrated by liberals he likened to the Nazis. Trump voters, unlike the German citizens who kept silent in the 1930s, “have guns,” he wrote in a post.
One of his books, “Wake Up, America!,” includes a rave review on the dust jacket from The Times that never existed, according to a CNN report in 2021, written when Mr. Feaman was a member of the Republican National Committee.
Ms. Pels said Mr. Feaman's work should be considered separately from his social media profile. "His years-old personal social media posts have nothing to do with his legal work, and resurfacing them is not a serious assessment of his qualifications," she added.
In Pool Case, Ex-Olympian Seeks Inquiry Of Officials
By DEVLIN BARRETT
WASHINGTON — Lawyers for a former Olympian who was cleared of charges of vandalizing the Lincoln Memorial Reflecting Pool are asking internal government watchdogs to investigate the conduct of senior Justice and Interior Department officials, accusing prosecutors of indicting him despite knowing that a renovation of the pool was failing.
In a letter sent on Tuesday to the inspectors general for those agencies, lawyers for the former athlete, David Hearn, say the agencies ignored their own evidence in a rush to satisfy President Trump's desire for criminal charges. Prosecutors then provided a court "blatantly false" information about when they became aware that the real culprit for the badly peeling liner in the pool was a botched renovation overseen by Mr. Trump, his lawyers wrote.
“Because of the actions of various D.O.J. and D.O.I. employees, Mr. Hearn was deprived of his liberty, indicted for a crime he did not commit, threatened with incarceration of up to 10 years and endured the defaming of his name and reputation by high-ranking government officials,” Mr. Hearn’s lawyers wrote. Among the lawyers requesting the investigation is Michael R. Bromwich, a former inspector general at the Justice Department.
A spokesman for the Justice Department inspector general declined to comment. Representatives for the Interior Department inspector general and the office of Jeanine Pirro, the U.S. attorney in Washington, did not respond to messages seeking comment.
Ms. Pirro has defended her decision to pursue the prosecution and blamed the Interior Department for not providing relevant evidence in time. But the letter from Mr. Hearn's lawyers says that her office knew at least a day before it took the case to a grand jury that the pool liner had been failing for weeks.
DAVID ZALUBOWSKI/ASSOCIATED PRESS
"In its motion to dismiss, the
David Hearn was falsely accused of vandalizing the Reflecting Pool in Washington.
government claims it first learned of the liner's pervasive failures during a defense expert's inspection on July 17, 2026," Mr. Hearn's lawyers wrote. "This is blatantly false and is directly refuted by the government's own file."
Mr. Hearn's lawyers wrote that a June 30 damage assessment, which prosecutors received by July 1, "documented damage throughout the pool as early as June 8," more than a week before Mr. Hearn visited the pool. Prosecutors gave that document to Mr. Hearn's lawyers on July 10, "a week before the date on which it now claims to have first learned of these liner issues," the letter says.
Last week, a judge barred prosecutors from trying to revive the case against him. Typically, prosecutors would be allowed to reinvestigate a criminal matter if they found new evidence. In this case, however, the judge noted that the president had publicly demanded criminal charges be filed. Without an explicit court order, the judge concluded, Justice Department lawyers could cave to political pressure from the White House and refile meritless charges.
Barry Arrington, the acting chief of a new Second Amendment unit, opposes the theory of evolution and same-sex marriage.
The case against Mr. Hearn appeared flawed from the start, and collapsed within weeks of his indictment.
He had stopped by the Reflecting Pool on June 19 and reached into the pool, where pieces of the liner had already been coming apart. According to court papers, National Guard troops grabbed Mr. Hearn and brought him to the U.S. Park Police, who arrested him. He was accused of tearing up a section of the pool liner. Mr. Hearn has said he touched a piece of the liner that was already torn but did not tear it.
Ms. Pirro dropped the indictment weeks after filing it, based on what she said was new evidence about the flaws in the application of the pool liner, a decision that enraged the president.
"I disagree 100% with Jeanine Pirro, the U.S. Attorney for the District of Columbia, on the Reflecting Pool," Mr. Trump posted on social media.
And despite the evidence to the contrary, the president has shown no sign of backing away from his claims of vandals since.
“We had vandalism there,” he told reporters on Tuesday, adding, “Only sick people do that.”
The future of four large research networks that test vaccines and treatments for H.I.V., tuberculosis and emerging infectious diseases is in limbo after weeks of delays from the Trump administration in launching the process to renew their funding.
Scientists are worried that the delays could foreshadow the end of the networks, at least in their current form.
H.I.V. researchers grew more concerned on Friday when they received word from the National Institutes of Health that they should temporarily hold off on launching new studies that had not yet enrolled participants and that would not be complete by Nov. 30, 2027, when their current funding is set to expire.
Delays to medical research spending have become a chronic issue during the second Trump administration, and funding for the networks may yet be renewed. But some scientists warned that any delays could jeopardize the safety of participants in clinical trials, derail time-sensitive studies and disrupt staffing and resources.
"Just the loss of momentum that will happen when you don't have funding is enormous," said Dr. Emily Erbelding, who led an infectious disease division at the N.I.H. before she was ousted from the agency in 2025. "I don't know whether the powers that be are understanding that these days," she added.
The Department of Health and Human Services did not answer questions about whether or when the N.I.H. would kick off the process to renew the networks' funding beyond next year.
A department spokeswoman, Grace Davis Jamison, instead sent an emailed statement that said the administration was planning continued investment in H.I.V. research that delivers “meaningful results.”
The networks' leaders said their worries stemmed from the Trump administration's cuts to H.I.V. work generally. The administration has made sharp reductions to foreign aid dedicated to fighting H.I.V. It has overhauled the work of a landmark global H.I.V. program and has fired roughly a third of staff from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention's division for H.I.V. prevention. It has proposed steep budget cuts to H.I.V. surveillance and prevention nationwide.
An H.I.V. clinic in South Africa. The research networks that test vaccines and treatments for H.I.V. and other diseases are in limbo.
IHSAAN HAFFEJEE FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
Last year, the N.I.H. ended a \$258 million multisite program whose work was instrumental to the search for an H.I.V. vaccine. Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. has been heavily critical of the hunt for a vaccine, writing in a 2021 book about Dr. Anthony S. Fauci's "vain obsession to develop an H.I.V. vaccine" and testifying before a House panel last year that federal spending on the goal "accomplishes nothing."
The current funding delay affects Advancing Clinical Therapeutics Globally, a network that formed 40 years ago, as well as the H.I.V. Prevention Trials Network, the H.I.V. Vaccine Trials Network and the International Maternal Pediatric Adolescent AIDS Clinical Trials Network, which were formed years later. Together, the four networks work in dozens of countries and have conducted hundreds of clinical trials. They total more than \$300 million each year, most of which comes from the federal government, although the exact amounts vary as studies begin and end at various times.
The programs' large footprint has enabled them to develop tools to prevent and treat H.I.V., including in marginalized or rare populations such as pregnant women, adolescents and people who are resistant to multiple available drugs.
Having a ready base of researchers, data systems and communities of participants has also helped in other health crises. The networks were used during the coronavirus pandemic to quickly enroll tens of thousands of participants to test vaccines and treatments — including a monoclonal antibody treatment used on President Trump.
Funding for the networks and their research sites is renewed every seven years. But questions over their future have grown since the Trump administration delayed publishing so-called notices of funding opportunities, a formal signal to scientists that the renewal process would begin. The federal government had said it expected to post the notices by Aug. 25. As of Wednesday, they still had not gone out.
A federal official said that the notices were under review by H.H.S., which is led by Mr. Kennedy, who has overseen vast cuts to many federal health programs. The official spoke on the condition of anonymity to describe the review process.
The second Trump administration has significantly pared back the release of funding opportunities across medical research topics and left many such notices in limbo. It has also subjected the notices to new layers of political review, slowing their release.
Dr. Jay Bhattacharya, the N.I.H. director, has alarmed some scientists by pushing to steer federal spending away from basic research on new H.I.V. vaccines and treatments and toward studies of how to deploy existing tools for fighting the disease.
“We have the tools we need — the technological tools,” Dr. Bhattacharya told a Senate panel in May. “We just need to understand how to use them to end the H.I.V. epidemic.”
Dr. Bhattacharya has been a staunch supporter of lenacapavir, a treatment that includes injections taken twice a year that prevents H.I.V. infection. But many H.I.V. experts note that only a vaccine or cure can stop the epidemic, which still affects more than 40 million people worldwide and kills more than 500,000 people each year.
Sudden disruptions to clinical trials will halt progress toward ending the epidemic, they warn, and undermine carefully cultivated trust with communities, particularly those that tend to avoid engaging with the health care system.
"It's hard work and it's very fragile," said Dr. Wafaa El-Sadr, who helped lead the H.I.V. Prevention Trials Network until last year and leads studies in Harlem and the Bronx. “What took 40 years to build on here could just collapse in a minute without continued investment and commitment.”
November 2027 may seem a long way away, but the large, complicated projects require at least that much planning time, said Dr. Chris Beyrer, the director of the Duke Global Health Institute and the leader of a study funded by one of the networks.
“You have to lay out the laboratory plans, the statistical and data management plans, the organizational structures and most importantly the scientific agenda for the next seven years,” he said. Without continuity in grants, “you start to see implications early, much earlier than the actual day that funding expires.”
Until now, the granting cycles had rolled along predictably since the networks began. N.I.H. program officers would in fact solicit feedback from researchers involved in the networks even before creating the funding notices. None of that happened this time, according to the leaders of the networks, and even many of their contacts at the N.I.H. were unsure whether and when the documents would be released.
Some experts said they worried the N.I.H. might dismantle the networks and fund individual grants instead.
Trials for the Covid vaccines relied heavily on the infrastructure and highly trained work force of the H.I.V. networks. That sort of effort “would be very difficult to do if you were just funding protocol by protocol,” said Dr. Erbelding, who was one of the leaders of the effort.
Some scientists said they were concerned the administration might limit research to sites within the United States, ending international collaborations. H.I.V. and other infectious diseases are far more prevalent elsewhere in the world, they noted.
In the early 1990s, Dr. Myron Cohen set out to study the influence of sexually transmitted diseases like syphilis on H.I.V. transmission. "If I tried to do that in the United States, it would have taken me 1,000 years," said Dr. Cohen, a former leader of one of the networks and a professor at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill.
Instead, “by working in Africa, we were able in maybe six months to answer some really very fundamental questions,” he said.
ERIC LEE FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
ALYSSA SCHUKAR FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
Dr. Jay Bhattacharya is the director of the National Institutes of Health, which last year ended a \$258 million program researching an H.I.V. vaccine. He has steered money away from basic research. "Just the loss of momentum that will happen when you don't have funding is enormous," said Dr. Emily Erbelding, who led an infectious disease division at the agency before she was ousted in 2025.
美国联邦教育部在 4 月份对纽约市的学校启动了另一项民权调查,称其正在调查一个名为“纽约市巴勒斯坦教育工作者”(N.Y.C. Educators for Palestine)团体的教学内容。该学校系统表示,该团体与其没有隶属关系。一年前,特朗普政府扣押了该市磁石学校(magnet schools)超过 3500万美元 的拨款,一名法官随后裁定该行为是不恰当的。
《纽约时报》
📄 Original Section
Senator Announces a Plan to Insulate the C.D.C. From Political Interference
By SHERYL GAY STOLBERG
WASHINGTON — Senator Patty Murray, a Washington State Democrat who chaired the Senate health committee during the coronavirus pandemic, called the new director of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention last week to ask why the agency had refused to report several measles deaths in Pennsylvania.
The outbreak has landed the nation's public health agency in the middle of a political feud. Gov. Josh Shapiro, a Democrat, said in August that measles had killed two people in his state. Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr., who oversees the C.D.C., suggested that the governor's staff might have "fabricated" the deaths, and that patients had died in Pennsylvania with measles — but not from it.
The agency's director, Dr. Erica Schwartz, told Ms. Murray that the C.D.C. was working with state epidemiologists to draft a more precise definition of a measles death, the senator said.
Ms. Murray was appalled, she said in an interview. “What is the goal of that?” she recalled asking Dr. Schwartz. “In my mind it’s to obscure how many people are dying.”
Dr. Schwartz declined to comment on the exchange. A spokeswoman for the Department of Health and Human Services said that the C.D.C. wants to “ensure measles deaths are classified and reported consistently” across the country.
To Ms. Murray, the conversation was another example of how the C.D.C., once regarded as the world's “gold standard” for public health agencies, has been hobbled by partisan politics. Now, she and public health leaders are charting strategies to repair the damage once Mr. Kennedy and Mr. Trump leave office.
On Wednesday, Ms. Murray plans to announce that she is forming the “Public Health for America Working Group” to draft a legislative blueprint for insulating the C.D.C. from political pressure. The group, composed of five people, includes a pulmonologist, a former Food and Drug Administration official and a nurse who chairs a state health board. There are no politicians, though some members have worked for Democratic administrations.
In an interview in her office on Capitol Hill, Ms. Murray said she expected the group to be nonpartisan and to talk to people on all sides of the fractious debate over public health.
"My direction to them, and they understand it and agree with it," she said, "is that we need to hear from people that we may think may not agree with me."
The C.D.C. made what Dr. Rochelle Walensky, its first director during the Biden administration, called “some pretty dramatic, pretty public mistakes” during the pandemic, including botched Covid-19 tests and shifting mask recommendations, which led Dr. Walensky to recommend an overhaul. But the Trump administration and Mr. Kennedy, suspicious of scientific expertise, have shattered old norms.
Dr. Mandy Cohen, who succeeded Dr. Walensky, said in an interview that when she first became director in 2023, her staff discouraged her from discussing her priorities with the Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices, an independent panel of outside experts who guide the agency on vaccine policy.
“They were like, ‘No, no, no, that would make them feel like you were pressuring them to do something,’” Dr. Cohen said. So she introduced herself, but did not get involved in their policy discussions.
Mr. Kennedy, by contrast, fired the entire committee after he became secretary, installed his own people, then set the panel's agenda himself. A White House official later said Mr. Kennedy dismissed the panel in part because its members had been appointed by Mr. Biden, a Democrat, and some had donated to the Democratic Party.
One of the fired appointees, Dr. Helen Chu, is part of Ms. Murray's new working group.
Dr. Chu, a physician and epidemiologist at the University of Washington, said she learned after her dismissal that the secretary had the power to revise the panel's charter. She thinks that needs to change.
"The guardrails were not there to be able to keep one single person, a political appointee, from dissolving the entire committee that was supposed to be apolitical," he said.
Another member of the new group, Dr. Joshua Sharfstein, a top F.D.A. official in the Obama administration and an expert in public health communications at the Johns Hopkins University Bloomberg School of Public Health, said the federal government already has laws and regulations that guard against political interference in decisions made by scientific agencies, but they are not being enforced.
"I think that it's important to look at the laws that underlie integrity in decision making and to see whether they should be strengthened," he said.
The other members are Patty
Senator Patty Murray said she would form a panel of experts to advise on public health.
Hayes, a nurse who chairs the Washington State Board of Health; Jeffrey Levi, who worked on AIDS policy during the Clinton administration and later taught health policy at George Washington University; and Dr. Vin Gupta, a pulmonologist affiliated with the University of Washington and a major in the Air Force Reserve Medical Corps.
"Public health is just sort of this background thing in all of our lives that we don't really know is there, but it's such a critical part of safety," Ms. Murray said, adding, "There is a lot of common ground across the political spectrum of many, many public health issues.
People want clean air and clean water. People don't want measles surging to their community."
The current measles outbreak suggests that is true. Parents of children with newborns are suddenly worried, because babies must be at least six months old to get vaccinated. Their protection depends on high vaccination rates in their community to prevent the disease from circulating. Some Amish families that have traditionally resisted vaccination are rethinking their opposition.
So far, Pennsylvania health officials have reported five measles deaths in their state. The C.D.C. lists just two measles deaths, with an asterisk saying the number is “subject to change” as “additional information becomes available.”
Ms. Murray says she is concerned that leaders of the country's health agencies, including Dr. Schwartz, are “acting out of fear, rather than acting out of scientific information.”
But Dr. Sandro Galea, the dean of the School of Public Health at Washington University in St. Louis, who is not a member of Ms. Murray's group, said that "we should always have precise definitions, as much as possible" for deaths from diseases including measles, which was declared eliminated in the United States in 2000 and caused no deaths in the decade before 2025. He lamented that the effort had been caught up in the "politics of the moment."
Ms. Murray is now the longest-serving female senator in U.S. history and the top Democrat on the Senate Appropriations Committee. She would run that panel — the most prized chairmanship in the Senate — if Democrats retake the chamber in November. She remains on the health committee.
The ranking member on the health panel, Senator Bernie Sanders, Independent of Vermont, has sharply criticized Mr. Kennedy for his vaccine skepticism, and recently released a trove of internal C.D.C. emails showing how the agency had bent to the secretary's will. He has also called on Mr. Kennedy to resign.
Mr. Sanders said Americans want “scientists, not political appointees, in charge of vaccine policy.” But his core focus has always been lowering drug prices and expanding access to care by enacting a government-backed health plan, Medicare for All, to “make certain that our health care system meets the needs of working families,” he said.
So Ms. Murray is forging ahead. "I see a big vacuum," Ms. Murray said, "and it frightens me as a mom."
If Democrats win majorities in the House or Senate next month, there will likely be investigations of Mr. Trump and Mr. Kennedy. Ms. Murray does not think elections are the answer.
“We can’t just say to people, ‘Go, let’s have an election and return us to where we were,’” she said.
“I don’t think we were at a great place where we were,” she explained. “So now we have an opportunity where these institutions have been ripped apart. We have to rebuild them. How do we rebuild them in a way that is lasting and trustworthy?”
这不仅仅关乎博索纳罗
伊丽莎白·麦肯纳(Elizabeth McKenna)
哈佛大学政治社会学家,《参与的悖论:民主巴西中的威权组织》(The Paradox of Participation: Organizing Authoritarianism in Democratic Brazil)一书的作者。
Looking stricken, the couple told their version of events. The twins had been preemies, Shaw said, and had required intensive medical care. She inoculated them on the recommended schedule without ill effects. But in April 2025, after receiving the DTaP, flu and hepatitis A shots, the toddlers got sick, and when she sought help, clinicians repeatedly dismissed her concerns, she said.
“I wish I was anti-vaccine now,” Shaw concluded, with a wry chuckle.
Shaw was indicted by a grand jury more than a year after the deaths of her children. During that interval, in January 2026, she became the lead plaintiff in a federal lawsuit filed by Children's Health Defense against the American Academy of Pediatrics. ("I don't understand where they come up with these plaintiffs," said Richard Sauber, the attorney who represents the academy in this case, when reached for comment.) That suit claims that the nation's pediatricians defrauded American families by colluding with pharmaceutical makers to spread misinformation about the safety of vaccines.
The Vaccine Safety Research Foundation, established in 2021 by Steve Kirsch, the Silicon Valley tech entrepreneur, to "tell the truth about vaccines," as he put it in an interview, is working "in conjunction" with Children's Health Defense to help support Shaw and her family. (Children's Health Defense did not respond to a request for comment.) Documents in the court file make a terse reference to the law firm of Aaron Siri, a Kennedy ally and prominent vaccine critic. Siri wrote in an email, "We do not represent Ms. Shaw with regard to her criminal proceedings."
Kirsch described his motivation. "When you hear of a case which is 100 percent consistent with a vaccine injury and is not at all consistent with a mother who is killing her kids, you have an ethical obligation to come to the mother's aid," he said. He added that if a single shred of evidence pointed to murder, he would "be out of there in a heartbeat."
KIVI-TV, VIA AP
Andrea Shaw appeared for a hearing in Payette County District Court in Idaho in July via a video feed.
Filicetti began representing Shaw the day after the twins' deaths. He doesn't remember who first called him, he said, but in 2023, he had met some of the players in the vaccine-hesitant world at a Children's Health Defense conference in Georgia. Filicetti has a solo practice in Boise, with a focus on defending Idaho police accused of crimes and misdeeds. In the Shaw case, he consults with the high-profile advocacy groups. "They all want to give input," Filicetti said in an interview. "I take any help I can get from anybody."
Having received almost “every vaccine, including the shingles vaccine,” he said, he does not consider himself a vaccine denier. But during the Covid outbreak, he questioned the lethality of the novel virus and the efficacy of the new vaccine. He viewed government mandates as an overreach.
A believer in alternative therapies — in massage, dopamine patches, cold plunges and therapeutic ketamine for trauma — Filicetti declined the Covid shot. Instead, he treated his Covid symptoms with a 30-day water fast, as well as “ivermectin, hydroxychloroquine, and I went to a naturopath who flooded me with ozone,” he told me. “I came out of that healthier than I’ve ever been in my life,” he said. Existing as he does at the nexus of libertarian politics and the crunchy lifestyle of Boise, Filicetti gained a reputation for defending vaccine refusers.
In my conversations with him, Filicetti stressed Shaw's vulnerability, portraying her as a young, naïve mother who is unjustly accused, has lost her twin toddlers and is separated from her newborn. His sole focus, he told me, is to “keep my client from being wrongly convicted and then receiving the death penalty for something she did not do.” At trial, his only burden will be to show that the state did not prove their case beyond a reasonable doubt, and in this case, “vaccines were a factor,” he said. In Payette, the “number of people who did not get vaccinated or are vaccine hesitant is high,” and those skeptics will be in the jury pool.
Filicetti is not out to set vaccine policy, he said. But he does have strong views about the way vaccines are debated in the public sphere. The pro-vaccine faithful are too absolutist, Filicetti told me. "When science becomes unquestionable, it becomes a religion," he said. "They're just saying, 'Fall in line.'"
Filicetti sent Shaw “Tuesdays With Morrie” and other uplifting books. He also arranges frequent sessions for her with a trauma therapist specializing in E.M.D.R., or eye movement desensitization and reprocessing, which can be conducted through a glass barrier.
The next hearing is scheduled for Oct. 15. “It’s super important for me to keep her emotionally and spiritually healthy,” he said.
ANDREA SHAW MADE THE 911 call on Thursday morning, May 1, 2025. At the time, she lived with Nate and the twins at the Northgate trailer park, at the edge of town. Northgate is known locally as the Stepford Wives trailer park because the 65 homes there all look the same, like whitewashed barracks. The dispatcher told her to wait outside.
The police arrived at around 11:30. The park's manager, Kathy Killkenney, a sharp-eyed 82-year-old, sits in an office at the entrance collecting rent checks. That day, observing all the emergency vehicles, she decided to stay in her office, she told me when I stopped in to see her in September.
“Nobody asked you,” she said to herself that morning. “And the police are going to do an investigation. Just leave them alone.”
Instead, she called Nate at work, according to his account on the Children's Health Defense podcast. “‘What’s going on?’” she asked him. “‘The police have taped up your trailer.’” Nate said he did not know. He repeatedly called Andrea, who did not answer, and when he called his mother, a police officer picked up the phone. The officer said, “‘Hey, I hate to inform you but your kids are dead,’” Nate recalled. “I was like, ‘You’re lying. You’re not telling me the truth. This isn’t happening.’”
Andrea described peeking in on the twins earlier that morning and thinking they were asleep. When she went to wake them up later, she said, she touched Tyson and he was cold.
"The way I saw them, they looked as if they had gone in their sleep. They were in their sleeping positions. I think it's called rigor mortis," she said on the podcast.
According to the prosecutor, Shaw changed her story several times under police questioning. Duke summarized Shaw's interview at a July hearing: She had been out late with a friend the night before; first she said she had gotten up with the twins at around 8 that morning
Dr. Bryon Hemphill explaining the ‘epistemological problem’ of advocating vaccination at his clinic in Payette, Idaho, where he says childhood vaccinations may be as low as 30 percent for the population.
Christina Jewett contributed reporting. Kitty Bennett, Alain Delaquérière, Georgia Gee, Sheelagh McNeill and Kirsten Noyes contributed research.
and fed them breakfast; later she said that wasn't true. On the other hand, Nate's account was consistent, Duke said: He had been sleeping the whole time. Duke did not respond to requests for comment.
For her part, Andrea said the police had gotten into her head and made her feel crazy. They said that “I had supposedly had a postpartum, overwhelming blackout and done it to my children,” she said on the podcast.
In the podcast interview, Andrea appeared stunned. Nate looked tense and chewed his lip. Encouraged by the interviewer, they recounted the events of the previous week. On April 23, Andrea and Wendy Shaw, Nate's mother, had brought Dallas and Tyson to Snake River Pediatrics for their 18-month well-child checkup. Both women had expressed caution about the flu vaccine, Andrea recalled: Nate and other members of the Shaw family were reactive to it. The nurse practitioner was dismissive of these concerns, Andrea said, and Andrea consented to the shot. (Snake River Pediatrics did not return requests for comment.)
The following day, both children were passing a greenish diarrhea and had a blue cast to their lips, and they were lethargic, according to Andrea. Alarmed, she took them to the emergency room at St. Luke's in Fruitland, Idaho, in the company of her mother-in-law. After assessing them and giving them Tylenol and ice pops, the doctor sent them home.
In medical records provided to The New York Times by Children's Health Defense, the E.R. physician remarked that the children had not seemed to be in any danger. They were diagnosed with "post-immunization reaction," and he noted, further, that Andrea "seemed satisfied with their visit." According to Duke, postmortem tests had showed that one twin had a rotavirus infection, transmitted from feces to mouth and extremely contagious. Multiple physicians I spoke with explained that rotavirus is rarely fatal but can become so if children are not vaccinated against it in infancy, or if they are inadequately hydrated. (The children were making wet diapers, the hospital notes said. Whether they had been vaccinated is not known.)
According to Andrea, the toddlers continued to have “severe” diarrhea. On the morning of April 30, she called Snake River to see if she could get an appointment, but they were backed up. That was the final day of the twins’ lives. In the Children’s Health Defense interview Andrea said they had started to recover that day and were “great” — eating, talking and drinking from their sippy cups.
ANGELA WULBRECHT WAS IN touch with the Shaws within days of the twins' deaths. A nurse who worked for 17 years at a hospital in Marin County, Calif., caring for mothers and babies, Wulbrecht is on the board of Kirsch's Vaccine Safety Research Foundation. For her whole career, she had been an avid vaccine proponent, she said in a joint interview with Kirsch. But she said she had suffered an adverse reaction to the Covid vaccine and over time became a skeptic. "I didn't know, when I went and got my Covid shot and 12 minutes later I almost died, that there would be no help for me. There was no recourse, nobody to sue," Wulbrecht said.
Now, helping families like the Shaws "is my passion," Wulbrecht said. People harmed by vaccines are "distraught," she said, "and they need guidance." She wouldn't speak about the Shaw case, but said she often meets families who post what happened to them on Facebook.
"All of a sudden I'll get tagged," she said. "People know me. So they'll start saying, 'Contact Angela.'" Wulbrecht estimates she has helped about 1,000 families since starting this work. Her Facebook page recently included selfies of her with Kennedy at public events.
In the time between the deaths of the twins and her arrest, Shaw became pregnant again. When Shaw worried that the fetus was too small, Wulbrecht reviewed her test results and reassured her by text. "I have a feeling everything is going to be just fine," she wrote.
PHOTOGRAPHS BY TONY LUONG FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
SHAW WAS CHARGED WITH two counts of murder on June 29. Initially the judge set her bail at \$2 million. But when Filicetti requested a bond reduction, citing the best interests of the mother and her newborn daughter, Duke responded with ferocity. His experts had considered explanations other than murder, he said. They had looked at poisoning and considered the temperature in the bedroom, which frequently surpassed 100 degrees. They had ruled out both possibilities.
A forensic pathologist excluded vaccines as the cause of death. "This is not a vaccine case," Duke said in court.
According to the autopsy report, both children had pulmonary vascular congestion, or a buildup of blood and fluid in the blood vessels of the lungs, he wrote. Tyson had pulmonary edema, a more severe buildup, as well.
“According to our expert, these symptoms are consistent with being smothered. They occur when something blocks air from entering the airways, and as the diaphragm expands, it creates a low pressure condition in the lungs and airways,” he wrote. “This is the cause of death of the twins. It is also the only reasonable explanation for why both would die at the same time, on the same night, in the same room, in the same bed.”
While Shaw enjoys the presumption of innocence, Duke continued, he had to consider the risk presented to the defendant's infant daughter. Judge Kiley Stuchlik agreed. Instead of reducing Shaw's bond, she revoked it.
FOR DUKE TO PREVAIL, a jury in Payette needs to conclude beyond a reasonable doubt that Andrea Shaw murdered her children. But in Idaho, doubt about doctors and medications, and especially vaccines, has long been a way of life.
Until the deaths of Tyson and Dallas, Andrea and Nate Shaw were not known for anything much. Andrea moved in with Nate's family when she was 17, during Covid. She "has no criminal record of any kind — not even a speeding or parking ticket," according to a filing by Filicetti. In high school, Nate liked working on engines and was an active member of FFA (formerly Future Farmers of America), his teacher Tyson Smith said in an interview. Tyson, the boy twin, was named after him.
In Payette, a town of 8,800, Shaw's claim that vaccines harmed her children is seen as unremarkable. Childhood vaccination rates in Idaho are 68.9 percent, well below the state goal of 79.5, and declining. Bryon Hemphill, a family doctor I spoke to, said that in his rural clinic in Payette, "I don't know that we are reaching 30" percent.
In a conversation in his office on a bright September day, Hemphill pondered the causes of this deep reluctance. In general, people don't go to the doctor in Payette, he said. That's in part because Idaho has fewer doctors per capita than most other states, and Payette has fewer than the Idaho average.
But neither conventional medicine nor the insurance companies have made wellness, or prevention, a priority. Patients drive to the doctors' office only when they are ill. Since Covid, he said, they often arrive with their own theories about why.
In his practice, Hemphill confronts what he calls “an epistemological problem,” he said. As he experiences it, the vaccine debate boils down to warring truths, in which “truth is what you think it is. It’s your perception. There’s this element of, ‘It’s my truth.’”
Faced with such strong hesitancy, Hemphill knows better than to push too hard. Instead, he tries to engage his patients in a conversation about risk. The chance of dying from a vaccine is far smaller than that of dying from the disease it's designed to prevent, he'll explain. Symptoms after vaccination indicate that the vaccine is working, he'll sometimes add.
But he doesn't insist. It is not his role, he told me, to tell his patients what to do. "That can come across as judgmental."
In July, days after Shaw's arrest, Kirsch, the tech entrepreneur, sent the prosecutor's office an email. Kirsch doesn't usually delve into the nitty-gritty of individual vaccine-injury claims and said he has never been to Payette. But he spoke to Shaw after the deaths of her children, and he believes this case could change the national conversation. It could "break this acceptance of, 'all vaccines are safe.'"
Kirsch wanted Duke to see a 2004 study, based on research from the 1980s, by a retired micropaleontologist that purported to show a correlation between childhood vaccination and respiratory distress and deaths otherwise attributed to SIDS or shaken baby syndrome.
"If a jury understands science, unless you have a witness to the suffocation (which you don't have), this creates reasonable doubt," he wrote to the prosecutor, using boldface type.
The prosecutor did not respond to his note, Kirsch told me. "They never do," he said.
Clockwise from top left: Joe Filicetti, Andrea Shaw's lawyer; downtown Payette, Idaho; the local cemetery; Bryon Hemphill, a family doctor; Northgate trailer park; jury seating in the courtroom where Andrea's trial is scheduled to begin in January.
Site of L.A. Fire With 88 Million Pounds of Rotting Food Is Searched
By ORLANDO MAYORQUÍN
Neighbors of the food warehouse in Boyle Heights that burned complained of nosebleeds, breathing issues, nausea and eye irritation.
MARK ABRAMSON FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
LOS ANGELES — Investigators in Los Angeles executed a search warrant on Tuesday at the site of a massive warehouse fire that burned for a week and left millions of pounds of rotting food next to a residential neighborhood, officials said.
The Los Angeles County District Attorney's Office said its investigators were on the scene on Tuesday to assist the California Department of Toxic Substances Control, a state environmental agency, in its investigation into the fire at the cold storage warehouse, which stored frozen food. It was operated by Lineage Logistics.
It was unclear what the investigators were looking for on Tuesday. The district attorney's office prosecutes only criminal cases, and the D.T.S.C., which does regulatory enforcement dealing with hazardous waste, has a criminal investigations unit.
However, it was the biggest and most visible step that the government has taken in investigating the role that Lineage and other companies connected to the warehouse played in the blaze and its aftermath.
The office of Mayor Karen Bass of Los Angeles confirmed the investigation and search warrant on Tuesday. “The residents of Boyle Heights and East L.A. deserve environmental justice and corporate accountability,” her office said in a statement.
The fire, which broke out on June 17, upended life for several months in the Boyle Heights neighborhood of Los Angeles and in neighboring East Los Angeles. Many residents who live near the warehouse wound up in emergency rooms while it burned, and residents continued to report and
Ana Facio-Krajcer contributed reporting.
seek treatment for various health issues as 88 million pounds of rotting food left in the fire's wake unleashed a noxious odor into the neighborhood before it was cleaned up in late August.
People have reported nosebleeds, difficulty breathing, nausea, eye irritation and mental health issues since the fire began.
There has been widespread outrage from residents who say the government bungled its response.
In the early days of the fire, officials distributed masks and air filters and offered some temporary housing to those living closest to the warehouse, but many residents reported challenges obtaining help and said it ultimately was inadequate.
Mayor Bass, who faces a tight re-election race in November, has acknowledged the frustrations of residents and has vowed to hold Lineage, the operator of the warehouse, and other responsible parties accountable. An emergency executive order the mayor issued in June directed the city attorney to look into pursuing an investigation with the Department of Toxic Substances Control. Ms. Bass has also threatened to sue Lineage.
Lineage has blamed rooftop solar panels, which were undergoing maintenance when the fire broke out, for the blaze, and it has sued Altus Power, a separate company that owns the panels, over the fire. A fire department investigation could not determine the fire's cause, but said that it could not rule out the solar panels.
Residents and community groups have demanded that Lineage and the government do more to address concerns about possible toxic contamination of the environment and nearby homes.
On Tuesday, a coalition of community environmental groups announced a lawsuit against the Environmental Protection Agency. The lawsuit, filed under the Freedom of Information Act, says that the agency has not responded to requests for data about chemicals released during the fire. The plaintiff, California Communities Against Toxics, and its allies said they were also pursuing litigation against local agencies in state court on similar grounds.
The E.P.A. did not immediately respond to a request for comment on Tuesday.
Much of the concern from community groups has centered on the possible release of ammonia from the warehouse during the fire. The chemical was used to help refrigerate the food. Lineage has said it pumped the chemical out of its refrigeration system before the fire could reach it and said testing had not detected harmful levels of it.
When asked about the investigation on Tuesday, Lineage said in a statement: "Our industry is regulated by dozens of agencies, and we regularly work with them collaboratively and transparently. To be clear, we do not store hazardous chemicals or products in this facility. We store food."
The sight of the investigators milling around the site on Tuesday initially prompted concerns in Boyle Heights, a largely Latino neighborhood with a large immigrant population, that the officials were with Immigration and Customs Enforcement.
Claudia Mancia, 40, said she got a text at around 9 a.m. about a possible ICE sighting at the site and went to check it out.
“We asked one of the officers if they were working with ICE and he said no,” Ms. Mancia said. “They were with the D.A.”
Ms. Mancia, a Boyle Heights native, welcomed the inquiry.
“I think it’s part of justice being served,” she said.
After Botched Execution, Inmate, Awake and Angry, Is at Center of Legal Storm
By EMILY COCHRANE
NASHVILLE — Six days after being shot full of a drug meant to kill her, Christa Pike awoke in a Nashville hospital, shackled to a bed and in a room where she knew no one.
Ms. Pike's lawyers had been told to expect life support to end because her brain was not functioning after the attempt on Sept. 30 to execute her for killing a classmate decades before. But now, she was awake and in a swirl of what one lawyer called a mix of anger and confusion.
Her condition, disclosed on Wednesday after a court hearing, remains severe. She has a blood
不久前,一位朋友在华盛顿的一家酒吧里,注意到两名熟人正兴致勃勃地交谈。她担心会出问题:其中一人戴着红色的 MAGA 帽子,另一人则是某进步派智库的工作人员。但当她倾听时,发现他们正在为身为华盛顿指挥官队(Washington Commanders)球迷的痛苦而彼此宽慰。在那一刻,他们并非陷入生存文化战争的党派之争——而是两个为同一支球队而活、为同样的失利而哀叹、且在成长过程中墙上贴着同样海报的球迷。
A judge wants Tennessee to save all records and evidence.
clot in one arm and pneumonia, and had not eaten — she was unable to swallow when her lawyers saw her. She could not move her arms, and her hands had swollen to resemble inflated surgical gloves, said the lawyer, Randy Spivey.
“She woke up in a hospital surrounded by people she didn’t know with a tube down her throat,” Mr. Spivey said during a news conference. “We don’t know
Benjamin Mueller contributed reporting.
the toll all of this will take, but Christa is a survivor."
Ms. Pike's awareness and evolving condition heightened the stakes of a procedural hearing in Nashville on Wednesday. A judge said she would order Tennessee to preserve records and evidence tied to the execution attempt and to ensure Ms. Pike could communicate easily with her lawyers.
The hearing came as Tennessee grapples with the ethical and legal questions surrounding the case of Ms. Pike, 50, the first person to survive injection drugs that were supposed to be lethal. A lawyer with the office of the state's attorney general told a judge on Wednesday that he could not say whether Tennessee would try again to end her life.
A spokeswoman for Gov. Bill Lee, a Republican, who paused executions while an independent investigation is underway, has not responded to questions about whether he would grant Ms. Pike clemency. Her lawyers have pleaded for him to allow her to spend the rest of her life in prison, arguing that she has suffered enough at the hands of the state.
"The dynamic is different because she's now awake," said David Raybin, a Nashville lawyer who helped write the state's death penalty statute. The avenues for litigation, including for violations of her civil rights and constitutional protections against cruel punishment, have suddenly expanded, he said.
Ms. Pike has been on death row since she was a teenager, after she was found guilty in 1996 for her role in the torture and murder of a classmate, Colleen Slemmer, 19. Ms. Pike, along with two other people, lured Ms. Slemmer into the woods, where they slashed at her with a box cutter and smashed her head with pieces of asphalt.
GEORGE WALKER IV/ASSOCIATED PRESS
Ms. Slemmer's family, who raised money to drive to Nashville from Florida for the execution, had supported capital punishment for Ms. Pike. Ms. Pike was 18 at the time of the murder and the only one of the three students to receive the death penalty.
Ms. Slemmer's mother, May Martinez, has since expressed frustration that the justice promised to her family has been denied.
Ms. Pike's lawyers had repeatedly warned that Ms. Pike's medical conditions, including her small veins, could lead to a complicated and unnecessarily painful execution. But on Sept. 30, they said, she was “at peace” after repeatedly expressing remorse for her crime.
The execution was first delayed by a flurry of last-minute legal maneuvering. It resumed after about nine hours, when word came just after 5:45 p.m. that the conservative majority on the Supreme Court said it could proceed.
But over the next two hours, witnesses described Ms. Pike as alert and lucid for stretches of time. Behind curtains, for nearly an hour, they could hear her breathing.
“She helped the execution team find what they thought was venous access,” Mr. Spivey said. “She was kind and polite as they worked for an hour, stabbing her arm with needle after needle.”
Just before 9 p.m., witnesses were told to leave. An ambulance arrived, and Ms. Pike was taken to a private Nashville hospital. Through the weekend, she had been unconscious, on a ventilator and intubated, as medical staff members worked to remove the drug, pentobarbital, from her veins. The drug shuts down electrical activity in the brain and could have caused long-term complications by lowering her oxygen levels or weakening circulation.
The details of the current lethal injection protocol in Tennessee, implemented in 2025, has been largely concealed. That was among the factors that prompted Ms. Pike's lawyers on Wednesday to ask a judge to order the state to preserve all records and evidence related to the botched attempt.
“Today’s hearing was about transparency,” Luke Ihnen, one of Ms. Pike’s lawyers, said after the hearing. The state’s word, he added, “is shrouded in secrecy and legal jargon in attempts to obfuscate and obscure what really happened.”
John W. Ayers, an assistant attorney general, argued that the re-
Luke Ihnen, a lawyer for Christa Pike, said that she remained shackled to her hospital bed, despite requests from medical staff that the restraints be removed.
quest was unnecessary, given that the agency was already required to preserve evidence. He said observation logs, medical waste and products were among the records already collected by the Department of Correction, in addition to pictures taken the night of Sept. 30.
But the judge, I'Ashea Myles of Davidson County Chancery Court, sided with Ms. Pike's lawyers and outlined the contours of an order that she said she would sign. Among the records she listed were waste, needles, catheters, medical supplies, restraints, gurneys, syringes, drugs and IV lines, as well as communications that night.
“You will take special care not to lose, misplace, accidentally delete any information that may be pertinent,” she told Mr. Ayers.
The judge also instructed the state to allow easy communication between Ms. Pike and her lawyers, ensuring they have the same access as when she was held in prison.
Ms. Pike's lawyers also raised concerns that one hand, as well as her feet, remained shackled to her hospital bed, despite requests from medical staff that they be removed. Chancellor Myles said that she was likely to consider the request if it directly came from the medical staff. That is expected to be kept private in order to shield the privacy of both Ms. Pike and the staff members tasked with her medical care.
Mr. Spivey said that Ms. Pike still had “a lot of cognitive confusion.”
But, he said, “she is very aware that the state tried to execute her.”
作者是 Wildwood 学校的校长,以及《从恐惧到脸书:一所学校的旅程》(From Fear to Facebook: One School’s Journey)一书的作者。
📄 Original Section
Army Sets Date for Firing Squad Execution of Killer of 13
murder on Aug. 23, 2013.
By JOHN ISMAY
WASHINGTON — Maj. Nidal Malik Hasan will be executed by firing squad at Fort Hood, Texas, on Dec. 3, for fatally shooting 13 people and wounding 32 in 2009 at the same base, the Army said in a statement on Wednesday.
The rampage was the deadliest mass shooting on an American military installation.
President Trump approved the execution earlier this week. The execution could still be derailed, but if it is carried out, Major Hasan would be the first person to be executed through the military justice system since a soldier was hanged in 1961.
BELL COUNTY SHERIFF'S OFFICE
The last U.S. service member executed by firing squad, however, was Pvt. Edward Donald Slovak, who was convicted of twice deserting his unit in combat and was put to death in France on Jan. 31, 1945.
Major Hasan is currently being held at the military death row
Chris Cameron contributed reporting.
Nidal Malik Hasan was convicted of a Fort Hood attack.
prison in Fort Leavenworth, Kan.
Major Hasan, who is paralyzed from the waist down after being shot four times by law enforcement officers during his attack, was convicted by courts-martial of 45 counts of premeditated murder and attempted premeditated
He was sentenced to death five days later.
Sean Parnell, a Defense Department spokesman, posted on social media on Monday that “judgement day for Hasan has finally come.”
According to a 2023 Army regulation on procedures for military executions, “all lawful and feasible methods available” for executing prisoners will be presented to the Army secretary for consideration, without elaborating on what those methods are.
The acting secretary of the Army, Adam R. Telle, chose death by firing squad for Major Hasan.
The Army regulation states that condemned prisoners will be executed no sooner than 60 days and no later than 150 days after presidential approval of the sentence.
Major Hasan is to be shot to death at Fort Hood at 1 p.m. Central Standard Time on Dec. 3, just 63 days after Mr. Trump approved the action.
The condemned prisoner's attorney, Jonathan F. Potter, declined to comment via phone on
Wednesday.
Whether Major Hasan, who uses a wheelchair, will be shot sitting down or strapped upright to face the firing squad is unclear.
The 2023 regulations also state that “a minimum” of two news me-
A form of death penalty the Army has not used since 1945.
dia representatives will be selected to witness the execution.
On Nov. 5, 2009, Major Hasan, an Army psychiatrist stationed at Fort Hood, took a personal handgun onto the base grounds and opened fire.
Major Hasan said that he carried out the attack, which occurred at the height of the post-9/11 fight against terrorism, to wage jihad for what he called the illegal and immoral wars in Afghanistan and Iraq.
美国的各州和城市也开始分享成功的产品。我在东北大学领导“人工智能影响力”(A.I. for Impact)奖学金项目,我的学生们会花六个月时间与政府机构共同构建人工智能工具。其中一些学生与马萨诸塞州联邦资金与基础设施办公室合作,创建了一个免费工具,用于翻译晦涩的联邦资金通知,并引导工作人员撰写申请书,帮助那些没有拨款撰写人员的小镇竞争用于更换铅管或道路维修的资金。我们的项目目前正在帮助加利福尼亚州、科罗拉多州和罗德岛州开发该工具的自有版本。
Mamdani Draws Anger With Oct. 7 Statement Focused on Palestinians
From Page A1
of the Jewish community in New York and in America."
"It is so offensive to so many Jews that it is hard to describe how offensive it is," he said. "And it exacerbated the feeling that American Jews and New York Jews have had since he first came to prominence, which is that he has a problem with collective Jewish empowerment and he hates the state of Israel."
Rabbi Rick Jacobs, the president of the Union for Reform Judaism, said the mayor had been “callous toward Jewish pain.”
“You cannot proclaim empathy and care for the Jewish community and then fail to show basic humanity toward us in our grief,” he added. “Turning this anniversary into an indictment of the Jewish
Wesley Parnell contributed reporting.
state is not only hurtful and deeply offensive, but it also makes Jewish New Yorkers less safe.”
The UJA-Federation of New York, a major philanthropy, took issue with Mr. Mamdani's description of the war in Gaza, saying he had chosen “to respond to the grief of Jewish New Yorkers by advancing false and inflammatory attacks against Israel — not only inappropriately shifting the focus away from the victims of Hamas’s cruelty, but also placing Jewish New Yorkers at risk.”
But some progressive Jews defended the mayor. Sophie Ellman-Golan, a spokeswoman for Jews for Racial and Economic Justice, a group supportive of Mr. Mamdani, said his statement on Wednesday had “struck exactly the right tone.”
“I think this is a really painful day for so many reasons,” she said. “It has been three years since that day, and three years of genocide. To act like there was a horrific attack and then nothing happened afterward — we cannot fail to acknowledge that.”
The uproar was a reminder of the degree to which the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has infused the mayoralty of Mr. Mamdani. The mayor's comments echoed a statement he made on last year's anniversary, reflecting his consistent stance on the issue even as his platform has grown significantly.
Mr. Mamdani has clashed with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel, most recently last month when Mr. Netanyahu denounced the mayor in a speech to the United Nations General Assembly, calling him an antisemite and saying that Jewish New Yorkers were less safe under his leadership. Mr. Mamdani, who has repeatedly called Mr. Netanyahu a war criminal, accused the prime minister of using the speech to spread “baseless lies meant to sanitize his genocide of Palestine
ians."
The terrorist attack on Israel resulted in the killings of roughly 1,200 people, including civilians and military members, and the abduction of 251 hostages. Israel's subsequent campaign in Gaza has killed more than 73,000 Palestinians, according to a count from Gaza's health ministry, which does not distinguish between civilians and combatants but which includes thousands of children.
Israel's conduct of the war has drawn broad international condemnation and caused a significant drop in public support for the country in the United States, its most important ally. That shift in public opinion has been especially pronounced among Democrats and young people, with a majority of both groups expressing a negative view of the Jewish state, according to the Pew Research Center.
On Wednesday, pro-Israel and pro-Palestinian groups held separate events to express their grief and outrage over the Oct. 7 attacks and the ensuing war, which has devastated Gaza and spread to Lebanon, Iran and elsewhere in the Middle East.
Many Jewish groups organized ceremonies to remember those who died in the attacks, including an event at the Museum of Jewish Heritage and a candlelit vigil in Union Square organized by Israelis for Peace New York, where organizers said they would also mourn those killed in Gaza.
For their part, pro-Palestinian groups protested Israel's military action in Gaza — which a U.N. commission and some international and Israeli human rights groups have described as a genocide, a claim the Israeli government has denied — as well as the wars in Lebanon and Iran.
The mayor's outreach this year to pro-Israel Jewish groups to try to smooth relations has outraged some pro-Palestinian activists who accuse Mr. Mamdani of betraying their movement. To underline that point, some attendees at a pro-Palestinian rally outside City Hall on Wednesday expressed opposition to Mr. Mamdani.
“He is just as complicit,” Jon Brule, one protester at the rally, said as he held a sign that referred to Mr. Mamdani as “on the side of genocide.” “He’s betrayed the interest of the Palestinians.”
Tamar Glezerman, an organizer of the Israelis for Peace vigil in Union Square, said it was important to treat Wednesday as a day of mourning “while also not ignoring the aftermath of this massacre,” which she described as a genocide in Gaza.
"There is this fallacy out there that if you mourn or feel the pain of one side, that somehow cancels the other side or legitimizes violence against the other side," added Ms. Glezerman, whose aunt was killed in the Oct. 7 attacks.
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3 经济
美联储会议纪要显示,官员们广泛支持多次加息。
科技 / 经济 / 媒体 / 金融
4 汽车
保时捷正试图将自己重塑为一家规模更小、更专注于高价跑车的公司。
📄 Original Section
Citing Funding Disparities, Suit Seeks \$549 Million For H.B.C.U. in Missouri
By ALAN BLINDER
A group of current and former students at a historically Black university sued Missouri for nearly \$549 million on Wednesday, arguing that the state spent decades illegally underfunding their school.
The case, which centers on Lincoln University in Jefferson City, will test a 19th century federal law that envisioned equitable public financing for institutions that were created as havens for Black Americans in a segregated country. And the litigation comes as many historically Black colleges and universities struggle with enrollment, student retention and finances.
"The ramifications of the under-funding are very present today, and so just because it goes back some time doesn't mean that we don't have an obligation to fix it," Don Calloway, a former Missouri legislator who is representing the plaintiffs in the case, said in an interview. "It is a very clear breach of the state's statutory and contractual obligation."
The offices of Missouri's governor and attorney general declined to comment on the suit, which names the state, its higher education board and three officials as defendants. Lincoln University, which is not a party to the case, said it had no comment.
The dispute stems from laws dating to the 1800s that first created land-grant universities, which benefited from significant federal support. But states routinely failed to meet their legal obligations to provide equitable funding for schools intended for Black students, which limited the ability of the H.B.C.U.s to receive matching federal dollars.
In 2023, the Biden administration said that 16 states, including Missouri, had collectively short-changed their H.B.C.U.s by more than \$12 billion. Delaware and Ohio were the only states meeting their legal obligations, administration officials said.
Missouri — where Republicans have controlled both the governor's office and legislature since 2017 — first helped Lincoln University receive its full matching funds in 2022. But Wednesday's case contends that the university missed out on hundreds of millions of dollars over the previous decades.
The toll, the suit says, was a campus in deep disrepair and with inadequate academic infrastructure. The university had about 2,200 students this past spring semester, far less than H.B.C.U. powerhouses like Howard University and North Carolina A&T University.
SUMMER BALLENTINE/ASSOCIATED PRESS
The lawsuit argues that the funding disparities were not accidental. The state, it said, had long tied matching funding for Lincoln to performance criteria that it did not similarly impose on the University of Missouri — the state's first land-grant school, which did not admit Black students until 1950.
Citing the state's more recent moves to help Lincoln receive its full matching funding, the suit asserts that “Missouri's own conduct confirms that its decades of noncompliance were a matter of choice, not fiscal incapacity.”
The lawsuit seeks almost \$549 million — including about \$325 million in interest — for a Lincoln-focused fund that would be overseen by an appointee of the court known as a special master. The money would be limited to purposes like campus repairs, faculty positions and student services. At least 20 percent of the money, the lawsuit proposes, would underpin a new endowment fund.
The lawsuit proposes that Missouri pay any court-ordered amount over a period no longer than three fiscal years. In the current fiscal year, Missouri's state budget adds up to about \$51 billion.
Mr. Calloway was undaunted by the notion that Missouri might
The Lincoln University campus in Jefferson City, Mo. A lawsuit argues that the state spent decades underfunding the historically Black college.
struggle to find such a gigantic sum.
"The State of Missouri committed a tangible violation," he said, adding, "We think the state is responsible for coming up with the judgment by any means necessary."
The Biden administration's calculations in 2023 most directly seeded the lawsuit. But an executive order that President Trump signed last year helped attract somewhat more bipartisan concern to the issue. In the order, Mr. Trump said that his administration's H.B.C.U. initiative should be "encouraging states to provide the required state matching funds."
There is some precedent for states making up for funding disparities to historically Black schools. In 2001, after decades of litigation that included a turn before the U.S. Supreme Court, Mississippi agreed to a settlement that ultimately steered more than \$500 million to H.B.C.U.s in the state.
And in 2021, Maryland reached a \$577 million settlement over H.B.C.U. funding.
Mr. Calloway, himself a graduate of an H.B.C.U. in Alabama, said he was preparing for litigation in other states.
商业
9 体育
9 体育
锡安·威廉姆森(Zion Williamson)和鹈鹕队相信,他已经找到了扭转其 NBA 职业生涯的关键。那就是他的训练师。
Cornell Faculty Senate Plans No-Confidence Vote Over Handling of Assault Case
By EMMA GOLDBERG and TROY CLOSSON
The leaders of Cornell University, already embattled over the school's handling of sexual assault allegations on campus, received another blow late Monday when the school's faculty senate gave notice of plans to vote on a rare resolution of no confidence in the school's administrators.
Although largely symbolic, the measure and its apparent support among faculty members promised to increase pressure on the university's president, Michael Kotlikoff, and other leaders as they face condemnation over Cornell's handling of a reported sexual assault on campus in 2024.
"The faculty senate has no confidence in the ability of the central administration to effectively address the ongoing crisis of sexual assault at Cornell University," a draft of the resolution read as of Monday night.
A university spokeswoman did not respond to requests for com-
ment.
The measure comes as Cornell has grappled with its response to a lawsuit filed by a former student, identified as Jane Doe, who accused seven members of the Chi Phi fraternity of sexual assault at a house party in October 2024.
Less than 24 hours after faculty senators began sharing their plans for the vote, a panel of 11 university officials held a virtual webinar-like meeting with professors and staff members, reading prepared remarks and taking vetted questions.
Mr. Kotlikoff called what happened a “horrific” assault several times and said that he wanted Cornell to “become a model for what it looks like to change culture,” according to a recording obtained by The New York Times.
In interviews with four faculty and staff members who attended the meeting, though, all said they were frustrated by parts of the response — and the rigid format of what was promoted as a “town
hall."
Mr. Kotlikoff expressed concern that shutting down fraternities could simply move problems “into the shadows.” To several who attended, that statement felt like a retreat from his Saturday pledge to take a “a serious look at the role of fraternities and sororities on campus.”
The meeting featured a lengthy discussion of the Title IX process for investigating allegations of sexual assault, but some saw an administration whose central message was: The system we have in place ultimately did its job.
“I was very unsatisfied,” said Anne Marie Brady, a research director in the Worker Institute at the university’s School of Industrial and Labor Relations.
“They’re very much on the defensive,” she said. “They’re in the phase of just not wanting to acknowledge that this administration played a crucial role in why we’re at this place that we are today.”
Another member of the faculty senate, Iris Packman, said that she walked away with questions left unanswered.
“I did not see any concrete examples of how change has happened,” Ms. Packman said. “To
A symbolic rebuke, but one with a sting for administrators.
me, it's also quite shocking that the president would call it horrific sexual assault, name it for what it is. But then also say 'Well, we did nothing wrong.'
She added: “I certainly think he has lost the confidence of many of the faculty and staff, students and alumni.”
The turmoil on Cornell's campus followed Jane Doe's allegations that she was plied with drugs and raped over several hours beginning on Oct. 19, 2024.
The Tompkins County district attorney reviewed a complaint filed by the woman in 2024 and declined to prosecute. All the accused men have denied wrongdoing, and none have been charged with a crime.
If the faculty were to pass a no-confidence resolution concerning the university's administrators, it would not lead to their removal, Richard Bensel, a professor of government and a member of the senate, acknowledged on Monday.
But he added that it would be potent, still, for the sting of disapproval it would deliver to those in charge of the university.
Ariana Kim, an associate music professor and faculty senator, summed up the message such a vote would send to Cornell's leadership: "We don't believe you're fit to run this institution."
Last week, Gov. Kathy Hochul appointed the New York state attorney general, Letitia James, as special prosecutor, empowering her to conduct her own criminal investigation into Jane Doe's allegations.
And on Monday, thousands of students, joined by some faculty members, gathered in protest in the center of the university's campus and marched to a main administrative building. Many members of the Cornell community who attended the protest directed their frustration at the university president, Mr. Kotlikoff.
Administrators were expected to hold another meeting Wednesday afternoon with a select group of alumni volunteers and leaders.
In their meeting with faculty and staff members on Tuesday, college officials noted that some are teaching classes in which accused men who remain on campus are among the enrolled students
— which those instructors say has been a challenge.
Kavita Bala, the provost, promised that Cornell would help find solutions for the “difficult situations that you’re dealing with.”
布莱恩·J·维萨利(Brian J. Visalli)是一名拥有 24 年资历的国税局资深员工,专门调查复杂的离岸避税天堂。他曾公开批评该机构,撰写文章指责其不愿积极打击跨国公司用来逃税的方案。他参与编写了两份由税务行政总监(Treasury Inspector General for Tax Administration)发布的报告:一份关于国税局内部的利益冲突,另一份关于该机构拒绝调查那些设计并销售激进税务策略的顾问。
Education Dept. to Question Handling of Sex Abuse in New York City Schools
GABRIELE HOLTERMANN-GORDEN/SIPA, VIA ASSOCIATED PRESS
The agency's Office for Civil Rights will investigate allegations of abuse by school employees against students in eight states.
By MATTHEW HAAG
The U.S. Education Department has opened an investigation into the New York City Department of Education's handling of sexual misconduct cases in its schools, the latest action by the Trump administration against the largest school system in the country.
While the agency on Tuesday announced that its Office for Civil Rights will investigate allegations of sexual abuse by school employees against students in eight states, the department singled out its probe in New York City. Federal officials said they would review allegations that the district had fostered a “systemic and disturbing pattern of enabling abuse” and allowed educators accused of misconduct to keep their jobs. The department did not disclose the source of the allegations.
Kimberly Richey, the assistant secretary for civil rights at the Education Department, said on Tuesday on WABC's "Cats and Cosby" radio show that there had been nearly 2,000 cases of sexual abuse against students by employees in the city's schools.
But that claim appears to be a misreading of a recent report by The 74, an education news outlet, which found that there had been 1,973 recent lawsuits alleging sexual abuse by school personnel over decades across New York State, including at private and Catholic schools.
Nicole Brownstein, a spokeswoman at the city's Department of Education, said that the school system took “allegations of abuse very seriously.”
“Every student deserves to be safe in school and every staff member must be held to the highest standards,” Ms. Brownstein said in a statement. “If an allegation arises, we immediately take steps to provide support for the student, refer the case to the appropriate investigatory body, and pursue disciplinary action.”
School districts across the country have long been accused of letting educators who face allegations of wrongdoing quietly resign or retire without alerting the authorities or marking their personnel files, allowing them to pursue work in other school systems. The practice is known in education circles as “passing the trash.”
The investigation marked the latest clash between the Trump administration and the New York City school system, which has 884,000 students in 3-K through 12th grade and about 75,000 teachers. Ms. Richey noted that the investigation could lead to penalties that include the withdrawal of federal funding. About \$2.3 billion of the school system's budget, or about 5 percent, comes from the federal government.
“Are they handling these complaints appropriately?” Ms. Richey said on the radio show. “Are they doing what they’re legally required to do to protect students in
New York City public schools? That is part of what we're going to uncover."
On Tuesday, the department also announced similar investigations in school districts in California, Colorado, Georgia, Missouri, North Carolina, Texas and Virginia. They focus on possible violations of Title IX, the federal law barring sex discrimination in educational programs funded by the federal government.
In New York City public schools, allegations of sexual misconduct and wrongdoing by school employees against students are investigated by an independent law enforcement agency, the Office of the Special Commissioner of Investigation.
Every year, the agency receives about 10,000 complaints, including for financial fraud, waste and abuse, but many of them are not investigated because some are unsubstantiated and others do not fall under the office's purview and are referred to the Department of Education or other agencies.
From 2020 through 2025, investigators looked into about 900 cases of sexual misconduct by school employees and substantiated allegations in nearly 300 of them, according to the agency's records. Investigators often refer cases to prosecutors for criminal charges and, in a majority of sexual misconduct cases, make recommendations to school administrators to terminate the employees.
In New York City and elsewhere, school employees under investigation sometimes resign before a review has been completed and before they could face disciplinary action. In some cases, the Department of Education has reassigned employees found culpable of wrongdoing and not terminated them despite recommendations by investigators.
The federal Education Department opened another civil rights investigation of New York City's school in April, saying it was looking into the teachings of a group known as N.Y.C. Educators for Palestine. The school system said the group was not affiliated with it. A year ago, the Trump administration withheld more than \$35 million in grants from the city's magnet schools, an action that a judge later ruled was improper.
A political sociologist at Harvard and the author of “The Paradox of Participation: Organizing Authoritarianism in Democratic Brazil.”
THE millions of Brazilians who went to the polls on Sunday have delivered the far right its most decisive triumph since the end of the country's military dictatorship in 1985.
The race pitted President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, the 80-year-old leftist incumbent known almost universally as Lula, against Senator Flávio Bolsonaro, the eldest son of Jair Bolsonaro, the former president, who is serving a 27-year sentence for plotting a coup in 2022. As it has consistently since 2014, the right outperformed its final polls in the vote, with Mr. Bolsonaro winning 47 percent to Mr. Lula's 45 percent, and Mr. Bolsonaro's allies winning a majority of seats in the Senate. The two will head to a runoff on Oct. 25, with Mr. Bolsonaro looking poised for a victory.
How is Flávio Bolsonaro — the son of a convicted coup plotter who is himself under criminal investigation for corruption — now the favorite against Mr. Lula, a global icon of the social democratic left?
Economic grievance, backlash against cultural change, polarization and the erosion of democratic guardrails are all among the reasons voters around the world are turning to far-right leaders. In Brazil, Mr. Lula and his supporters add foreign interference to that list, pointing to the Trump administration's efforts to tip the scales in Mr. Bolsonaro's favor through tariffs, visa revocations and State Department funding for groups that oppose Brazil's Supreme Court. A Flávio Bolsonaro presidency would give Washington another subordinate partner in Latin America. It could also bring a pardon for his father and amnesty for the rioters who stormed Brasília on Jan. 8, 2023.
Another crucial answer lies in how Brazilians take part in civic life. A democracy's health depends on whether and how its citizens participate, and in Brazil, the trends are discouraging. I've been conducting fieldwork on Brazil's political movements since 2013, and what I've seen is that even though Brazilians vote and take action in large numbers, they increasingly do so in ways that strengthen authoritarian politics.
Until last weekend, a casual observer could be forgiven for thinking of Brazil as a rare beacon of progressivism and democratic stability in a region that has recently swung hard to the right. Since Brazil's transition to democracy, the country's most marginalized groups, including peasant, Indigenous and Afro-Brazilian communities, have experienced improbable economic and social gains. From 2003 to 2014, Mr. Lula and his handpicked successor, Dilma Rousseff, made huge strides in reducing poverty, illiteracy and hunger and increasing college enrollment. Mr. Lula, a former lathe operator with an elementary school education, left office in 2011 with the highest approval rating ever recorded for a Brazilian president. So activated was its citizenry that at one point during the mid-2010s, more protesters took to the streets in Brazil than in the rest of the world combined.
More recently, the country's Supreme Court tried and convicted Jair Bolsonaro for plotting to stay in power after losing the
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科技
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📄 Original Section
Brazil is fertile ground for authoritarians, no matter who wins its election.
2022 election to Mr. Lula, leading many observers to celebrate Brazil's democracy as healthier than that of the United States, where President Trump has not been convicted for his role in the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the U.S. Capitol. Since Mr. Lula returned to power in 2023, poverty and unemployment levels have reached record lows and exports are up over 10 percent this year, despite Mr. Trump's tariffs.
A closer look at Brazil's civic terrain tells a less triumphant story. Take the Supreme Court: A huge corruption scandal has thrown it into crisis, and Brazilians now distrust it more than any other institution. The justices' stern treatment of Mr. Bolsonaro was never a good proxy for the rule of law; courts are an essential bulwark against authoritarianism, but they can't do it alone.
The demonstrations that seemed such a marker of civic engagement were not representative of the country as a whole, much less of the poorer, less-educated voters who formed Mr. Lula's base. The protests of 2013, which began over a bus-fare increase and grew into a revolt against the entire political class, including the government of Ms. Rousseff, drew crowds that were far better educated than the national average. Participants in the marches of 2015 and 2016 to impeach her were also whiter and richer than the country as a whole.
The Brazilian right has expanded its reach through a constellation of increasingly influential conservative think tanks and online grass-roots networks. These movements lack formal leadership or a coherent ideological program, instead orbiting and exhibiting cultlike loyalty to figures like Mr. Trump and both Bolsonaros. They campaign year-round, say and do what a candidate cannot and recruit activists who have never before cared about politics. Their most visible figures are pastors, gospel singers and YouTubers with audiences in the millions, some of whom won office on Sunday with record vote totals.
In Brazil as elsewhere, the self-governing associations that once tied poor and working-class voters to the left have withered. Union membership has nearly halved from 2012 to 2025, and Mr. Lula has lost significant ground among low-income voters. That is in part because of the decades-long move on the part of Mr. Lula's party, known as the PT, to abandon exhaustive local organizing and professionalize around winning elections and governing rather than tending to its base. Absent that well-organized base, the PT still depends on the aging Lula, a generational political talent with no true successor in sight.
There is one institution that stepped into that vacuum and now reaches many of Mr. Lula's former supporters: the evangelical church. Evangelicals went to 27 percent of the population in 2022 from 9 percent in 1991, a gain of over 30 million people. In many of Brazil's poorest neighborhoods, Pentecostal churches are far more engaging than any party or social movement. Three in four congregants attend a service, or culto, at least weekly. These church networks are now the right's durable base, with the faithful following their pastors' political cues to vote on moral rather than material interests.
In a party system as weak as Brazil's, where few voters belong to or identify with any party, income and religion carry no fixed political valence, so whoever does the organizing helps determine the constituency's politics. A poor Pentecostal woman in the São Paulo periphery is not a born Bolsonaro voter; indeed, evangelicals spent over a decade allied with the PT. But if a pastor is there every week to help her map her faith to politics, a Bolsonaro voter she will become. In return, the faithful — who get little from the state and even less from the parties that claim to speak for them — are given order, sobriety and a community that always remembers your birthday, as one local resident told me. Now, for the first time since 2014, more Brazilians identify as right-leaning than any other ideology — a shift that maps onto the right's extraordinary success this past weekend.
ADRIANO MACHADO/REUTERS
A win by Mr. Lula in the Oct. 25 runoff, while not impossible, is looking increasingly unlikely. His most plausible path to victory would be to turn out some of the 33 million registered voters who stayed home in the first round — but reaching them in three weeks is work for the kind of neighborhood-level organization that his party stopped building decades ago. This should concern anyone who is anxious about an even more reactionary Bolsonaro presidency.
The long-run patterns of how ordinary Brazilians participate in public life should worry small-d democrats even more. Over the past generation, the organizations that exist to answer to a pastor, fuel online outrage or mobilize around an exclusionary figurehead have grown, while the civic organizations that are supposed to answer to their members — unions and mass parties — have emptied out. Until more people belong to organizations they help govern, Brazil's civic terrain will remain fertile ground for authoritarian politicians of any ideological stripe, no matter who wins this election.
波士顿动力选择 Alexa 科学家出任首席执行官
由现代汽车集团(Hyundai Motor Group)拥有的类人机器人制造商波士顿动力(Boston Dynamics)表示,已任命 Rohit Prasad 为首席执行官,自周三起生效。
Prasad 先生此前曾担任亚马逊 Alexa 及通用人工智能的高级副总裁兼首席科学家。
物流
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📄 Original Section
She Was Being Executed, Then She Was Being Saved. What Now?
Joel Zivot
An anesthesiologist and intensive care physician who consulted on Christa Pike's case before her attempted execution.
LAST Wednesday night, Christa Pike lay strapped to a gurney at Riverbend Maximum Security Institution in Nashville while the State of Tennessee injected pentobarbital, a sedative that is lethal in high doses, into her veins. When the first dose did not kill her, the execution team gave her a second. At one point, she told the room her arm felt as if it were about to burst. She was nearly correct. More than an hour after the procedure began, an ambulance was called. She was severely injured, but still alive.
By Thursday, Ms. Pike was in critical condition, receiving lifesaving care. In a matter of hours, she had gone from a prisoner the state was trying to kill to a patient doctors were trying to save. Ms. Pike was unconscious and unable to breathe without a ventilator for nearly a week. On Tuesday, her lawyers reported that the ventilator had been removed and that she could speak, but her long-term prognosis remains unclear.
I am an anesthesiologist and intensive care physician. I have studied pulmonary complications and respiratory distress caused by lethal injection, and I know of no other case in which a person was given lethal injection drugs and then carried from the execution chamber to a hospital bed.
Ms. Pike's lawyers retained me as a medical expert in the months leading up to her execution. I reviewed her medical records and warned her team that she had medical conditions that could lead to a painful and cruel death by lethal injection.
Tennessee has not explained what went wrong last Wednesday night, but the evidence so far points in one direction. Ms. Pike has small veins, which make it more difficult to insert an intravenous line. After the pentobarbital was administered, her arms turned purple. Her lawyers report blistering and burning at the injection sites. That suggests that at least some of the pentobarbital entered the tissue of her arms rather than her bloodstream because the intravenous lines failed.
Gov. Bill Lee has said that as far as he knows, the Department of Correction followed its protocol exactly. I take him at his word. That is the problem. Lethal injection failures are not glitches; they are features of the process.
In 1995, at 18, Ms. Pike and two others tortured and killed Colleen Slemmer, a fellow student in a job-training program. Nothing I write here asks anyone to forget that. My focus is on the cruelty that the state subjected Ms. Pike to last week and the pattern of botched executions that has plagued this country's death chambers for decades.
Pentobarbital is highly alkaline, like bleach, and when injected into tissue, it causes a severe chemical burn. In Ms. Pike's case, it appears that enough of the drug reached her brain to sedate her deeply, but not enough to stop her breathing. I cannot rule out that the drug itself was degraded, because Tennessee, like other death penalty states, does not disclose how it buys and prepares it. This is a state whose own independent review found that none of the drugs prepared for the seven people it executed between 2018 and 2022 had been fully tested.
Ever since Oklahoma became the first state to adopt lethal injection in 1977, prison officials have tried to make executions appear like medicine: There are gurneys, intravenous lines and heart monitors. But lethal injection is a sinister impersonation of the medical profession. There is no patient, no consent and no healing purpose. Even the drug is miscast. In the hands of the physician, pentobarbital is a medicine. I use drugs like it regularly in my intensive care unit to sedate critically ill patients. In the hands of the state, pentobarbital is a poison. Pentobarbital is not a painkiller, and when it is injected by the state, no one can say when a prisoner stops feeling pain.
This medical impersonation hides a great deal. I have reviewed the autopsies of more than 200 people executed by lethal injection. In most of them, the prisoners' lungs were heavy with fluid, often with froth in the airways. Those are signs of pulmonary edema, which suggest that the prisoners could have felt as if they were drowning, even if some looked peaceful as they were dying.
Lethal injection failures are not glitches; they are features of the process.
After Tennessee executed Byron Black last year, his autopsy found the same thing. Witnesses reported that he moaned and said, "It's hurting so bad," during the execution. In May, Tennessee's execution team spent about an hour trying and failing to place an intravenous line in Tony Carruthers. In desperation, and because the state's execution protocol said they could, they tried to insert a central line in Mr. Carruthers's chest. That failed, too, leaving Mr. Carruthers deeply shaken and bleeding from multiple puncture wounds. While aspects of Ms. Pike's case are unique, the cruelty she experienced in the execution chamber is not an aberration.
Consider what a hospital team faces when a patient like Ms. Pike arrives. In my intensive care unit, a massive overdose is a familiar emergency. We secure the airway, support the blood pressure and monitor the brain. We watch an arm swollen by drug use to check for dying tissue and for pressure that can choke off its blood supply. Dying muscle cells leach poison into the bloodstream and deliver it into the kidneys. We count the minutes that passed before anyone called for help, because the brain keeps that count too.
It may take months to fully understand the extent of the damage that has been done to Ms. Pike's body. Given that Ms. Pike was taken to the hospital over an hour after the lethal drug was administered, it is very possible that she sustained injuries that, despite excellent medical care, may prove durable and disabling. She faces a very long road to recovery.
No one in the hospital where Ms. Pike is being treated would call what happened to her a medical procedure. To them it is a poisoning, and she is now a patient entitled to health care. Same body, same drug, same night: In one room it was called an execution; in the next it was treated as an injury. The doctors caring for Ms. Pike now owe her everything medicine can give. If they succeed, they will hand her back to the state that may try to kill her again.
The Supreme Court has ruled that the Constitution does not guarantee a painless execution, a decision states such as Tennessee cite to defend their lethal injection protocols. Very well. Then states should stop telling the public that lethal injection is clinical and not cruel. The illusion does not fool death row prisoners. I was a medical expert in three separate execution cases in Tennessee over the past 10 years. In each instance, the prisoner elected to die by the electric chair instead of by lethal injection.
Some states have already turned to nitrogen gas and firing squads. Christa Pike asked to be hanged. I do not endorse those methods. But they, at least, do not pretend to be medicine.
The deeper question is whether a state that executes its citizens is willing to look at what it is doing. Lethal injection was designed so that it would not have to. It puts the violence behind a sheet and a saline drip, and behind curtains that close the moment something goes wrong. After the pentobarbital failed to stop Ms. Pike's heart, the prison staff closed the curtains separating the execution chamber from witnesses for nearly an hour. The blinds could not conceal what had happened. A woman left the death chamber in an ambulance, and the only people who could help her were doctors.
willing to interact with political rivals in real life.
Dr. Rogers is a professor at the Harvard Kennedy School, where Ms. Feldman is a doctoral student. Mr. Valenta is the executive vice president for strategy and analytics at Fox Sports.
A LANDMARK study tracked smartphone locations of 10 million Americans over Thanksgiving 2016, soon after Donald Trump's election victory. When people shared a meal with family members who voted for the opposing party, they cut their visits short by 30 to 50 minutes.
If you believe that your cousin or uncle across the table is not just misinformed but also a morally corrupt monster, you don't stick around for pie and coffee. But what if people stayed — not for the company, but for the afternoon's football game?
Many dismiss sports fandom as a trivial, tribal distraction: knuckle-dragging adults yelling at TVs while watching elite athletes throw, bat, kick or catch balls. Our research highlights how important this seeming triviality is to civil society: Sports might be the last remaining American cultural institution that spans our political divides.
Across a series of national surveys of 50,674 Americans, we found that every fan base in Major League Baseball, the National Football League and top college football programs remains politically diverse. Our team allegiances bring us into contact with people from the other side to cheer together in common cause. We high-five one another along the way. Ohio State versus Michigan? Packers versus Bears? Yankees versus Red Sox? For fans following these longtime rivals, passion for their team often dwarfs their political passion.
The most conservative fan bases in the N.F.L. — those of the Tennessee Titans and the Jacksonville Jaguars — still count one Democrat for every two Republicans. Conversely, the most progressive fan bases — those of the Los Angeles Chargers and the New York Giants — display that exact ratio in reverse. The same is true of fan bases of M.L.B. clubs and leading college football teams. Another study analyzing geolocated mobile phone traffic uncovered that with the exception of airports, the most politically integrated public spaces in modern American life are sports stadiums.
We cheer in mixed company, regardless of whether we realize it. But can high-fiving a stranger over a Notre Dame touchdown against Penn State actually translate into improved civic health?
To find out, we ran a series of experiments pairing political adversaries. In a survey environment, we introduced participants to someone who voted for the opposite party and varied what else they knew about that person. The depolarizing impact of shared fandom was startling.
Learning that political opponents cheered for the same team increased personal warmth. Knowing you are both Cubs or Astros fans, say, is more important, on average, than discovering the other guy shared the same race, educational background or home region. In fact, shared fandom was consistently as powerful a positive force as shared religion. (Red Sox Nation is a religion, right?) Perhaps most crucial, shared fandom made participants more
When you learn that someone celebrates or commiserates over the same walk-off home run, you can't help perceiving that person as more similar to you than before. A subtle, often imperceptible shift occurs: They care about what I care about. They aren't single-dimensional, immoral caricatures.
Social scientists attribute our deeper animosities to the rise of the “mega-identity.” Decades ago, our identities were an eclectic tapestry: You might have been a Presbyteri-
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全球股市下跌,华尔街从高点回落
📄 Original Section
Yankees versus Red Sox? For fans, team loyalty often dwarfs political identity.
an, a proud Philadelphian, a union carpenter and an occasional Republican voter. Today, partisan politics increasingly consume those distinctions. Partisan mega-identities influence where we live, whom we date, what we watch, how we use social media, what brands we consume. Our political affiliations are blinding us from seeing one another.
Not long ago, a friend was at a bar in Washington and noticed two acquaintances strike up a spirited conversation. She feared trouble: One was wearing a red MAGA hat; the other was a staffer at a progressive think tank. When she listened, she learned they were commiserating over the agony of being Washington Commanders fans. In that moment, they weren't partisans locked in an existential culture war — they were two fans who lived for the same team, bemoaned the same losses and had the same posters on their walls growing up.
Bipartisan fandom is not a reform that needs to be concocted or imposed or funded or mandated by legislation. Rooting for your team is widespread, persistent and naturally embedded in everyday life. We enter into it voluntarily and enthusiastically.
Seventy-six percent of American adults are sports fans, and about two-thirds of them say their fandom is central to their identities. This helps explain why 96 of the 100 most-watched
IGOR BASTIDAS
television broadcasts last year in America were live sports. Fandom cuts across partisan mega-identities.
Sports can't solve systemic political dysfunction. Nor are we making the case that fans are inherently noble or that teams or leagues are innately virtuous. Rooting for the Crimson Tide won't convert any fan from blue to red or resolve policy disagreements. Nor should it. Because the danger isn't so much that we disagree, but that we become irreparably estranged from and contemptuous of one another.
To resist this pull, we have to lean into our many diverse identities, and fandom is a promising one. Especially this fall: As midterm campaigns try to pull us apart, it's also peak sports season, with the M.L.B. postseason and the World Series, the N.F.L. and college football on the schedule.
Watching a game with a neighbor who votes for the other team won't fix Washington, and it won't change your politics. But instead of turning and walking away from each other, you might just do what our civic life requires: Stay in the room a little longer.
Re “Take Out Los Angeles”: What Trump Said, Exactly” (news article, Oct. 7):
The latest outrage from our norm-busting so-called leader of the free world? President Trump's comments to his supporters suggesting that Iran "take out" Los Angeles or San Diego, which were understandably met with anger by California officials.
Whether he is threatening the military destruction of another nation's civilization or suggesting the obliteration of American cities, the level of depravity in this man's soul appears unmatched by any of his predecessors.
Regardless of his intentions, words from a president matter, and those who wish us harm are listening. Mr. Trump is utterly unfit to be commander in chief or a leader of any kind.
TO THE EDITOR:
ANTHONY ARNAUD
LAGUNA NIGUEL, CALIF.
were the cheering and smiles on the faces of his adoring fans in response.
Despite the convoluted efforts of spinmeisters such as the White House communications director, Steven Cheung, to have us believe otherwise, Mr. Trump's casual remarks remain repugnant in the extreme. Anyone who laughs at them deserves no respect.
BRYAN L. TUCKER, BOSTON
Many of these same people often demand that voters like me, on the left of the political spectrum, make a good-faith effort to respect them and sympathize with their grievances.
President Trump's latest stream-of-consciousness abomination was bad enough, but what sickened me even more
TO THE EDITOR:
Re “Trump Has Moved the Boundaries of What Is Ethical” (White House Memo, Oct. 5):
Climate Risk
TO THE EDITOR:
Re “A.I. Threat Grabs Attention From Climate Risks” (front page, Sept. 23): This synopsis of twin crises matches my thinking, and my fears. But the A.I. crisis could be shut down more efficiently than the climate crisis.
Even if we curtailed fossil fuel use tomorrow, our planet would continue to warm, and the symptoms of this catastrophe — deadly heat waves, sudden floods and insidious wildfires — would continue to plague us for some time.
If only we had taken robust action to eliminate climate pollution decades ago, we would be in a much better place today. Eight million to nine million people would not die prematurely from fossil fuel pollution every year.
Oceans would be closer to their ideal temperature, allowing coral reefs to thrive. Thousands of acres of forests would be healthier. Heat waves would be far tamer. Droughts would have less of an impact.
In 1987, a group of world leaders met in Montreal to tackle the destruction of the ozone layer. They chose to ban ozone-damaging chemicals, and the ozone layer has been recovering ever since. Let's find our collective sanity! SALLY COURTRIGHT ALBANY, N.Y.
The online summary of this article says, “The president’s decision to hold an international summit at his own private golf club, an idea rejected in his first term, illustrates how much he has shattered norms.”
Even more striking is how much it illustrates how willing we have all been to go along with him.
JONATHAN P. LEVIN
NORTHAMPTON, MASS.
TO THE EDITOR:
No! Ethical boundaries are still the same. President Trump's choices violate — not alter — them. We will all do well not to confuse the two.
Re “Universities in U.S. Sound the Alarm on A.I., Even as They Embrace It” (news article, Sept. 17): Educational institutions need to double down on what it means for students to be in community with one another and what it means to be human. Instead, higher education is mired in a struggle over A.I. use.
Institutions need to refocus on their missions and remind educators that nurturing the core values of collaboration, creativity, purpose and ethics will stand the test of time and technology. It's not the technology. It's us.
A recent M.I.T. report warning that A.I. is causing “cognitive surrender” has come closest to getting this.
MATT LEVINSON, LOS ANGELES
The writer is the head of school at the Wildwood School and the author of “From Fear to Facebook: One School’s Journey.”
ROUGHLY one in six children in New Jersey lives in a household that struggles to afford enough food. Since 2024, the federal government has given families \$120 per eligible child for summer groceries. Children can qualify through several safety net programs — but because each benefit is run by a different agency, it is easy to miss someone. So New Jersey's Office of Innovation, which I began leading after its founding in 2018, built an artificial intelligence tool to match records across systems and find eligible children who hadn't yet been reached. Benefits were extended to 106,000 more children in the first year, and 96,000 the following year. No family filled out a form. The state used information it already had.
When the government repeatedly fails to listen to people, solve their problems and carry out basic tasks, it weakens confidence in democracy itself. I believe we can use A.I. to repair our broken institutions — and people's cratered trust in them — so they can better address today's challenges. There is no question that the potential misuse and reckless deployment of A.I. must be addressed to prevent future catastrophe. But we should not let the need to put guardrails around autonomous systems stop us from using A.I. to strengthen the civic institutions that keep our democracy strong and responsive.
The evidence for A.I.'s ability to improve government services goes beyond New Jersey. After the 2025 Los Angeles wildfires, California asked survivors what recovery should look like, and used A.I. to pore over more than 1,500 responses to determine the most pressing concerns and priorities. That has led to new plans by the state to bury power lines and strengthen emergency communications, and Gov. Gavin Newsom just signed a law making the A.I. effort permanent. Last year, the British government estimated that its A.I. tool Consult enabled it to sort more than 50,000 public comments in about two hours — something that would otherwise have taken weeks.
It is striking how much those examples reduce the friction people experience with government services. Now we must go a step further and put A.I. behind every public servant. That transformation can be achieved with three key investments.
Governments should train their entire work force in how to use A.I. to listen, learn and deliver better to the nation's constituents. Last year, Pennsylvania trained 175 state employees to use ChatGPT in their work; the state found it saved each one an average of 95 minutes a day on drafting, researching and summarizing dense documents.
Training also helps to avoid risks. A child protection worker in Victoria, Australia, who apparently had no training in A.I. used ChatGPT to draft a report on a case of abuse for the Children's Court, and failed to spot that the chatbot had misread severe danger signs. How can governments regulate these technologies intelligently if their own staff members don't understand them?
Public workers should get secure access to multiple models at once. That reduces dependence on a single company's technology and contract terms and lets workers compare which tools work best for which tasks.
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昨日亚洲股市表现 ...
📄 Original Section
I've seen how new technology can repair our broken institutions.
Governments can also use their enormous purchasing power to demand more from A.I. companies and to build more A.I. with them. In return for providing government funding, South Korea is securing contracts with multiple tech and telecom companies to give A.I. access to all of its 51 million citizens. The companies will keep the basic version of the service (which includes access to three chatbots) free and unlimited, and run it mostly on Korean-built models. In Spain, public money has been used to develop and deploy a family of open-source A.I. models. States and cities in the United States should buy access to A.I. models jointly and build open models together, giving governments, communities and universities transparent, accountable and high-quality A.I.
Even when governments rent commercial A.I. models, they can own the products public servants build using them. At Adelaide Botanic High School in South Australia, a teacher, Rebecca Weber, used the school system's language model to build a tool that assesses students' English proficiency in 52 seconds, compared with about 30 minutes, which the traditional way took. The tool is now being rolled out statewide for trained teachers. South Australia operates a \$20 million fund that supports such pragmatic public sector experiments.
American states and cities are also beginning to share successful products. My students at Northeastern University, where I lead the A.I. for Impact fellowship, spend six months building A.I. tools with government agencies. Some have worked with the Massachusetts Federal Funds and Infrastructure Office to create a free tool that translates dense federal funding notices and walks staff through writing an application, helping towns without grant writers compete for money to fund lead-pipe replacement or road repair. Our program is now helping California, Colorado and Rhode Island develop their own versions of the tool.
We're so busy debating whether A.I. will destroy humanity that we don't ask how we might use it to deliver services, run elections, make laws and better listen to constituents. The evidence is all around us. What we need now is the commitment to use these tools in ways that really matter to people and to our democracy.
其他市场与经济动态
债券
货币
消费者利率
大宗商品
经济
经济 / 公司 / 诉讼
📄 Original Section
There's an art to making meaningful connections.
For 50 years, Sotheby's International Realty has connected exceptional properties with discerning buyers around the world. Through a network of 26,000 advisors across 86 countries and territories, we bring local expertise and global reach to every client relationship.
Allow us to introduce you at sothebysrealty.com.
3 ECONOMY
Minutes from the Federal Reserve meeting show that officials broadly backed multiple rate increases.
TECH | ECONOMY | MEDIA | FINANCE
4 AUTOMOTIVE
Porsche is trying to reinvent itself as a smaller company with a sharper focus on higher-priced sports cars.
Zion Williamson and the Pelicans believe he's found the key to turning around his N.B.A. career. It's his trainer.
The New York Times
THURSDAY, OCTOBER 8, 2026 B1
HARSHA VADLAMANI FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
At one building in Dr. Reddy's Laboratories' main campus in Hyderabad, 1,900 workers make over 100 generic drugs, 75 percent of which go to patients in the United States.
EMILY ELCONIN FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
One lifesaving drug made by Piramal begins its journey in Digwal, three hours west of Hyderabad, then travels 8,000 miles by air to Piramal's facility in Riverview, Mich.
A Look at India Illustrates Why Making Generic Drugs Is Hard
By ALEX TRAVELLI
HYDERABAD, INDIA — Most people have never heard of the F.T.O. U-3 factory in Hyderabad, India, but its products affect millions of Americans intimately.
Inside the sprawling facility, about 1,900 Indian workers for Dr. Reddy's Laboratories work around the clock to manufacture more than 100 generic drugs, including antihistamines, statins and antidepressants. Of the nearly one billion oral doses produced there each month, 75
Inexpensive labor and global supply chains are some of the obstacles to a Trump plan to grow the sector in the United States.
percent go to patients in the United States.
The scale of India's pharmaceutical industry has made it a cornerstone of the global drug supply. In a high-volume, low-margin business, India's ability to make pills at a small fraction of what they would cost elsewhere has created an almost insurmountable hurdle for the United States, which is trying to bring that production home.
President Trump has said he wants to bring generic drug production back to America, using tariffs to pressure pharmaceutical companies.
In a July social media post, Mr. Trump said he planned to impose a 100 percent tariff on generic drugs starting in 2028, followed by a 200 percent tariff a year later, when his term will have expired. Generics account for 90 percent of drugs prescribed in the United States, and 40 percent of them are made in India.
Whistle-blower claims his personal data was given to prosecutors in retaliation.
By JESSE DRUCKER
An Internal Revenue Service investigator sued the agency this month, claiming officials illegally leaked his confidential personnel records to federal prosecutors to punish him for years of whistleblowing on the agency's failure to tackle tax dodging.
Brian J. Visalli, a 24-year I.R.S. veteran, specializes in investigating complex offshore tax shelters. He has publicly criticized the agency, writing articles about its unwillingness to aggressively target schemes that multinational companies use to skirt their taxes. He contributed to two reports published by the Treasury Inspector General for Tax Administration: one on conflicts of interest within the I.R.S. and the other on the agency's refusal to investigate advisers who design and sell aggressive tax strategies.
He says the I.R.S. is using relatively small errors in his personal tax return to retaliate against him. The suit claims the I.R.S. illegally disclosed his employee and tax information to Justice Department prosecutors to discredit and fire him. The suit was filed in the U.S. District Court in the Northern District of Illinois. The I.R.S. did not respond to a request for comment.
Mr. Visalli's investigations included one into Malta pension plans, a tax-dodging strategy used by wealthy Americans. To fight the crackdown, promoters of the scheme hired lobbyist Ken Kies, who last year became the top tax official in the Treasury Department under President Trump.
In the past year, Mr. Visalli has written articles in Tax Notes, a trade publication, criticizing the I.R.S.'s record on pursuing multinational tax dodgers. He attacked his employer for failing to use a 2010 law requiring transactions CONTINUED ON PAGE B3
维萨利先生对美国国税局以及“滥用税务行业”的批评引起了右翼团体的攻击。总部设在休斯顿一个邮政信箱的反对该机构的组织——美国国税局问责联盟(Alliance for I.R.S. Accountability)主席查克·弗林特(Chuck Flint)在5月告诉《华盛顿审查报》:“这家伙只是美国国税局一长串似乎习惯于擅自行动的人员中的最新一个。”
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📄 Original Section
Trade Issues Boil for E.U. And China
By KEITH BRADSHER
BEIJING — The European Union and China are heading toward a trade showdown.
Europe's trade negotiators are meeting with Chinese officials on Thursday and Friday in Beijing. A week later, Europe's presidents and prime ministers will gather in Brussels to discuss industrial competitiveness with China, among other agenda items. Their concern is urgent. The region's trade deficit with China is running at 1 billion euros (\$1.1 billion) per day.
European officials blame an undervalued Chinese currency and Beijing's state-controlled banking system, which has supplied vast amounts of cheap credit to build export-focused factories.
Chinese officials offer a different explanation. They say much of the widening imbalance reflects Europe's surging imports of electric cars, solar panels, batteries and battery chemicals. European demand for those products has risen as the continent tries to combat climate change, adjusts to the loss of inexpensive Russian oil and natural gas and copes with the war in the Middle East — developments for which China argues it should not be blamed.
Europe is not alone in its concerns. China's export push has unnerved other trading partners, including the United States, as Beijing's trade surplus reached a record \$1.19 trillion last year.
Ursula von der Leyen, the president of the European Commission, warned in an address last month that Europe's trade deficit with China had reached a "tipping CONTINUED ON PAGE B4
S&P 500 7,801.77 ↓ -0.2%
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该机构资深员工写道,存在“制度性胆怯”。
诉讼称,美国国税局在2023年8月给维萨利先生发了一封信,称他未能按时全额缴纳2021年的税款。该机构认定这一失败属于“疏忽”且“并非故意”,并建议暂停职务一天,随后将其改为一封咨询信(管理人员经常使用此类信函来记录轻微违规行为)。但他声称,他的主管将此次事件升级,以此作为将其踢出岗位的借口。2024年夏末,维萨利先生向美国特别顾问办公室(U.S. Office of Special Counsel)提交了一份举报人报复投诉,该办公室是一个保护员工免受举报报复的独立联邦机构。
维萨利先生表示,一名美国助理检察官在几周后告诉他,美国司法部税务部门的人员根据一项最高法院案例——“吉格利奥诉美国案”(Giglio v. the United States)将他描述为“受损”人员。该案例要求检察官向辩护律师披露参与案件的执法人员过去任何不诚实的证据。
United Parcel Service said on Wednesday that it would hire 100,000 seasonal employees across the United States as it prepared for a spike in parcel volumes for the holiday season.
The holiday season is the busiest period for parcel delivery companies, during which daily volumes tend to double. Shippers and most retailers boost the hiring of temporary workers during the period from late November to early January.
The seasonal workers will help sort, move and deliver packages during the holiday rush, UPS said. The parcel delivery company hired 125,000 holiday season staff in 2024, but did not provide a com-
FireFly Robotics, which makes electric turf grass harvesters and autonomous golf-course mowers, on Wednesday filed to go public through a direct listing.
A direct listing allows a company to list its shares on an exchange without raising new capital or issuing new stock, enabling existing shareholders to sell their holdings.
Mr. Prasad will bring his experience turning physical A.I. breakthroughs into commercial success, Boston Dynamics said. He succeeds Robert Playter, who stepped down in February.
Registered stockholders plan to sell up to 27.1 million shares of the company's common stock in the listing.
Hyundai Motor Group said in January that it aimed to build a factory capable of manufacturing 30,000 robot units annually by 2028, when it plans to start deploying them across all of its manufacturing sites. REUTERS
MAANSI SRIVASTAVA/THE NEW YORK TIMES
parable hiring number last year.
I.P.O.
In January, the company said it would cut up to 30,000 operational jobs and close 24 facilities in 2026 in a bid to scale down shipments for its largest customer, Amazon, and shift toward more profitable shipments. REUTERS
FireFly develops autonomous and semiautonomous equipment for golf courses, sports fields and other turf-care applications, using A.I., machine learning and electric-drive technology.
The company had more than 900 autonomous mowing platforms, robotic harvesters and automated mowers in service globally as of June 30, according to its filing.
The Salt Lake City-based company changed its name from FireFly Automatix to FireFly Robotics in June this year
The company filed for an I.P.O. in October 2025 seeking to raise up to \$29.3 million, but withdrew it in March 2026. REUTERS
“中国人基本上在自力更生方面取得了成功,”华盛顿咨询公司 DGA-Albright Stonebridge Group 合伙人、前中国欧盟商会主席约格·武特克(Joerg Wuttke)表示。“他们还想从我们这里得到什么?他们生产的所有东西都过剩。而且由于规模效应,他们在各个方面都具有竞争力。”
多年来,北京追求自力更生在一定程度上是为了作为一种保险
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Stocks & Bonds
CRUDE OIL (U.S.)
\$88.28
-\$1.16
\$4,140.70
-\$46.40
By The Associated Press
U.S. stocks pulled back from their record on Wednesday.
Position of the S&P 500 index at 1-minute intervals on Wednesday -- Previous Close: 7,818.93
The S&P 500 slipped 0.2 percent, a day after topping its previous high set in August. The Dow Jones industrial average dropped 341 points, or 0.7 percent, while the Nasdaq composite fell 0.2 percent from its own record.
Stocks felt pressure as yields swung in the bond market. The yield on the 10-year Treasury climbed as high as 5.36 percent in the morning, up from 5.27 percent late Tuesday and near its highest level since 2002.
Higher yields put downward pressure on prices for stocks and other investments. They can also slow the economy by making it more expensive for everyone to borrow money. But the 10-year yield eased back to 5.28 percent later in the day after the U.S. Treasury sold \$39 billion of 10-year Treasury notes at an auction, where the median yield was less than 5.26 percent.
Yields also swung with oil prices, which continue to yo-yo amid uncertainty about when the war with Iran will allow the industry to return to normal.
The price for a barrel of Brent crude, the international standard, topped \$102 in the morning before falling back later in the day and eventually settling at \$100.20, down 0.4 percent. That's below the nearly \$110 it cost last month, but it remains well above its \$72 price from before the war began.
The International Energy Agency said Wednesday that its members supported accelerating the release of oil from inventories that they announced this year, with a particular emphasis on diesel fuel.
Also pushing up on bond yields are worries about how much debt the U.S. government and others worldwide have racked up, plus how much more they add to it by the day.
The head of the International Monetary Fund said Wednesday that record levels of debt for gov-
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📄 Original Section
The S&P 500 Index
ernments is one of the three major crosscurrents driving where the global economy is heading, along with artificial-intelligence technology and high energy prices.
"Some very tough political choices stare us in the face," the I.M.F. managing director Kristalina Georgieva said in a speech in Singapore.
She pointed in particular to France and Italy, among other European countries with high debt.
France's CAC 40 stock index dropped 1.2 percent for one of the world's biggest losses after yields for French bonds got back to jumping amid worries about the government's debt and strained budget. Protests across France have raised pressure on the government to increase spending, which could add further to its debt.
On Wall Street, Worthington Steel fell 6.9 percent after the metals processing and manufacturing company reported weaker results for the latest quarter than analysts expected.
The pressure is on companies to deliver big growth in profits. Such strength would help to support stock prices when the other big lever that affects stock prices, interest rates, is pushing downward.
Analysts have high expectations for this upcoming earnings reporting season. They're forecasting growth in earnings per share of nearly 30 percent, according to FactSet. If companies fall short of that bar, stock prices could easily fall further from their record heights.
Constellation Brands added 2.4 percent after the seller of Modelo beer and Robert Mondavi wine reported a stronger profit for the latest quarter than analysts expected. But its gain was restrained after it also gave a forecast range for profit over its full fiscal year whose midpoint was below what analysts expected.
In stock markets abroad, indexes fell across much of Europe and Asia.
South Korea's Kospi sank 2 percent for one of the world's largest losses following a sharp drop for SK Hynix, one of its two dominant stocks.
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关于:停车违章诉多名债务人。我将代表市执法官伯纳德·布莱克(Bernard Blake),由拍卖师拉斐尔·洛佩兹(Rafael Lopez)于 2026年10月13日(星期二)上午 10:00 在 FIVE J'S AUTOMOTIVE(地址:4825 Bedford Street, Bronx, IL 19 / 17 / 17 (A))公开拍卖以下车辆:
TOTAL ASSETS IN BIL. | 1 YR | 5 YRS | 1. Vanguard Total Bond Market Index Fund Institutional Plus Shares (VBMPX) | -1.7% | -0.6% | 389.1 | 2. Vanguard Total Bond Market II Index Fund Investor Shares (VTBIX) | -1.9 | -0.7 | 381.5 | 3. Dodge & Cox Income Fund Class X (DOXIX) | -2.1 | +0.5 | 106.3 | 4. American Funds The Bond Fund of America Class R-6 (RBFGX) | -2.0 | -0.5 | 100.2 | 5. Strategic Advisers Fidelity Core Income Fund (FIWGX) | -1.4 | -0.1 | 91.6 | 6. Fidelity U.S. Bond Index Fund (FXNAX) | -1.9 | -0.7 | 67.6 | 7. Baird Aggregate Bond Fund Class Institutional (BAGIX) | -1.7 | -0.4 | 55.7 | 8. PGIM Total Return Bond Fund -Class R6 (PTRQX) | -1.6 | -0.1 | 51.0 | 9. JPMorgan Core Bond Fund Class R3 (JCBPX) | -2.3 | -0.7 | 50.4 | 10. Vanguard Intermediate-Term Bond Index Fund Institutional Plus Shares (VBIUX) | -2.6 | -0.5 | 50.4 | Source: Morningstar
Fed Minutes Show Officials Saw More Work to Do to Quell Inflation
By COLBY SMITH
Federal Reserve officials overwhelmingly concluded that they had more work to do to quell inflation after raising interest rates at their September meeting, according to minutes from the meeting released on Wednesday.
Last month, the Fed voted to raise rates by a quarter of a percentage point to a range of 3.75 to 4 percent. It was the first increase since July 2023 and was supported by all 12 members of the policy-setting committee.
Projections released alongside the Fed's rate decision showed that 16 of the 18 policymakers who submitted rate estimates expected at least one more quarterpoint move by the end of the year. That would push rates to a range of 4 to 4.25 percent. Most wanted rates to stay at or above that level throughout 2027. Officials also raised their estimates for rates for 2028 and beyond compared with three months ago.
According to the minutes, many officials assessed that higher rates would be “prudent on risk-management grounds, providing insurance against inflation remaining persistently above target due to stronger-than-expected demand or further adverse supply shocks.” Others suggested that raising rates was necessary based solely on the current outlook for price pressures. Some also suggested that raising rates would guard against the public's losing confidence that inflation, which has overshot the Fed's 2 percent target for nearly six years, would eventually ease.
Moreover, several participants said they did not view the Fed's previous policy settings as either "restrictive or only mildly restrictive," suggesting that higher rates were necessary to slow down demand sufficiently and get inflation under control.
At a news conference after the rate decision, Kevin M. Warsh, the Fed chairman, described the increase as the central bank's attempt to remove a "dose of accommodation so that financial and credit conditions would be more consistent with our ultimate objectives." Mr. Warsh stopped short of affirming whether September's move was the first in a series of adjustments, reflecting his opposition to providing guidance about the Fed's next steps.
But Mr. Warsh's emphasis on the need to swiftly return inflation to the 2 percent target fueled expectations that the Fed might consider raising rates at its next two-day meeting on Oct. 27 to 28. That gathering is set to take place at a highly sensitive political moment, just days before the midterm elections.
Heavy-handed signaling from two senior policymakers in recent days — coupled with a softer-than-expected jobs report — reset those expectations, however, carving out more flexibility for the central bank to instead hold off on another increase until its final gathering of the year in December.
Last week, John C. Williams, who as president of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York is the vice-chair of the policy-setting committee, said there was “no need for urgency” in the wake of September’s increase. Two days later, Philip N. Jefferson, the Fed vice chair, said that assessing the timing of additional moves “may take more time.”
Both Mr. Williams and Mr. Jefferson are members of the “troika,” the central bank’s internal policy-steering group led by Mr. Warsh.
The minutes echoed this stance, even as it concluded that most officials believed one more increase was necessary by year end.
“Participants emphasized, however, that they approached each meeting with an open mind and decisions at future meetings would depend on incoming information and its implications for the outlook and the balance of risks,” the minutes said.
According to the minutes, most officials were more worried that inflation would intensify rather than ease. Many participants flagged that the “longer energy prices remained elevated, the greater the risk that cost increases in certain sectors could lead to broader price pressures.”
Tishman Speyer Buys Chrysler Building and Plans Big Upgrade
By LAUREN HIRSCH
The Chrysler Building, which opened in 1930, “is a building that every New Yorker feels like they own,” said Rob Speyer, the head of Tishman Speyer.
The Chrysler Building, the Art Deco skyscraper that has defined the Manhattan skyline since it opened in 1930, is poised for a makeover.
GRAHAM DICKIE/THE NEW YORK TIMES
Tishman Speyer, the large commercial landlord, along with a number of other investors, is buying the building for \$235 million and planning a substantial upgrade of its interiors.
The purchase caps more than a year of uncertainty after the building's previous owners ran into financial difficulty and were criticized for neglecting its upkeep while vacancies soared.
Rob Speyer, the chief executive of Tishman Speyer, said in an interview that his firm planned to restore the Chrysler Building's offices and common areas to their former glory.
“We're going to modernize the whole infrastructure of the building, whether it's doing a total overhaul of the elevators, or the stainless steel at the crown of the building, polishing it so that it shines,” Mr. Speyer said. “Because this is a building that every New Yorker feels like they own. Because when you see it on the skyline, it's your building.”
The 1,046-foot tower, designed by the architect William Van Alen, was once the world's tallest building. It has cycled through a list of tenants that have included the Western Union Telegraph Company as well as the Chrysler Corporation, which had its headquarters there for two decades.
The land under the building is owned by the Cooper Union — and Tishman Speyer will have to pay rent to the private college as part of a 150-year ground lease.
The deal represents a sort of round trip for Tishman Speyer. In 1997 the firm, one of New York's largest commercial landlords, purchased the Chrysler Building and other properties with partners for \$220 million. Afterward it restored many of the building's Art Deco flourishes, including the Edward Trumbull mural that adorns the ceiling in its lobby.
Tishman Speyer sold the majority of its investment in 2008 to Abu Dhabi's investment fund for \$800 million. Signa, an Austrian real estate company, and RFR, a New York-based development firm, bought the property in 2019 for about \$150 million, a purchase price that reflected, in part, competition from newer buildings and the escalating rents that Cooper Union charged. (In 2018, rent had skyrocketed from \$7.75 million to \$32.5 million.)
In 2023, Signa filed for insolvency and was ultimately forced to sell its share of the building. By 2024, RFR was behind on its lease payments, and a judge terminated its lease last year.
Mr. Speyer said he had struck a “new deal” with Cooper Union, declining to elaborate on the lease terms. “It’s a structure that’s going to be sustainable both for Cooper Union and for us,” he said.
Cooper Union has for decades used its lease payments to help provide substantial financial aid to students. The Tishman Speyer deal comes as the school seeks to “advance and sustain full-tuition scholarships for all undergraduates,” it said.
"The significance of this agreement is ultimately about what it makes possible for generations of Cooper Union students," Steven W. McLaughlin, president of Cooper Union, said in a statement.
Among the renovation plans: Tishman Speyer plans to turn the
61st floor — the one known for its stainless steel eagle gargoyles looking out over Manhattan — into a clubhouse, with food and drink on the inside and a terrace on the outside, which will be open to all building tenants. It will also add wellness services, including fitness options, to the arcade space below the building's lobby.
The agreement echoes a playbook the firm has employed at 30 Rockefeller Plaza, which Tishman Speyer purchased with other investors for \$1.85 billion in 2000. The firm led a series of renovations of that 70-story Art Deco building, and the famed ice rink adjacent to it, including a \$75 million revamp of the observation roof and the introduction of upscale dining and retail to its under-ground space.
High-end New York office space has been booming, boosted in part by the rapidly increasing footprint of artificial intelligence firms and by long-term bets signed by major Wall Street firms, like American Express. Demand for office leases in Manhattan in the first half of the year was the highest since 2002, according to data compiled by the investment management firm Colliers.
The limited supply of new office development and rising costs of construction have made refurbishing buildings like the Chrysler Building a more appealing option than breaking new ground, Mr. Speyer said.
A Beloved Motorcycle Is Caught In a U.S.-Canada Tariff Web
By FARAH STOCKMAN
The Trump administration last month banned all large Canadian-made motorcycles, including the Can-Am Spyder.
The Can-Am Spyder, a three-wheel roadster popular with riders of a certain age, has inspired festivals and its own national motorcycle club. About 25,000 "Spyder Ryders" flock to events like Spyderquest in Saratoga Springs, N.Y., and the Iron Butt Rally, which covers 11,000 miles in 11 days.
CEM OZDEL/ANADOLU AGENCY, VIA GETTY IMAGES
But now this beloved adult trike has become a victim of the Trump administration's trade war with Canada. On Sept. 29, the Trump administration banned all Canadian-made motorcycles, including the Spyder, along with certain alcohol and dairy products.
"It makes no sense to me whatsoever," said Harold Mette, 79, who founded the Spyder Ryders in 2011 after riding traditional motorcycles for about 40 years. A self-described "hot dog" — a term used for riders who like to go fast
— Mr. Mette bought a Spyder because its two front tires allowed him to take tight turns without risking a fall.
Mr. Mette said he was mystified about why his favorite vehicle ended up on the list of banned items.
“Quantitatively, in terms of total dollar value of imports and exports, it’s nothing,” he said.
The price of a 2026 Spyder starts at \$27,999, according to the company's website. Mr. Mette estimated that there are about 100,000 of the vehicles in the United States.
The Spyder is just one example of the many products that have become more expensive, or effectively unavailable, on both sides of the border because of tit-for-tat tariffs and trade restrictions. In the United States, the costs imposed on Canadian imports have threatened damage to the states and industries that rely on cross-border commerce, potentially denting support among voters courted by the Republican Party ahead of the midterm elections.
The Can-Am brand was once a symbol of close ties between the United States and Canada. The first Can-Am bike was built “through a collective effort” of individuals from Canada and the United States, which led to the name, according to a video celebrating the brand’s 50th birthday. Can-Am is owned by Bombardier Recreational Products, a Canadian company that manufactures products in Valcourt, Quebec.
Those close ties have soured since the start of President Trump's second term. He placed a 25 percent tariff on aluminum and steel from Canada in 2025, prompting Canada to retaliate with a 25 percent tariff on certain American products including Harley-Davidson motorcycles. Along with Kentucky bourbon, Harleys have repeatedly been the target of retaliatory tariffs.
In July, the Trump administration accused Canada of discrimination and announced a 50 percent tariff on certain Canadian products. Large motorcycles, including the Spyder, made the list. Canada imposed retaliatory tariffs on more than 700 American product categories, increasing the tariff on American motorcycles to 50 percent.
In September, the Trump administration banned large Canadian motorcycles, including Spyders. Officials used a long-dormant provision of the Tariff Act of 1930 known as Section 338.
"It's a negotiation tactic used to bring Canada to the table," said Nghi Huynh, practice leader at Armanino, an accounting and consulting firm.
Evan Chuck, an international trade lawyer at Brownstein, a law firm with a prominent lobbying practice, said the move was “a signal that the administration is willing to pull out all the stops.”
"The economic asymmetry in U.S.-Canada trade gives Washington enormous leverage," he added, noting that roughly 72 percent of Canada's merchandise exports go to the United States.
A statement from Bombardier Recreational Products said the immediate impact of the ban was expected to be limited, “as the vast majority of production and shipments for the current season
are completed."
The ban came at the end of the 2026 riding season and before the start of the 2027 season, according to Aaron Stroud, general manager of Freedom Cycle, a motorcycle dealership in Concord, N.H.
"If this had happened back in March and April, that would have really affected us," he said. He holds out hope that the trade dispute will be resolved by the spring. He said the company had taken his order for 13 vehicles recently, despite the ban.
It's unclear how much American manufacturers of three-wheeled motorcycles stand to benefit if the ban on Spyders turns out to be permanent. Polaris, a Minnesota company that makes the Slingshot, has lobbied heavily in Washington for tariff relief on imported components. Polaris hired Ballard Partners, which was founded by a Trump campaign-fund bundler.
In a statement, Polaris said it had not lobbied for a ban: “Our energy and resources are focused on the broader policies that impact significant portions of Polaris’s business.”
Mr. Mette, the Spyder Ryder founder, said that even if the ban on Spyders remained in place next year, he would never buy a Slingshot, which he said felt more like a car than a motorcycle.
He said his fellow riders would probably buy the Ryker, a smaller version of the Spyder that is made in Mexico, if the ban on Canadian motorcycles continued.
“But I doubt seriously whether it will last,” Mr. Mette said.
换句话说,“我们可能搞错了,但你敢说出去试试。”如果麦克布莱德在与裁判的互动中表现出敌意(无论是挑起冲突还是做出回应),他很可能才是那个受到场上处罚或联盟追溯处罚的人。(当时站在附近的 CBS 场边记者阿迪蒂·金卡布瓦拉表示,麦克布莱德并没有对西曼说脏话。在被问及这一系列事件时,红雀队拒绝发表评论。)
that generate tax benefits to have “economic substance.” He said the agency suffered from “institutional cowardice.”
The refusal to invoke that law “represents a fundamental abdication of the I.R.S.’s responsibility to protect the fiscal foundation of American government from sophisticated tax fraud masquerading as legitimate business planning,” he wrote.
The agency has turned tax enforcement “into a negotiation in which the government starts from a position of weakness and retreats from there.”
Jeffery Kadet, one of Mr. Visalli's co-authors and an adjunct professor on tax law at the University of Washington, called him "exemplary in his focus on understanding" complicated corporate tax strategies. "He has an energy and a commitment to the rule of law that is exactly what we, as a society, need," Mr. Kadet said.
Mr. Visalli's criticism of the I.R.S. and the "abusive tax industry" has drawn attacks from right-wing groups. Chuck Flint, president of the Alliance for I.R.S. Accountability, a group that opposes the agency, with headquarters at a Houston mailbox, told The Washington Examiner in May: "This guy is just the latest in a long line of people at the I.R.S. that seem to take matters into their own
The agency veteran wrote of ‘institutional cowardice.’
hands."
The lawsuit claims the I.R.S. sent Mr. Visalli a letter in August 2023 stating that he failed to fully pay his tax liability on time for 2021. The agency found the failure was an “oversight” and “not willful” and proposed a one-day suspension, then reduced it to a counseling letter, which managers often use to document minor misconduct. But he claims his supervisors escalated the episode as an excuse to push him out of his job. In late summer 2024, Mr. Visalli filed a whistle-blower retaliation complaint with the U.S. Office of Special Counsel, an independent federal agency that protects employees from reprisal for whistle-blowing.
Mr. Visalli said an assistant U.S. attorney had told him a few weeks later that Justice Department Tax Division personnel were describing him as “impaired” based on a Supreme Court case, Giglio v. the United States, which requires prosecutors to disclose to defense lawyers any past evidence of dishonesty by a law enforcement official involved in a case.
“For a federal criminal investigator, a Giglio label is a scarlet letter,” according to the lawsuit. The characterization “that Visalli was a witness whose credibility was so compromised that it had to be disclosed to criminal defendants could only have originated with unauthorized disclosures by I.R.S. officials concerning an investigation into a financial disclosure previously made by Visalli.”
In March, Mr. Visalli met with a special agent for the Treasury Inspector General for Tax Administration to report his supervisors' actions.
Despite internal findings in March that his tax failures were an oversight, the agency moved a month later to remove him from his job. He is still employed by the I.R.S.
Mr. Visalli is seeking damages for a withheld annual performance reward along with medical costs — including antidepression medication and expenses from a stress-induced fall and hospitalization — after the news of his pending removal.
E.U. and China Are Set to Meet as Trade Tensions Come to a Boil
Ursula von der Leyen, left, the president of the European Commission, has warned of a “tipping point” with China, and Friedrich Merz, right, the German chancellor, added to the pressure.
PASCAL BASTIEN/ASSOCIATED PRESS
ANNEGRET HILSE/REUTERS
FROM FIRST BUSINESS PAGE point," leading to "deindustrialization in the industrial heartlands of Europe."
Friedrich Merz, the German chancellor, and Emmanuel Macron, the president of France, added to the pressure on Monday, urging Brussels to expand its arsenal against economic imbalances. In a letter to Ms. von der Leyen, they called for a mechanism that could rapidly restrict access to the European market. European media quickly labeled it a “kill switch.”
Europe already has the right under the World Trade Organization's so-called safeguard rules to impose steep tariffs on broad categories of imports from all countries, but not against a single country. Beijing has opposed safeguard tariffs designed in practice to target Chinese exports and has hinted that it would retaliate if they were imposed.
“China will not accept any discriminatory measures,” said Tu Xinquan, dean of the China Institute for W.T.O. Studies at the University of International Business and Economics in Beijing.
For now, time favors Beijing. Each passing month adds more than \$30 billion to China's trade surplus with Europe, supporting hundreds of thousands of Chinese industrial jobs. At the same time, European manufacturers continue to weaken. Germany alone has been losing at least 10,000 industrial jobs each month, according to analysts.
Yet despite Europe's tougher language, China is seeking a compromise. “Both sides will ultimately seek to tackle those problems on a mutual benefit basis and maintain the overall trade relationship,” said He Weiwen, a prominent Chinese trade analyst.
Here are some of the key issues at stake.
Cars
The biggest point of friction — and perhaps the hardest to resolve — is China's rapidly growing automobile exports to Europe.
Two years ago, the European Union imposed tariffs of 7.8 to 35.3 percent on battery-electric cars from China, on top of its existing 10 percent tariff on imported cars. But the measure left a significant loophole.
The extra tariffs do not apply to plug-in hybrids that combine an electric drivetrain with a gasoline engine, even a tiny one.
Chinese automakers have already developed many such models. Their popularity began with a practical problem drivers in China faced. After electric-car sales started surging in China in 2020, urban families driving home for Chinese New Year often encountered villages with only one charger and long lines. Automakers responded by adding small gasoline engines as backups.
But China has built charging infrastructure at an extraordinary pace, reducing the need for plug-in hybrids. Chinese automakers have increasingly exported them instead.
Exports of plug-in hybrids have soared from fewer than 10,000 a month to almost 200,000 a month in just three years, with many going to Europe.
Beijing strongly opposes widening those E.U. tariffs to include plug-in hybrid cars. But European officials face growing pressure to respond, particularly after Volkswagen, struggling against Chinese competition, announced on Sept. 3 that it would cut another 50,000 jobs, bringing its total planned reductions to about 100,000.
The European Union is investigating imports from China's state-controlled Goldwind Science & Technology Company, the world's largest wind-turbine manufacturer. In February, the bloc issued a preliminary finding that Chinese subsidies were giving Goldwind an unfair advantage in Europe, potentially laying the groundwork for tariffs.
Goldwind has said it complies with all international and local laws and regulations and will cooperate with the investigation.
Wind turbines are among the technologies covered by the European Union's proposed Industrial Accelerator Act, an effort to rebuild the region's manufacturing by requiring key components to be produced in Europe and by restricting some foreign investment. Solar energy, chemicals and other industries are also covered.
In her address last month, Ms. von der Leyen said Europe had become dangerously dependent on China for rare-earth metals, which are crucial for automobiles, drones, lasers, semiconductors, jetliners, electronics and other advanced industries. After previously accusing Beijing of restricting rare-earth shipments to Europe, she called for the union to develop its own supplies.
China has tightened controls on exports of rare-earth processing equipment and restricted rare-earth technicians from leaving the country.
In July, Beijing also imposed stringent restrictions on rare-earth exports to 14 European companies, including Germany's leading defense manufacturer and several businesses that turn rare earths and other critical minerals, like antimony and tungsten, into the alloys and specialty chemicals that many manufacturers need.
E.U. officials and business leaders also complain that Beijing continues to limit foreign companies' access to the Chinese market.
In telecommunications, China has steadily replaced imported equipment with domestically manufactured alternatives and curtailed purchases from foreign suppliers. Nokia, the Finnish telecom giant, is closing much of its mainland China operations this autumn.
European makers of hospital equipment, pharmaceuticals and other products have encountered similar obstacles. China's state-owned companies have expanded at the expense of private businesses and have shown a particular reluctance to buy imports.
Yet European enthusiasm for the Chinese market is also fading for reasons beyond government policy. China's prolonged housing market downturn has left many Chinese households and companies with little money to spend, while industrial overcapacity has driven fierce price competition and eroded profits.
Jeanna Smialek contributed reporting from Brussels.
China's 'Self-Reliance' Focus Hurts Trade With E.U.
FELIX SCHMITT FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
A BYD car in Munich. China's hybrid cars make up a big share of its exports.
By SUI-LEE WEE
To understand Europe's growing alarm over its trade deficit with China, consider a striking statistic: China now sends six containers of goods to Europe for every one it gets back.
That ratio has more than doubled in China's favor over the last five years as Beijing's drive for greater economic self-reliance has expanded the range of goods China produces at home instead of buying from abroad.
Jens Eskelund, president of the European Chamber of Commerce in China, cited those figures last month and provided a simple explanation for why.
“China makes everything,” he said.
That is the dilemma confronting Europe as its trade deficit with China exceeds \$1 billion a day. European consumers and companies still want, and in many cases need, what Chinese factories produce. Increasingly, the reverse is not true.
"The Chinese are basically succeeding in self-reliance," said Joerg Wuttke, a partner at DGA-Albright Stonebridge Group, a Washington-based consultancy, and a former president of the European Union Chamber of Commerce in China. "What else do they want from us? They are producing everything in excess. And they are competitive left, right and center because of scale."
For years, Beijing has pursued self-reliance partly as insurance
Re: Parking Violations Vs Various Judgment Debtors. I Will Sell at Public Auction for City Marshal Bernard Blake by Rafael Lopez Auctioneer At 10:00 AM On TUESDAY OCTOBER 13, 2026 AT FIVE J'S AUTOMOTIVE, 4825 Bedford Street, Bronx, IL 19/17/17 (A) & TO THE FOLLOWING VEHICLES
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CITY MARSHAL BERNARD BLAKE
Badge #63 Phone (718) 528-4584 against the possibility that tensions with the West could expose economic weak points. Over the past decade, China has poured resources into industries and technologies intended to reduce its dependence on foreign suppliers.
The result is a trade relationship that has become more lopsided than the headline figures suggest. Falling prices in China mean that trade measured by value understates the sheer volume of Chinese goods entering Europe and the industrial overcapacity at the center of the trade dispute.
Mr. Eskelund has identified some of what those containers coming from China are carrying — household appliances, electronics, machinery, furniture, chemicals and textiles.
It was not always this way.
In the years after China joined the World Trade Organization in 2001, its economic relationship with Europe was more complementary.
While China supplied Europe with the affordable consumer goods that kept many Europeans happy, Europe sold China industrial machinery, luxury goods and high-end automobiles for a rising middle class.
The relationship began to change as Chinese manufacturing became more sophisticated and moved up the industrial ladder.
Chinese production of solar panels, aluminum and steel surged, pushing down global prices and battering European producers. At first, many Europeans regarded the fallout as confined to a few industries. At the same time, China remained an enticing growth market for European companies.
Then, China stepped on the gas.
In 2015, Beijing issued an industrial strategy called “Made in China 2025.” It set out China’s ambitions to dominate advanced manufacturing, targeting sectors including robotics, electric vehicles and green technology. One re-
Beijing sends out six containers for every one it gets back.
sult was enormous amounts of state-backed funding directed toward favored industries.
“Everyone still kind of reassured themselves that China could do the lower-value-add part of everything and that they would retain the higher-value part,” said Agatha Kratz, a partner who specializes in E.U.-China relations at Rhodium Group, a research firm.
Even as Europe remained broadly open to Chinese exports, European companies faced barriers inside China.
"As an ambassador there, I was tired of asking the Chinese to let our companies do the same things in China that their companies did in Spain," said Rafael Dezcallar Mazarredo, who served as the Spanish ambassador to China for six years until 2024. "They nodded politely, and they did nothing."
Under Xi Jinping, China's top leader, the country expanded its industrial aspirations. Beijing promoted a strategy called “Little Giants,” unleashing small and medium-size enterprises to build technology and address vulnerabilities in domestic supply chains. Another strategy paired greater economic self-reliance at home with continued access to foreign markets for Chinese exports.
To many European analysts, the direction was clear.
“It’s out-Germanying Germany,” said Andrew Small, director of the Asia program at the European Council on Foreign Relations.
Few industries illustrate the transformation more clearly than automobiles.
The Chinese government funneled at least \$231 billion to the car sector from 2009 to 2023, according to the Center for Strategic and International Studies, which described the figure as “a conservative estimate.”
More than 200 domestic electric vehicle manufacturers appeared in the Chinese market. The resulting production boom eventually exceeded China's own demand, causing a brutal price war and pushing brands to look abroad for growth.
By 2023, some of Germany's biggest automakers — nearly all of them with significant operations in China — were issuing profit warnings. Around the same time, China's E.V. makers started expanding into Europe.
When the European Union imposed additional tariffs on electric vehicles, Chinese carmakers increased exports of hybrid cars, which now make up a large share of China's exports to Europe.
When German media reported last month that Volkswagen would close four major plants in Germany, the announcement marked a turning point. German automakers had long been among the strongest opponents of measures that might provoke Beijing, urging restraint against tougher European trade policies.
Now, the German automotive industry association said it supported tariffs, opening the door for Germany to adopt a harder stance against China.
A decade ago, Mr. Eskelund said, “China made the pie bigger for everyone.” Now it’s taking market share in Europe at a time when European companies in China face a slower economy and fierce domestic competition.
Mr. Dezcallar, the former Spanish ambassador, said Europe still had some leverage over China because of its market of 500 million high-spending consumers. Beijing also has reason to avoid letting its economic relationship with Europe deteriorate to the level of its feud with the United States.
“It is not in their interest,” he said, “to have two open fronts at the same time.”
Porsche's New Look: Pricier Cars And a 25% Cut in Its Work Force
By JAMES PATON
STUTTGART, GERMANY — For years, Porsche's profits generated glowing headlines and powered its parent company, Volkswagen. But weakening demand in China, President Trump's tariffs and a costly reversal of its electric vehicle strategy have ended the company's hot streak.
Porsche is now trying to reinvent itself as a smaller company with a sharper focus on higher-priced sports cars. The company, famous for the iconic 911, said on Wednesday that it would slash a quarter of its work force and rein in ambitions in China after its profit margin plummeted to 1.1 percent last year from 18 percent two years earlier.
“Without those profits, it’s causing huge headaches in Wolfsburg,” the German city that’s home to Volkswagen, said Matthias Schmidt, a European auto industry analyst.
In fact, reviving Porsche, once regarded as the world's most profitable automaker, is one of the keys to turning around Volkswagen, which owns 75 percent of the company. Porsche, led by Michael Leiters, a former chief at supercar maker McLaren and an executive at Ferrari, is betting on "value over volume."
Porsche's problems are in many ways the problems of the German auto industry as it struggles to respond to mounting Chinese competition. After a successful decades-long run in China, Porsche and its parent fell behind homegrown rivals amid the transition to electric cars. Porsche once relied on China for more than a third of its sales volume. By 2030, China is expected to account for one in 10 deliveries.
“Competition has intensified, markets have become more volatile and in some regions — especially in China — conditions have changed fundamentally compared with just a few years ago,” Mr. Leiters told reporters at the company’s development hub near Stuttgart. “I don’t expect this environment to become significantly easier over the next few years.”
By about 2030, Porsche plans to slash 25 percent of its work force, or 9,000 jobs. But the cuts, some of which have already been announced, could reach as much as 30 percent. The company also aims to reduce development costs by as much as a fifth, while raising the average price of its top-end models by about 20 percent to 330,000 euros, or about \$370,000.
Unlike its German rival BMW, Porsche can “afford to shrink while leveraging Volkswagen economies of scale,” Stuart Pearson, an analyst at Oxcap Analytics, wrote in a report.
However, similar efforts at companies such as Mercedes have exposed problems with the strategy, underscoring the risks for Porsche, said Ferdinand Dudenhöffer, a German auto analyst and former industry executive. Lower sales could diminish Porsche's ability to compete with rapidly-innovating Chinese carmakers.
“That is part of the future, and part of the future which could be difficult for Porsche if they earn less money that they need for development,” he said.
Just four years ago, Porsche was riding high, valued at about €77 billion after being spun off by Volkswagen. Now Porsche is exacerbating its parent's problems, accounting for a €6 billion writedown announced by Volkswagen last month. Volkswagen cut its profit forecast and said it expected an operating margin of no more than 1 percent.
Mr. Trump's tariffs have hammered Porsche, which doesn't produce cars in the United States, imposing a cost of about €700 million last year.
But at the top of Porsche's list of worries is China, where fierce competition in the industry and a crunch in consumer spending have dented demand for high-end cars. The company's deliveries in China fell by almost a third in the first half of the year.
In China, “market dynamics have changed significantly,” Mr. Leiters said. “We do not believe it would be realistic or beneficial for the brand to pursue a return to those levels at any cost. Instead our objective is to take a conservative side on the market and build a more resilient business in China.”
Mr. Leiters plans to undergird his turnaround plan on Porsche's brand, which he called one the world's most valuable alongside companies such as Ferrari and Louis Vuitton. The company also said that it plans to develop a supercar platform that will “sit above” the 911 and is betting on a new version of the Macan sport utility vehicle with a combustion engine, expected in 2028.
Porsche is putting an increasing emphasis on trying to market its cars as exclusive, said Mr. Schmidt, the auto analyst. "It's kind of like haute couture, taking what the fashion industry does and adapting it to the passenger car market," he said.
The company, which once aimed to get 80 percent of its sales from electric vehicles by 2030, has scaled back its E.V. ambitions amid slower-than-expected demand.
Mr. Leiters is targeting an operating profit margin of 10 percent to 15 percent by about 2030 and 15 percent over a longer term.
“We have to be honest — none of this will happen overnight,” he said. “What I have described today is our medium-term ambition and achieving it will require a great deal of hard work.”
A Look at India Shows Why Making Generic Drugs Is Hard
FROM FIRST BUSINESS PAGE posed a new 100 percent tariff on certain pharmaceutical imports last week, it exempted generic drugs and many other products. Doctors and supply chain experts say taxing imported generics would raise costs, spur rationing and lead to shortages of crucial drugs.
A bus ferrying employees after work from a Piramal Pharma Solutions facility in Digwal, India. Piramal runs more than a dozen factories, including in Europe and the United States.
HARSHA VADLAMANI FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
HARSHA VADLAMANI FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
HARSHA VADLAMANI FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
EMILY ELCONIN FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
EMILY ELCONIN FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
EMILY ELCONIN FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
A chemical analyst loading vials for analysis using gas chromatography equipment at Piramal's manufacturing facility in Riverview, Mich.
Even a 200 percent tariff on generic drugs might not erase India's advantage. Sudarshan Jain, secretary general of the Indian Pharmaceutical Alliance, estimates that most tablets and liquids made in India would cost at least four times as much to produce in the United States.
India got its start in generics in the 1970s by prioritizing affordable drugs for its huge and mostly poor population at a time when Western multinational drug companies did not. For decades, India refused to recognize drug patents, while its manufacturers patented processes they devised to reverse-engineer medicines sold in wealthier markets.
By the time India's patent law was brought into accordance with World Trade Organization standards in 2005, its companies had become experts at processing complex drugs and producing them for much of Asia, Africa and Latin America. Around the same time, Americans started embracing generic drugs. By 2004, they started to account for more than half of prescriptions filled in the United States.
The greatest profits come from patented drugs, so “in the U.S., once it goes out of patent, you forget about it,” Mr. Jain said. “But in India, the entrepreneurs keep on working and developing it, and at these volumes, you get better at making it.”
That business is poised to grow. Over the next five to seven years, Mr. Jain said, 55 major patents worth \$300 billion a year will expire in the United States, widening the pipeline for Indian manufacturers.
India's advantage is not just expertise. Peter DeYoung, the American-born chief executive of Piramal Global Pharma in Mumbai, runs more than a dozen factories, including in Europe and the United States. In America, he said, labor is the highest cost "by a wide margin," followed by energy and materials. In India, it's the reverse: Materials are the greatest cost and workers the least.
Mennisha Paka, 23, supervises a line at the F.T.O. U-3 factory for Dr. Reddy's Laboratories, packaging generic metoprolol, a beta blocker prescribed to heart patients. She earns \$3,840 a year and uses part of her salary to pursue a bachelor's degree in pharmaceutical chemistry. One of her subordinates, Susmita, who goes by one name, earns about \$2,000 a year.
Both women make less than one-tenth the average salary of a worker in pharmaceutical manufacturing in the United States.
India has other advantages. Mr. DeYoung said factories and processes that took four years to set up in the United States, Europe or Israel — home to Teva Pharmaceutical Industries, the biggest generics maker — could be completed within a year in India. Customized equipment can be made in half the time it would take in Germany or Austria.
For years, relying so heavily on Indian factories had a downside: quality. A series of scandals beginning in the early 2000s tarnished the industry's reputation. The most notorious offender, Ranbaxy, sold subpar drugs and lied to the U.S. Food and Drug Administration about its processes before going under more than a decade ago.
A book about the scandal has since become required reading for many industry managers. Its epilogue said that as recently as 2019, the F.D.A. still announced Indian factory inspections days in advance, giving operators time to conceal shoddy practices.
That is no longer the case, at least among big manufacturers. Dr. Reddy's underwent a surprise inspection two weeks after Mr. Trump declared a tariff on generics. Piramal said its factories, including in Digwal, three hours west of Hyderabad, have undergone 415 inspections since 2012, including 49 from the F.D.A., with zero serious violations detected.
Piramal makes generics, but even more of its business is contract manufacturing for clients that hold drug patents. Keeping smaller factories in the United States makes it easier for some customers to keep tabs on production.
That geographic spread points to another problem with trying to produce all pharmaceuticals locally. Modern drug supply chains don't divide neatly into things made in America and things imported from elsewhere.
One sealed barrel among thousands in Piramal's main Digwal storeroom was made in India, shipped to Singapore and back, and bore the brand of a Japanese company with an American address.
Another drug, which Mr. De-Young would describe only as a lifesaving medicine to treat central nervous system conditions, begins its journey in Digwal, then travels 8,000 miles by air to Piramal's facility in Riverview, Mich.
Riverview, a quiet suburb of Detroit with broad lawns and white steeples, is a far cry from Digwal, where nearby villages still draw water from stone-lined wells. But specialized machines in Piramal's Indian and American labs collaborate to turn the medicine into its final form.
There are good reasons to pair facilities in India with plants in their destination market, Mr. De-Young said. Some drugs require especially dangerous chemicals, including some controlled by the Drug Enforcement Administration. Others, like sevoflurane, a generic anesthetic Piramal makes in both India and the United States, must remain available even if international supply
Clockwise from top left: A tablet packaging unit at a Dr. Reddy's Laboratories facility in Hyderabad, India; technicians in the quality control lab at a Piramal facility in Digwal; and vials and flasks used in testing at Piramal.
chains break down completely.
Which raises a more fundamental question than whether tariffs can force drug manufacturing back to America.
“So what problem are you trying to solve?” Mr. DeYoung asked about the prospect of a tariff on imported generics. Is it to bring back pharmaceutical jobs to American workers? Is it to safeguard supplies of vital medicines?
Even as Indian firms wrestle with the Trump administration's push to reduce its dependency on India, they are also grappling with their own reliance on another country for a critical part of the pharmaceutical supply chain.
Starting in the 1990s, China became the world's dominant manufacturer of the active ingredients that most drugs require. India is now trying to reclaim that ability.
That, Mr. Jain said, creates an opportunity for the United States and India to work together, instead of pulling their pharmaceutical industries apart.
“Unless we work together with the U.S., we’ll be dependent on China” for ingredients, he said. That’s why, he added, it makes sense for American buyers “to stockpile from India” instead of making it in the United States “for six, seven or eight times the price.”
度日(Heating Degree Days)
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📄 Original Section
Sports
The New York Times
A Fraternity
Of Survivors,
On a Bike
Or a Mound
M.L.B. Cancer Patients Trace Chain of Support to Armstrong
MATT ROURKE/ASSOCIATED PRESS
CHRIS GRAYTHEN/GETTY IMAGES
CAROLYN KASTER/ ASSOCIATED PRESS
JOEL SAGET/AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE — GETTY IMAGES
ELSA/GETTY IMAGES
JONATHAN DANIEL/GETTY IMAGES
JOHN MINCHILLO/ASSOCIATED PRESS
Chad Bettis, left, was on the Rockies when he received a call in 2017 from Lance Armstrong, top, about dealing with testicular cancer. Armstrong, who has found purpose since his downfall, helped create an unlikely support group of pitchers that now includes, from second from left: Carlos Carrasco, Nic Enright, Liam Hendriks, Jon Lester and Jameson Taillon.
'I felt this new responsibility to be willing to talk to people and be visible with it.'
In one moment on that night in November 2016, Chad Bettis's future seemed idyllic: a blissful marriage, a daughter on the way, an ascending pitching career.
The next moment, he was answering a call from the Colorado Rockies' trainer and then struggling to find the right words to explain to his wife, Kristina, that he
Zack Meisel is a senior M.L.B. writer for The Athletic.
had testicular cancer. He settled on: “This sucks. We’ll figure it out.”
They were at Jade Bar at the Sanctuary resort in Scottsdale, Ariz., celebrating their first anniversary. The top of their wedding cake was waiting for them at home. They sat there, paralyzed, for an hour, as their appetites vanished and their entrees cooled. They asked for the check.
About two months later, Bettis received an unexpected phone call from the cyclist Lance Armstrong. That's when things started
JAMESON TAILLON,
survivor of testicular cancer.
to make a little more sense.
Armstrong, a testicular cancer survivor, did more than just give Bettis a road map for dealing with cancer. His phone call heralded the creation of an unlikely fraternity within baseball: pitchers stricken with cancer who have taken Armstrong's original advice and passed it on.
The line stretches from Bettis to Jameson Taillon, then Liam Hendriks, Nic Enright and, most recently, Caden Scarborough, a Texas Rangers prospect. Jon Lester and Carlos Carrasco have contributed support, too.
Upon hearing the list of names and the ways they have all connected, Armstrong, whose own cancer diagnosis came 30 years ago, simply says, “Wow.”
In a way, he said, his cancer fight prepared him for his fall from grace: the doping scandal, the stripping of his seven Tour de France titles, the rapid demise of a revered persona, the messy divorce from a foundation that had made yellow rubber wristbands
On-Camera Incidents Spotlight an Inherent Imbalance
Jeff Seeman, left, was suspended for cursing at a player Sunday. Sean McVay, right, was told that a controversial call had been wrong.
San Francisco's Kyle Juszczyk was fined for a celebration in which he pretended to drink a beverage. The fine has been rescinded.
Lincoln Financial Field
EZRA SHAW/GETTY IMAGES
By JOURDAN RODRIGUE
The Athletic
When I saw the video of an N.F.L. line judge, Jeff Seeman, directing what appeared to be an angry profanity toward Arizona Cardinals tight end Trey McBride during a game on Sunday, my first reaction was shock. (Not because of the language; if you're around football at all, you will hear some language.)
Players and coaches argue with officials all the time — some coaches are notorious for it. Coaches and players can be flagged or otherwise penalized at that official's discretion. How many times have we seen clips of a coach screaming at a sideline judge, headset askew and spittle spraying, before that official, stone-faced, throws a yellow flag into the air?
To see an official cursing at a player, though . . . that virtually never happens. Until it seems like it did.
Seeman has been suspended for two games, the N.F.L. said on Monday. Another official, Adrian Hill, was suspended for one game after a separate incident in Sunday's Vikings-Dolphins game, during which Minnesota linebacker Eric Wilson appeared to accidentally run into Hill after a play. It appeared that Wilson tried to help Hill up, and Hill reacted animatedly in response.
A league source, who was granted anonymity because they were not cleared to speak publicly on the matter, specified that both suspensions were without pay. The league said both suspensions were for “an instance of unprofessional conduct,” on which point many would agree.
And sure, credit to the N.F.L. for acting swiftly on the matter. But what else was the league going to do? The video created accountability. You know, the thing the league makes sure the players face when it comes to officiating or even touchdown celebrations.
My second thought, after seeing the video of McBride and Seeman, was: What if a camera was not there to record the incident? Would Seeman still be held accountable? Or would this just turn into another story swapped between players, coaches and officials — all of whom can speak to the intense emotions of a game and the outbursts those emotions yield?
That camera forced the N.F.L. to take a genuine look at a moment when the discrepancy between what the league allows for some, but prohibits for others, was on full display.
Players and coaches are fined by the N.F.L. when they publicly criticize referees. If an organiza-
Jourdan Rodrigue is a senior N.F.L. writer for The Athletic.
tion disagrees or wants clarity from the league on certain calls, it has to submit them for review and response. That is the only course of action; it's hardly a soothing one. It might make things worse, as in a notable case last week when Los Angeles Rams Coach Sean McVay said the league told him that, upon review, a controversial pass interference call that held significant weight in a loss to the Denver Broncos was actually incorrect. McVay was responding to a question posed by reporters. The league's own response? To share a not-so-subtle memo reminding clubs that such conversations between teams and officials are to remain confidential.
In other words, “We may have gotten it wrong, but don’t you dare talk about it.” And had McBride engaged in a hostile manner with the official (either to prompt the incident or in response), he would probably be the one to receive an in-game or retroactive league penalty. (Aditi Kinkhabwala, a CBS sideline reporter who was standing nearby during the interaction, said McBride did not curse at Seeman. The Cardinals declined to comment when asked about
the sequence of events.)
In Minnesota, all Wilson could do was appear to try, and fail, to explain the innocent nature of the collision to Hill, then walk away. On to the next play. The N.F.L.'s system was working as designed — by the N.F.L.
Officiating is a really difficult and brutally public part-time profession. The people who do it truly love it. Otherwise, why would they subject themselves to the ire of at least half a stadium each week? It is a human craft, and therefore inevitably flawed. And so I do believe there have to be some boundaries in place to protect officials from unnecessary criticism from fans and organizations; but the players and coaches draw the short straw here when they cannot say anything in disagreement.
This is the unbalanced system the league has installed: The referees officiate the games, the players and coaches do not like some of their calls but cannot say so or change them, and the N.F.L. makes decisions for profit that make everyone's job harder.
The N.F.L. demands accountability, but how much is it truly willing to accept?
ves, Dallas Cowboys tight end Jake Ferguson and Denver Broncos guard Quinn Meinerz, among others, for their celebrations. The N.F.L.'s code of conduct is collectively bargained with the N.F.L. Players Association, but the nature of these supposed infractions stood out.
Meinerz said the fine came because he mimicked a dice roll, which the league called an illegal celebration. Juszczyk and Goncalves both celebrated by pretending to drink a beverage. Juszczyk, whose nickname is Juice and who has long celebrated by drinking out of an imaginary juice carton, said the league told him he was imitating drinking a beer, which he denied — and the league rescinded the fine after an appeal. Goncalves did not deny the nature of his pretend beverage, but aptly noted that the N.F.L. itself is a business partner with Bud Light (and has been since 2011).
The N.F.L. used words like “offensive demonstration” to categorize some of the gestures. This, despite profiting from its beer partnership. This, despite having commercial agreements with multiple sportsbooks, each of which can say it is an “official sportsbook of the N.F.L.”
The league does not want its players to hint at anything involving beer or gambling but instead to pantomime a perfect game, all while it crawls into bed with imperfect entities. It does not want its officials criticized by players or coaches, even while it directly associates with a gambling industry that incites more pressure from the public than ever on them all.
On Sunday, that sideline camera gave everyone a look at a small moment of inequity: what an official appeared to do when he thought nobody was looking, involving a player who would not be allowed to complain about it.
But it was just a reminder of the bigger system at work, one that goes beyond referees and fines and eventually broadens to every corner of the N.F.L. It's a system that often says it wants to team with players but can never authentically do so when it assigns them different standards from its own, then actually teams with entities that reduce players to product.
Will the N.F.L. ever offer to turn that camera on itself? Will it even care about what it might see?
There was one player the Dallas Cowboys' defense had to stop on Sunday in Houston: wide receiver Nico Collins, who was returning after missing two games with a hamstring injury.
On the Texans' first offensive play, Collins ran a simple route that he turned into a 45-yard gain.
Seven plays later, Texans quarterback C.J. Stroud found Collins streaking across the back of the end zone for a 7-yard touchdown.
“We wanted to take Nico Collins out of the game,” said Cowboys Coach Brian Schottenheimer, who admitted on Monday that his team did a poor job of that.
Collins finished with team highs of seven catches for 118 yards and the fourth two-touch-down game of his six-year career.
Early on the plan seemed simple enough for Stroud. Avoid the recently added cornerback, Joey Porter Jr., for the 25 defensive snaps he was on the field and look for Collins if he was being guarded by anyone else. The Cowboys' DaRon Bland was often the cornerback in the area. According to Pro Football Focus, Bland was among the cornerbacks with the highest passer rating against in Week 4 at 153.3. A perfect passer rating is 158.3.
Despite trailing, 16-6, at half-time, Dallas battled back in the second half in what ended up being a 34-30 victory. But defensive concerns remain.
There has been some progress since Week 1, but the defense remains one of the worst in the N.F.L.
Jon Machota covers the Cowboys for The Athletic.
The positives are that communication does not seem to be the issue it was last season and during the season opener. Quinnen Williams and the defensive tackle group have played well the last two games after struggling in the first two. Edge rusher Rashan Gary had his best game as a Cowboy, recording his first sack and leading the Cowboys with two of their five quarterback hits. The rookies Caleb Downs and Jaishawn Barham continue to look like key pieces. The recent trade for Porter should improve the overall play on the back end. If the Cowboys can get Malik Hooker, Jalen
Taking a small step forward, with many more needed.
Thompson and P.J. Locke healthy, the safety group should be a strength.
The negatives are that opposing quarterbacks continue to be too comfortable, whether it is throwing from the pocket or scrambling for quality yardage.
Stroud finished with a passer rating of 126.7 on Sunday, the sixth highest of his 50 career starts. Opposing quarterbacks have combined for a 122.7 passer rating in Dallas's four games — worst in the N.F.L. Those quarterbacks have combined to throw nine touchdowns and no interceptions. Dallas has also recorded only four sacks through four games, tied for the second-lowest total in the league.
The overall pass rush still needs help, and it seems like
ASHLEY LANDIS/ASSOCIATED PRESS wishful thinking that drastic improvements are going to come from the current group.
Stephen Jones, a Cowboys executive vice president, said in a radio interview on Monday that making a move for another edge rusher is a possibility.
In his comments to the team in the postgame locker room, Schottenheimer noted how proud he was of the group, adding that it knew Houston had a good defense.
“We’re always looking to get better,” he said. “If we can find an opportunity to get better, we’ll certainly look at that opportunity. At the same time, I think we’ve got a chance to get better with what we have on this football team, which is encouraging as well. No, we’d never rule out improving our team, whether it’s pressure or whatever it is.”
“But our defense showed up today, baby,” he said, sprinkling his language with expletives. “And you put the stamp on it at the end.”
Dallas beat Houston even though it couldn't stop Nico Collins, who had seven catches for 118 yards and two touchdowns.
Yes, Dallas did get the final stop. After Dak Prescott connected with CeeDee Lamb for what ended up being the game-winning touchdown with 40 seconds remaining, Dallas's defense prevented Houston from getting any farther than the Cowboys' 48-yard line. Stroud's Hail Mary attempt on the final play went through the arms of Hooker and eventually hit the ground.
The Texans scored on only one of their final four possessions and finished three for 10 on third down. But it was another day when an opponent scored at least 30 points, contributing to the 28 points per game Dallas is allowing this season. Houston also recorded eight plays of 20 or more yards and averaged 7.6 yards per play.
So was Schottenheimer's postgame locker room speech more about building confidence in a group that still has a long way to go?
"I try to be honest," he said. "I try to point out the facts. Third-down defense, outstanding run defense, excellent. A bunch of three- or four-and-outs. You point those things out."
He also said the Cowboys talked Monday morning about giving up too many plays with long gains.
“But look,” he added, “when you lose, it’s painful and it hurts. When you win, you celebrate.”
Stroud is not known to be much of a runner. He also does not have a great offensive line. Both factored into an expectation entering the game that this should be an opportunity for the Cowboys to hit the quarterback.
"I think in the second half, the pass rush was better," said Schottenheimer, who admitted that Stroud looked pretty comfortable in the first half.
He added: “We still need to do a better job of affecting the passer. I think quarterbacks are being too efficient against us.
"It starts up front. It starts with some of the stickier coverages. But at the end of the day, I do think that you saw guys making him uncomfortable. I wish it would've happened earlier in the game, but he still hurt us with too many explosives. And that's all of us tied together."
The Cowboys' offense is as advertised. Prescott and Lamb are playing the best ball of their careers. George Pickens is drawing so much attention that it is opening things up for everyone else in the passing game. The team's No. 1 running back, Javonte Williams, has scored six touchdowns this year. The offensive line has been improving and could get its best player, Tyler Smith, a three-time Pro Bowl left guard, back for Thursday night's game against the Tampa Bay Buccaneers.
If that group stays healthy, Dallas might win nine to 10 games without much help from the defense. But the expectation is January success. With the current defense, it is unlikely the Cowboys will be able to win multiple games against teams like the San Francisco 49ers, Los Angeles Rams, Seattle Seahawks and Chicago Bears.
It has been over a thousand days since Dallas won a game in which the defense held an opponent to fewer than 14 points: Week 18 of the 2023 season against the Washington Commanders, who were quarter-
backed by the current Dallas backup, Sam Howell.
The Cowboys were badly beaten in their next game, a 48-32 wild-card loss to the Green Bay Packers. An argument can be made that Dallas still has not recovered from that stunning defeat at AT&T Stadium.
For Schottenheimer to get them back in a position to win games like that, the defense has to take significant steps. It still has a long way to go.
"I think our defense is getting better," Schottenheimer said. "I don't want to have to score 30 points every game to win. But if we got to score 35 or whatever it takes to win, we'll do that. Because at some point, they're going to bail us out and we're going to win a game, 10-7."
\$3,000 for a Cornhusker Conversation Piece (Hand Sanitizer Not Included)
Nebraska is selling urinal troughs from Memorial Stadium before its renovation. Seven of the 30 had been purchased as of Monday.
REESE STRICKLAND/USA TODAY SPORTS
BUY GBR
By LARRY HOLDER
The Athletic
The University of Nebraska is putting its die-hard football fans to the test: You are not fully committed to showing off your Cornhusker fandom until you purchase a game-used urinal trough from Memorial Stadium.
Yes, Nebraska fans — or anyone in need of an extra place to relieve themselves after a beer or two — can purchase one of the many urinal troughs from around Memorial Stadium after the team's home slate of games ends in late November. The cost: \$3,000 each.
Stainless steel water fountain troughs from the stadium are also available, and they are only \$2,500.
With Nebraska's home field in Lincoln set to undergo its “Big Red Rebuild” by the 2028 season, the university is already selling pieces from the stadium as unique collectibles. That includes all the urinal troughs as the school makes way for new ones.
“Nobody is going to walk into
Larry Holder is a senior writer covering collectibles for The Athletic.
your garage, basement, shop, backyard or Husker room and ask, 'Where did you find a stadium urinal trough?' They are going to ask: 'Wait. Is that actually from Memorial Stadium?' the sales page posits. It also notes that the 72- to 96-inch-long, 300-pound troughs are original to the 103-year-old stadium, but they have
been cleaned.
Joe DiPietro, co-founder of Rare Goods, the company aiding Nebraska with its sales campaign, told The Athletic that seven of the 30 urinals had been purchased as of Monday afternoon.
These porcelain troughs appear to be a bargain in the growing trend of selling off used urinals from stadiums either being renovated or demolished.
The Buffalo Bills sold urinal troughs from the old Highmark Stadium once the franchise left the facility for the new Highmark Stadium. The team attempted to sell all 40 urinals from across the stadium for \$5,000 each, saying they represented “decades of unforgettable moments shared by all fans."
“Fans at other stadiums have turned retired troughs into oversized planters, backyard conversation pieces, game-room displays, garden features, shop fixtures, and all kinds of projects that probably never appeared in the manufacturer's instruction manual," the Nebraska sales page says.
While there is a limited supply of urinals remaining, several variations of restroom signs from Memorial Stadium have sold out already. DiPietro said signage — not just for bathrooms — has been selling out within minutes of each batch going up for sale. Different items are hitting the site in waves.
And whether it's an item like a urinal, an overhead section sign or a “credential checkpoint ahead” gate, all of the items will receive a certificate of authenticity from the university stating where each one was located within Memorial Stadium.
DiPietro said he understands that the troughs have become a bit of a talker for the sale. Still, he said the most popular items by far have been the stadium seats (\$25) because fans can look up and claim the actual seats they sat in. Benches built from the stadium's reclaimed wood (\$429) have also been popular.
All of the larger pieces, including the urinals, will have to be claimed by appointment in Lincoln. Removal of the items from the stadium runs Nov. 22 to Dec. 1.
Heavy rain associated with Isaias will spread up through the southern and central Appalachians this weekend with the potential for thunderstorms and tornadoes from Georgia to North Carolina. A large storm will bring widespread rain from Arizona to Wyoming.
TODAY....Mostly sunny High 75. It will be mostly sunny and warmer than previous days. An afternoon breeze will increase across the area. Winds will be from the west at 6 to 12 miles per hour. Temperatures will be a bit above normal.
Low 55. An area of high pressure will continue to bring a clear sky overnight. Winds will be from the west-northwest at 4 to 8 m.p.h. Temperatures will be near normal.
亨德里克斯坚持认为,他将以对待每一个第九局同样的活力来面对癌症。他将其称为“白线狂热”(White Line Fever):他像狮子潜伏斑马一样在投手丘周围打转,然后化身为一场愤怒的飓风。癌症的诊断可以让即使是投球界最顶尖的“火药桶”也感到脆弱,泰隆推测亨德里克斯“比他表现出来的更加情绪化或恐惧”。
亨德里克斯依然保存着那条日期为2023年1月30日的短信,其中包含了他收到的最好的建议。
“这是你的旅程。没有人能告诉你该感受什么,或者在棒球方面该怎么做。做任何你认为正确的事。”
当亨德里克斯挺过化疗并强行重返投手丘时,这段指引一直陪伴着他。亨德里克斯说,所有的功劳都归于泰隆。
泰隆听到这话时笑了。
“其实,这话是我从查德·贝蒂斯那里学来的,”他说。
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📄 Original Section
TOMORROW
High 70. Mostly sunny conditions will continue across the area to end the week. Winds will be from the west at 6 to 12 m.p.h. Temperatures will fall a few degrees from the previous day to normal.
SATURDAY ......Sunny to partly cloudy High 68. The sky will be sunny to partly cloudy as it remains dry with an area of high pressure nearby.
MONDAY ...... Afternoon Rain Sunday
Sunday will bring some rain from T Isaias to the area. High 67. On Monday, rain from Isaias will continue in the morning. High 69.
Tropical moisture will lead to persistent downpours across South Texas and Florida today. Some of the downpours have the potential to bring flash flooding and gusty winds. Outside of a few showers in northern New York and New England, the rest of the United States will be dry. A heat dome will remain locked in across the western portions of the nation.
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感受支持
2022年春季,亨德里克斯的身上出现了两个肿块,一个在后颈,另一个在下颌附近。他的血液检查结果正常;医生认为他是毛囊发炎,或者是他的“白线热”(White Line Fever)过于亢奋。
Temperatures will be 5 to 15 degrees above the 30-year average with some places approaching daily record highs. The heat dome will persist into Friday, leading to additional heat stress. Cool air will linger across the Great Lakes and Northeast.
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📦 已折叠版面非核心信息:气象、潮汐与天文时刻表(《Meteorology by AccuWeather》— 点击展开)
Isaias is forecast to become a hurricane in the Gulf before making landfall along the central Gulf Coast on Friday night with building surf, coastal flooding, increasing winds and rain.
In Central Park, for the 13 hours ended at 1 p.m. yesterday.
| Air pressure | Humidity | High ...... 30.12 1 a.m.Low ...... 30.05 noon | High ...... 73% 8 a.m.Low ...... 42% noon | |
far the day's mean temperature fell below 65 | Yesterday | 10 | So far this month | 31 | So far this season (since July 1) | 62 | Normal to date for the season | 62 | ---
他1995年的小说《神庙的守护者》(The Guardians of the Temple)没有获得像《模糊的冒险》那样的知名度。这部作品的创作时间超过了30年;诗人艾梅·塞泽尔(Aimé Césaire)曾说服凯恩先生不要在1965年出版它,因为它“可能会被用作攻击塞内加尔的武器”。凯恩先生在1996年告诉《世界报》,并补充道:“对非洲政权的批评可能会被视为在号召军事政变。”
奥斯汀——戴安·P. 是一位著名的餐饮承办商,她的餐桌、友谊和见解都极其丰富。她于 9 月 30 日在波士顿去世,距离她 97 岁生日仅差一周。迪(Dee)是一个骨子里的纽约人,她热爱这座城市,几乎就像热爱她的猫和一场精彩的桥牌局一样。她毕业于斯图尔特霍尔(Stuart Hall)和史密斯学院 1951 届。在 30 多年时间里,她经营着一家名为 Dee Austin Inc. 的成功餐饮承办公司。她是一位富有灵感的厨师,一位宽宏大量的主人,且热爱交谈、机智与陪伴,她的餐桌堪称传奇。她像一股自然力量,对传统没什么耐心,对虚伪更没耐心,而对享乐、他人和生活有着巨大的热情。她可能令人敬畏,幽默,不羁,且极其慷慨。人们聚集在她身边并留了下来。她的儿子威廉·罗伯特·“特里普”·麦格鲁林三世(William Robert "Trip" McGleughlin III)以及她的丈夫们——威廉·罗伯特·麦格鲁林二世(William Robert McGleughlin, Jr.)、亨利·麦埃沃伊(Henry McEvoy)和查尔斯·李·奥斯汀二世(Charles Lee Austin Jr.)先于她去世。她的
讣告
子女彼得·T·麦格鲁林(Peter T. McGleughlin)和朱莉·“杰德”·P·麦格鲁林(Julie "Jade" P. McGleughlin)及其配偶萨莉·麦格鲁林(Sally McGleughlin)和苏·海德(Sue Hyde),她的三个继子迈克尔(Michael)、蒂莫西(Timothy)和丹尼斯·麦埃沃伊(Dennis McEvoy),以及她的五个孙辈杰西(Jesse)、克里斯蒂安(Christian)、麦克斯韦尔(Maxwell)、奥克塔维亚(Octavia)和尼古拉斯·麦格鲁林(Nicholas McGleughlin)在世。她留下了一个忠诚且充满爱的家庭,以及一段完全按照自己的意愿度过的人生。
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📄 Original Section
Cities
High/low temperatures for the 16 hours ended at 4 p.m. yesterday, Eastern time, and precipitation (in inches) for the 16 hours ended at 4 p.m. yesterday. Expected conditions for today and tomorrow. | C....Clouds | S....Sun | F....Fog | Sn....Snow | H....Haze | SS....Snow showers | I....Ice | T....Thunderstorms | PC....Partly cloudy | Tr....Trace | R....Rain | W....Windy | Sh....Showers | -....Not available | N.Y.C. region | Yesterday | Today | Tomorrow | New York City | 62/ 48 0 | 75/ 55 S | 70/ 54 S | Bridgeport | 61/ 41 0 | 74/ 51 S | 69/ 47 S | Caldwell | 64/ 38 0 | 76/ 47 S | 72/ 45 S | Danbury | 62/ 33 0 | 72/ 44 S | 68/ 41 S | Islip | 65/ 39 0 | 75/ 52 S | 70/ 50 S | Newark | 66/ 45 0 | 78/ 53 S | 73/ 52 S | Trenton | 65/ 38 0 | 76/ 47 S | 70/ 46 S | White Plains | 63/ 39 0 | 73/ 49 S | 69/ 48 S | United States | Yesterday | Today | Tomorrow | Albany | 67/ 51 0 | 68/ 46 PC | 64/ 39 PC | Albuquerque | 83/ 56 0 | 81/ 55 S | 78/ 55 S | Anchorage | 49/ 37 0.04 | 47/ 38 PC | 49/ 44 PC | Atlanta | 81/ 59 0 | 85/ 66 PC | 80/ 62 PC | Atlantic City | 66/ 59 0 | 77/ 53 S | 73/ 55 S | Austin | 91/ 62 0 | 90/ 63 PC | 91/ 60 PC | Baltimore | 72/ 52 0 | 80/ 45 S | 75/ 49 S | Baton Rouge | 92/ 65 0 | 93/ 67 PC | 89/ 68 C | Birmingham | 87/ 54 0 | 89/ 63 PC | 85/ 65 S | Boise | 86/ 54 0 | 87/ 58 S | 85/ 51 S | Boston | 66/ 55 0 | 74/ 53 PC | 69/ 50 S | Buffalo | 71/ 51 0.02 | 64/ 46 Sh | 64/ 46 PC | Burlington | 61/ 51 0.08 | 65/ 47 Sh | 59/ 40 Sh | Casper | 83/ 42 0 | 82/ 47 S | 84/ 56 W | Charlotte | 79/ 53 0 | 85/ 62 S | 77/ 59 PC | Chattanooga | 84/ 55 0 | 88/ 60 S | 82/ 62 S | Chicago | 80/ 53 0 | 71/ 52 PC | 70/ 59 PC | Cincinnati | 81/ 54 0 | 78/ 52 S | 78/ 56 S | Cleveland | 76/ 51 0 | 68/ 45 S | 67/ 53 PC | Colorado Springs | 82/ 51 0 | 82/ 52 S | 81/ 51 S | Columbus | 78/ 52 0 | 74/ 45 S | 71/ 52 S | Concord, N.H. | 66/ 47 0 | 71/ 43 PC | 66/ 36 S | Dallas-Ft. Worth | 88/ 62 0 | 90/ 64 PC | 90/ 65 S | Denver | 83/ 56 0 | 86/ 57 S | 85/ 58 S | Des Moines | 80/ 52 0 | 74/ 56 PC | 82/ 62 T | Detroit | 77/ 50 0 | 69/ 45 S | 68/ 53 PC | El Paso | 87/ 64 0 | 84/ 63 PC | 85/ 63 S | Fargo | 72/ 41 0 | 67/ 48 PC | 75/ 59 PC | Hartford | 66/ 51 0 | 73/ 47 PC | 69/ 43 S | Honolulu | 86/ 75 0.01 | 82/ 77 Sh | 86/ 74 Sh | Houston | 92/ 71 0 | 93/ 68 S | 91/ 67 S | Indianapolis | 83/ 54 0 | 77/ 51 S | 78/ 56 S | Jackson | 89/ 60 0 | 91/ 62 PC | 89/ 66 S | Jacksonville | 79/ 72 0.70 | 81/ 72 T | 78/ 72 T | Kansas City | 85/ 55 0 | 82/ 59 S | 85/ 62 S | Key West | 88/ 80 0.11 | 88/ 82 T | 88/ 82 T | Las Vegas | 98/ 75 0 | 98/ 74 S | 97/ 74 S | Lexington | 82/ 54 0 | 81/ 50 S | 81/ 57 S | Little Rock | 89/58 0 | 93/62 S | 92/64 S | Los Angeles | 98/73 0 | 93/70 S | 90/68 S | Louisville | 84/59 0 | 83/55 S | 84/58 S | Memphis | 89/62 0 | 92/65 S | 91/66 S | Miami | 89/77 0.46 | 90/78 T | 91/78 T | Milwaukee | 75/51 0 | 68/51 PC | 68/59 C | Mpls.-St. Paul | 75/48 0 | 67/53 PC | 75/62 PC | Nashville | 87/55 0 | 89/56 S | 88/63 S | New Orleans | 86/74 0.04 | 87/74 PC | 80/70 R | Norfolk | 72/58 0 | 81/64 S | 75/64 PC | Oklahoma City | 91/61 0 | 90/61 S | 88/61 S | Omaha | 80/50 0 | 79/58 PC | 85/64 PC | Orlando | 82/73 0.59 | 82/73 T | 87/74 T | Philadelphia | 71/55 0 | 79/54 S | 74/53 S | Phoenix | 103/79 0 | 104/82 S | 104/79 S | Pittsburgh | 72/53 0 | 70/46 PC | 67/49 S | Portland, Me. | 60/50 0 | 69/46 Sh | 66/39 S | Portland, Ore. | 78/51 0 | 79/55 S | 64/48 R | Providence | 66/55 0 | 74/48 PC | 69/45 S | Raleigh | 76/52 0 | 85/58 S | 78/58 PC | Reno | 89/50 0 | 89/54 S | 86/55 S | Richmond | 74/54 0 | 84/53 S | 78/55 S | Rochester | 71/51 0 | 64/46 Sh | 63/43 PC | Sacramento | 100/57 0 | 101/59 S | 90/59 PC | Salt Lake City | 83/58 0 | 85/60 S | 85/66 S | San Antonio | 90/64 0 | 90/68 C | 90/64 PC | San Diego | 88/70 0 | 84/69 PC | 79/70 S | San Francisco | 80/57 0 | 76/58 PC | 71/59 PC | San Jose | 96/62 0 | 93/60 PC | 82/58 S | San Juan | 88/78 0.09 | 91/79 T | 91/78 Sh | Seattle | 66/49 0 | 69/54 PC | 63/47 R | Sioux Falls | 78/44 0 | 73/54 PC | 80/63 PC | Spokane | 74/46 0 | 76/51 PC | 65/39 PC | St. Louis | 89/56 0 | 84/58 S | 89/63 S | St. Thomas | 88/81 0.09 | 90/80 PC | 91/80 S | Syracuse | 70/54 0.03 | 65/48 Sh | 62/39 Sh | Tampa | 81/74 0.86 | 81/74 T | 87/76 T | Toledo | 79/49 0 | 72/41 PC | 72/49 PC | Tucson | 96/72 0 | 97/76 S | 95/74 S | Tulsa | 90/60 0 | 90/62 S | 89/62 S | Virginia Beach | 69/56 0 | 79/66 S | 74/65 PC | Washington | 73/55 0 | 80/53 S | 76/56 S | Wichita | 89/60 0 | 89/59 S | 85/60 S | Wilmington, Del. | 70/52 0 | 79/48 S | 74/49 S | Africa | Yesterday | Today | Tomorrow | Algiers | 87/69 0 | 82/67 Sh | 76/58 Sh | Cairo | 85/65 0 | 86/67 PC | 85/68 PC | Cape Town | 69/47 0 | 68/53 PC | 71/55 C | Dakar | 88/76 0.07 | 87/78 T | 87/78 T | Johannesburg | 78/51 0 | 78/57 S | 83/58 C | Nairobi | 81/61 0.29 | 80/63 T | 81/63 T | Tunis | 92/68 0 | 91/69 PC | 75/64 R | Asia/Pacific | Yesterday | Today | Tomorrow | Baghdad | 94/79 0.02 | 97/77 PC | 96/78 PC | Bangkok | 91/75 0.08 | 93/79 R | 94/79 T | Beijing | 81/47 0 | 80/49 PC | 81/55 S | Damascus | 79/50 0 | 87/60 S | 89/60 S | Hong Kong | 86/75 0 | 87/78 PC | 89/78 S | Jakarta | 94/79 0.03 | 93/77 C | 93/77 Sh | Jerusalem | 76/58 0 | 79/64 S | 80/63 S | Karachi | 90/81 0 | 92/79 S | 90/80 W | Manila | 93/77 0.01 | 90/79 T | 94/79 T | Mumbai | 95/81 0 | 98/82 PC | 98/82 Sh | New Delhi | 97/ 75 0 | 94/ 76 S | 92/ 74 PC | Riyadh | 104/ 74 0 | 104/ 78 PC | 104/ 78 PC | Seoul | 75/ 49 0 | 78/ 51 PC | 79/ 51 C | Shanghai | 82/ 56 0 | 78/ 66 S | 77/ 67 PC | Singapore | 91/ 82 0 | 93/ 79 T | 92/ 79 T | Sydney | 69/ 54 0.06 | 66/ 54 PC | 74/ 62 S | Taipei City | 77/ 70 0 | 84/ 73 PC | 84/ 75 PC | Tehran | 86/ 73 0 | 86/ 66 PC | 85/ 66 C | Tokyo | 77/ 66 0.06 | 76/ 62 S | 77/ 63 S | Europe | Yesterday | Today | Tomorrow | Amsterdam | 72/ 55 Tr | 60/ 50 R | 63/ 52 R | Athens | 81/ 59 0 | 77/ 60 S | 79/ 61 S | Berlin | 72/ 39 0 | 65/ 45 R | 57/ 51 PC | Brussels | 73/ 52 0.03 | 59/ 47 Sh | 60/ 49 W | Budapest | 79/ 37 0 | 78/ 53 T | 68/ 45 S | Copenhagen | 59/ 50 0.15 | 60/ 49 R | 56/ 50 R | Dublin | 55/ 41 0 | 58/ 53 R | 60/ 46 PC | Edinburgh | 55/ 39 0 | 56/ 50 PC | 59/ 46 PC | Frankfurt | 73/ 50 0 | 61/ 42 R | 54/ 50 C | Geneva | 61/ 53 0.31 | 61/ 44 Sh | 59/ 51 R | Helsinki | 57/ 46 0 | 54/ 52 C | 56/ 41 R | Istanbul | 72/ 57 0 | 68/ 60 C | 74/ 61 S | Kyiv | 69/ 50 0 | 74/ 52 PC | 69/ 46 C | Lisbon | 75/ 63 0 | 81/ 60 S | 80/ 57 S | London | 61/ 54 0.30 | 61/ 52 S | 66/ 47 Sh | Madrid | 73/ 57 0 | 72/ 43 S | 70/ 46 S | Moscow | 59/ 46 0 | 58/ 47 C | 63/ 44 C | Nice | 68/ 63 0.96 | 76/ 59 W | 73/ 60 S | Oslo | 54/ 32 0 | 47/ 38 R | 51/ 37 R | Paris | 66/ 55 0.02 | 62/ 44 S | 59/ 54 R | Prague | 68/ 45 0 | 70/ 42 Sh | 58/ 47 PC | Rome | 79/ 64 0 | 77/ 64 Sh | 72/ 55 PC | St. Petersburg | 56/ 52 0.02 | 57/ 49 PC | 57/ 44 Sh | Stockholm | 55/ 39 0 | 55/ 44 R | 47/ 35 W | Vienna | 77/ 54 0 | 76/ 52 C | 63/ 44 PC | Warsaw | 70/ 45 0 | 75/ 51 C | 58/ 47 PC | North America | Yesterday | Today | Tomorrow | Acapulco | 83/ 76 0.44 | 81/ 74 R | 82/ 74 T | Bermuda | 79/ 72 0.71 | 83/ 78 T | 84/ 76 PC | Edmonton | 50/ 34 Tr | 55/ 42 R | 48/ 30 R | Guadalajara | 75/ 62 0 | 79/ 62 T | 76/ 62 R | Havana | 88/ 72 0 | 90/ 74 R | 90/ 75 R | Kingston | 92/ 80 0.04 | 91/ 81 Sh | 88/ 82 T | Martinique | 89/ 77 0.02 | 90/ 78 T | 90/ 75 R | Mexico City | 67/ 56 0.01 | 72/ 57 R | 67/ 57 T | Monterrey | 81/ 65 0 | 82/ 65 Sh | 84/ 64 S | Montreal | 58/ 43 0.21 | 62/ 46 Sh | 57/ 41 Sh | Nassau | 88/ 77 0.05 | 90/ 80 T | 89/ 79 T | Panama City | 89/ 72 0.14 | 90/ 76 T | 90/ 75 T | Quebec City | 48/ 32 0.07 | 60/ 41 Sh | 52/ 35 C | Santo Domingo | 90/ 75 0.03 | 88/ 74 T | 92/ 75 Sh | Toronto | 70/ 52 0.03 | 65/ 47 Sh | 65/ 47 Sh | Vancouver | 55/ 50 Tr | 61/ 53 PC | 59/ 48 PC | Winnipeg | 60/ 43 0 | 62/ 42 PC | 64/ 54 C | South America | Yesterday | Today | Tomorrow | Buenos Aires | 66/ 62 0.76 | 65/ 55 R | 62/ 55 R | Caracas | 91/ 78 0.35 | 92/ 79 R | 93/ 77 R | Lima | 75/ 71 0 | 80/ 72 PC | 80/ 72 S | Quito | 66/ 48 0.06 | 66/ 50 R | 68/ 54 R | Recife | 85/ 79 0 | 88/ 78 Sh | 86/ 77 Sh | Rio de Janeiro | 79/ 73 0.06 | 81/ 72 PC | 84/ 75 T | Santiago | 68/ 50 0.14 | 63/ 48 R | 67/ 47 PC | Reservoir levels (New York City water supply) | Yesterday | 83% | Est. normal | 77% | ---
Sun, Moon and Planets | New | First Quarter | Full | Last Quarter | Oct. 1011:48 a.m. | Oct. 18 | Oct. 2512:11 a.m. | Nov. 1 |
Sun | RISE | 7:00 a.m. |
Moon | R 4:44 a.m. | SET | 6:27 p.m. | S 5:21 p.m. | NEXT R | 7:01 a.m. | R 5:52 a.m. |
Jupiter | R | 2:24 a.m. |
Mars | R 1:06 a.m. | S | 4:18 p.m. | S 3:38 p.m. |
Saturn | S | 6:42 a.m. |
Venus | R 9:13 a.m. | R | 6:24 p.m. | S 6:43 p.m. | ---
DAVIS—Gordon J.
DAVIS—Gordon J.
纽约公共图书馆的董事会成员及全体员工对戈登·J·戴维斯(Gordon J. Davis)的逝世表示哀悼,他是图书馆大家庭中深受爱戴且尽职尽责的一员。戈登于1993年加入图书馆董事会,并于2016年成为终身董事。作为一名著名的公民领袖,戈登在塑造纽约市的过程中发挥了关键作用,他的贡献将继续对未来几代纽约人产生深远影响。
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📄 Original Section
Boating
From Montauk Point to Sandy Hook, N.J., out to 20 nautical miles, including Long Island Sound and New York Harbor.
Winds will be from the southwest at 10-15 knots with gusts up to 20-25 knots. Waves will be 1-2 feet on the Long Island Sound and New York Harbor and 3-5 feet out on the open ocean.
Last | 10 days | 30 days | 90 days | 365 days | Chart shows how recent temperature and precipitation trends compare with those of the last 30 years.
Northeast Foliage
Foliage in the highest elevations in the White and Green Mountains and the Adirondacks is past peak. The remainder of northern New England, the Catskills and portions of the Appalachian Mountains have reached peak. Many other areas are near peak.
VIA KRIS CHRISP
Williamson, left, and the performance coach Kris Chrisp, right, have forged a close relationship based on trust and honesty.
Williamson Followed His Trainer's Orders. Will It Be Enough?
26-year-old Williamson.
By WILLIAM GUILLORY
The Athletic
Zion Williamson sat at the podium at the New Orleans Pelicans' media day with his signature smile and chiseled physique from an off-season of hard work, talking about why this season would be different for him and his team.
For many N.B.A. fans, these words from Williamson before the start of a season feel like a rerun of a TV show they have grown tired of watching.
But alongside his optimism about the upcoming season, Williamson took a moment to candidly reflect on where he stands in his career.
“I’m not where I want to be,” he said.
When asked to elaborate, he added, “I’m just not where I need to be, not where I want to be.”
Considering that Williamson was once viewed as the savior for basketball in New Orleans, it would have been impossible to believe back then that, as he heads into his eighth year with the Pelicans, the former No. 1 pick would have only two All-Star appearances and zero minutes played in the postseason.
Yet Williamson's camp and the Pelicans organization strongly believe that he has finally found a formula for success that will return his health and on-court play to the form it needs.
It did not begin with anything he did over the off-season. It dates back to last season and a potentially career-changing hire for the
William Guillory covers the Pelicans and the Rockets for The Athletic.
At the start of the 2025-26 season, people close to Williamson reached out to Kris Chrisp, a performance coach who specializes in wellness and recovery, to work directly with the Pelicans star. In an interview with The Athletic, Chrisp said he previously trained N.B.A. players including Jose Alvarado, Davion Mitchell and Jabari Smith Jr., but he figured that working with Williamson was the exact move he needed to make at this point in his career.
After a few people in Williamson's circle interviewed Chrisp, he was hired almost immediately. But there was one issue: As Chrisp began working with Williamson in November, Williamson sustained a Grade 1 hamstring strain, another example of his recurring hamstring problems in both legs. Chrisp's knowledge and skills were immediately tested.
Zion Williamson with his Pelicans teammate Dejounte Murray. For years, Williamson's silence allowed his doubters to fill the void.
GERALD HERBERT/ASSOCIATED PRESS
While that may have been intimidating for some, he viewed it as a blessing in disguise.
"In anything you do, you want to show your value. You want to show that you're capable of doing the job you were hired to do," Chrisp said. "Him being hurt when I was hired gave me an opportunity to do my job."
Chrisp and Williamson got to work.
They pinpointed the injury's severity and some of the mistakes Williamson previously made that left him vulnerable to a setback.
PRO BASKETBALL
The more they worked together, the closer they became. Chrisp took pride in earning Williamson's trust early on as they spent more time together. Along with that trust came some brutal honesty both of them needed to hear along the way.
Williamson will stop Chrisp in the middle of a workout to tell him when something is not working. And when Chrisp saw Williamson's home setup, he gave him his honest reaction: "I said,
The Pelicans believe that a former No. 1 pick has finally found a winning formula.
‘Bro, this gym is terrible. Let me go in and redo the whole thing.’”
“Trust is the biggest thing that you need when you're working with these guys,” Chrisp added. “You've got to make them believe. If you can develop that trust, and the athlete knows you want the best for them, that's when you get the best results.”
Williamson gave Chrisp the freedom to update his entire home gym. Chrisp also got Williamson to start focusing more on minor details like stretching, sleeping and understanding how his body is supposed to feel after certain workouts.
The results came quickly, and Williamson was thrilled with how his body started to transform during the season.
“For me, it was just trusting Kris with his process,” Williamson said. “Looking at the game different ways. Just trying to find different ways to get better.”
Then came another setback.
Just a few weeks after returning from his hamstring strain, Williamson sustained an adductor injury that doctors initially thought was much more severe. The initial diagnosis foresaw his being sidelined for two months. All signs pointed to Williamson going through another season in which he missed more games than he played.
Chrisp pushed back and said he could get him back much sooner.
"I had to get him to trust and believe me when I told him we could beat this timetable. If he didn't believe, he wouldn't have come back as soon as he did," Chrisp said. "I knew what we were facing, and I just had to get him to believe."
Williamson's belief paid off. His work in recovery produced results much faster than he could have imagined. After initially thinking his season was lost, Williamson returned two weeks later, missing just six games.
It was yet another example of Williamson's partnership with Chrisp yielding the results he had been looking for. After his return, Williamson suited up for 35 consecutive games, the longest streak of his career, before sitting out one outing with an ankle sprain and coming back to play the next 17 matchups.
Williamson ended the season with 62 games played, the second-highest total of his career. It could have been even more if New Orleans had not shut down most of its top rotation players for its final few regular-season games. As he walked away from the season, Williamson looked trim and felt better than he had in years.
He finally found a formula that worked.
Williamson and Chrisp spent the entire off-season together and doubled down on their work. Chrisp said Williamson entered training camp weighing 271 pounds after previously being listed most of his career at 284.
Although Williamson has been private about his off-season work for most of his career, Chrisp flooded X and Instagram with videos of Williamson's summer workouts and messages boasting about the progress they have made over the past year.
In previous years, Williamson's silence allowed his doubters to fill the void with negativity. Now, Chrisp's work on social media has a large portion of Pelicans fans more excited about Williamson than they have been in years.
"He's helped with the social media side of things. If you left it up to me, I probably wouldn't post anything. I'd just go through the summer workout and show up," Williamson said. "It definitely helps because Kris puts out there what I'm doing so people can see what I've got going on. It's a way for me to show face."
For years, people around the Pelicans complained that Williamson's presence was not felt when he wasn't around the team. His absence fueled questions about his motivation and love for the game. He is trying to make clear that his drive to be great is strong.
"I would say I've mentally improved with trusting myself and trusting my game," Williamson said. "Just trusting the work I put in to the point where I'm not second-guessing myself. I would say I've grown a lot there."
Williamson and the Pelicans share the belief that things are changing in New Orleans. Time will tell how that plays out.
After Winning Gold Medal and Title, Slavin Says His Best Is Yet to Come
By CORY LAVALETTE
The Athletic
RALEIGH, N.C. — Jaccob Slavin still cannot quite believe what happened in last spring's Eastern Conference finals.
“It was one of those games where it’s just like, ‘What the heck was that?’” Slavin said of Game 1. “I think my dad said the same thing: ‘What the heck was that?’”
For the third time in four seasons, the Carolina Hurricanes had advanced to the N.H.L.'s final four, this time against the upstart Montreal Canadiens. But even though Carolina swept Ottawa and Philadelphia in the opening two rounds, the ghosts of past Eastern Conference finals were lurking in the shadows.
Since Rod Brind'Amour had taken over as the Hurricanes' coach in 2018, Carolina was 1-12 in conference final games, so the narrative entering the series against Montreal was that the round would again be Carolina's Kryptonite.
Game 1 did not allay those concerns.
“I was out there for, what, four goals?” Slavin, a defenseman, said last week as the Hurricanes started the defense of their Stanley Cup title.
More than four months later, Slavin recalled his minus-4 night, taking blame for some of the goals in a game he called the worst of his career.
"One of them I had nothing to do with," he said. "One of them was a really unlucky bounce — try to make the right play, it just goes right to them. The other one, I just take a breath for a split second, and it ends up in the back of the net. Fourth one, just a dumb, dumb read. We were down a goal, and so just a dumb read that I don't normally make."
Cory Lavalette is a contributor to The Athletic.
The Hurricanes had allowed just 10 goals combined in their previous eight playoff games. After the Canadiens' stunning 6-2 win, confidence swelled in Montreal while dread emerged in North Carolina.
But not for Slavin, even with the "what the heck" nature of Game 1.
“It was one of those things where, as much as it was the worst game of my career, I knew the mistakes I made,” he said. “I knew they weren’t normal mistakes.”
Slavin credits his faith for keeping him grounded regardless of what happens on the ice on a given night.
"I think a lot of guys, when you have a game like that, can spiral though when their identity is
A steady star on defense for Carolina focuses on playing up to his high standard.
found in hockey," Slavin said. "And so for me, it wasn't as much about spiraling and focusing on the game that just happened. It was more so just, 'OK, where's my identity found?' It's found in being in who God says I am in my relationship with him."
The Hurricanes captain, Jordan Staal, who has had a front-row seat since Slavin made his league debut in 2015, said no one should perceive Slavin's unfazed attitude about on-ice struggles as a sign of someone who does not grit his teeth after a bad game.
"It's not that he's not hard on himself, though — he's incredibly hard on himself," Staal said. "So it's not like he sat at home like, 'All right, I played an OK game.' No, he's raring and ready to go to back it up and be the player that he wanted to be."
PHOTOGRAPHS BY BRUCE BENNETT/GETTY IMAGES
Slavin and the Hurricanes quickly turned around the series, winning the next four games in dominant fashion to advance to the Stanley Cup finals, where the team beat Vegas in six games to win its second title.
That capped a season that put Slavin in rare company — a Stanley Cup championship and an Olympic gold medal in the same year — even though, by his own account, he was not at his best for much of it.
Jaccob Slavin, injured much of the season, recovered to help the Hurricanes hoist the Stanley Cup. His coach, Rod Brind'Amour, below, said, "You saw there was a huge boost when he showed up."
The Hurricanes were without the injured Slavin for much of the first half of the season, the first time in his career he missed more than six games.
"Our record wasn't terrible without him, but my goodness, we missed him a lot," Staal said.
Carolina's penalty kill, consistently in the top five in the league since Brind'Amour took over, ranked 19th in the N.H.L. when Slavin returned to the lineup for good on Jan. 10. For the rest of the season, the unit ranked fourth in the league — finishing 11th overall
— and was nearly impenetrable in the playoffs, killing off 91.5 percent of opposition power plays.
"You saw there was a huge boost when he showed up," Brind'Amour said. "There's a reason."
He continued: “He’s an elite defender, and that’s no different than having an elite goal scorer, what it can do to a power play or kill — it’s the same. And I think that’s the value.”
Slavin also had huge value to the U.S. team at the Olympics. Paired with Minnesota's Brock Faber, Slavin helped shut down opponents all the way through the gold medal game.
He then averaged more than 23 minutes in the playoffs as Carolina went 16-3 and won the Stan-
ley Cup.
But Slavin has been quick to say he thought he was not at his best during the postseason, even beyond his “worst game ever” against Montreal.
“I just I think I hold a high standard,” Slavin said. “And so I just know how I can play, and I just know that it wasn't always up to my standard."
That is a scary thought for the rest of the league, if anyone believed the Hurricanes could not play better than they did during their Cup run.
"When he came back, we were that much better, even if maybe not to his standard, whatever that is," Brind'Amour said. "It still was way better than when he wasn't in there."
Brind'Amour says that Slavin, 32, still has several years left at an elite level.
"I think you've got to take care of yourself, and he clearly does that and works hard," Brind'Amour said of the key to longevity in the N.H.L. "But the hockey sense doesn't leave you. Guys that are smart can probably play a little longer."
And the Hurricanes have brought back nearly all of the line-up that bulldozed its way through the playoffs last spring.
"It's exciting for our whole team because we had a lot of guys who I think could have been a lot better last year," Slavin said. "We were as good as we needed to be to win, but I think we still had another level to get to."
凭借麻省理工学院(M.I.T.)的博士学位,罗姆先生投身于21世纪初的环境政策之争。他成为了白皮书、书籍、评论文章以及博客《气候进展》(Climate Progress)的高产作者,该博客是在他担任研究员的左翼智库——美国进步中心(Center for American Progress)的支持下运营的。
In Argentina Finale, Messi Gets A Tearful Thanks ‘for Being You’
By SEBASTIAN FEST
The Athletic
BUENOS AIRES — When (almost) everything was over, Lionel Messi decided to poke fun at himself.
"I'm talking more than ever; I don't want to leave the pitch," he said with a laugh near the center circle at Monumental Stadium. He added: "I love you all. I'm grateful to be Argentine and to have fulfilled this dream with all of you."
Known for his reticence, Messi had just brought his 21-year journey to a close, one that began when he was 18 and ended at age 39.
It began with a fiasco (he was sent off after 47 seconds in his debut for Argentina against Hungary in 2005) and ended Tuesday night in a sea of tears and smiles — and a 3-0 Argentine victory against the Benin national team, Messi's 208th international match.
On a chilly spring evening, Messi — a World Cup winner, two-time World Cup runner-up, two-time Copa América winner and Olympic gold medalist — bid a final farewell. The player who scored 21 goals across six World Cups — eight of them in the most recent one — was calling it a day on the international stage.
It was a day nobody wanted to see arrive: not Messi; not his coach, Lionel Scaloni; not Mes-
Sebastian Fest is a contributor to The Athletic.
si's teammates, family and fans; not anyone in the world who loves soccer.
People began gathering several hours before the match at El Monumental, the country's largest stadium. It was where Argentina won the first of its three World Cup titles in 1978, nine years before Messi was born.
The question The Athletic asked those people was simple: What would you say to Messi? The reactions, almost without fail, showed their emotion. The phrase that kept coming up was “I’m going to start crying.”
Marcos Vernola, 27, became emotional as he explained how he felt about Messi.
“I went through a really tough time in 2014 when a relative died and we lost the World Cup final,” he said. “I was sad for a long time, and I suffered terribly through both Copa América finals.
"The journey over the last few years has been like a rebirth, as if he were the guiding light of my life. And since 2021, it's been nothing but joy. He's achieved everything he'd promised. Thank you so much, Lionel Messi, for ever having existed. I'll never forget the hugs with my family during the World Cup. I'm going to cry."
Luna Sperzagni, a sports journalism student, needed fewer words to convey the same sentiment.
“Thank you for your football, for your humility, for being you.”
Is that all?
“No, it’s just that I’ll start crying otherwise.”
The players also seemed overwhelmed by emotion, even before the match. TV cameras captured Messi dabbing his eyes with a tissue on the team bus on the way to the stadium, as fans ran alongside to catch a glimpse of their icon.
Outside the stadium, colorful tributes lined the streets.
When the match began, the only player creating any real danger early on was Messi. Benin had a clear game plan and was determined not to be a pawn in Argentina's party.
Messi had received an honorary doctorate from the University of Buenos Aires on the day of the game; he laughed when someone shouted, "Doctor," as he arrived at the stadium. Before kickoff, Benin's players presented him with a small statue. After the match, the Chilean referee Fernando Véjar handed him the red and yellow cards he used that night.
Everything was out of the ordinary. The players took to the field accompanied by their children — a sight made more poignant when the faces of those present began to contort in a desperate attempt to hold back tears.
Messi held it together, but Scaloni's tears began to flow — as did those of some of the children.
When speaking of the national
SOCCER
LUIS ROBAYO/AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE — GETTY IMAGES
team's future without Messi, Scaloni later said: "We can put together a great team, but I've never seen that aura in anyone else in my life. What he brings, I've never seen in anyone else."
No, it wasn't a normal night, and nobody really wanted it to be. That is why the match was stopped in the 10th minute so the whole stadium — Messi's teammates and his opponents — could pay tribute to him and embrace him.
Overcome with emotion, Messi had not expected it. The Buenos Aires night was filled with fireworks and smoke. As part of the tributes to Messi, a giant version of his No. 10 shirt was displayed in his hometown, Rosario, this week, serving as a shrine to the departing hero. A similar replica went up in the capital.
The second half against Benin saw a change in Argentina, which realized Messi should leave with smiles, despite the tears.
A perfect corner from Messi allowed 38-year-old Nicolás Otamendi to bid his own farewell to the national team with a goal.
A pass from Messi set up a stunning effort by Nico Paz. And Messi scored on a penalty in the 71st minute, his 126th career goal for the national team.
"My goodness, how we're going to miss him," said Pablo Giralt, an Argentine television pundit, before adding, "We want this match to go on forever."
The match ended with Argentina winning, 3-0, but Messi is eternal — a loop of soccer-playing joy embedded in the minds of everyone who had the privilege of watching him play.
Drones produced a light show after the match. But the post-match speech from the man himself hit all the right notes, as he remembered his father, Jorge, who died in August. He spoke of his Argentina teammates — those who had been part of this recent era of success and those who had come before — and their efforts at this summer's World Cup. When he mentioned how the semifinal win against England “really took it out of us,” the crowd, and Messi’s teammates, bounced up and down to the traditional chant of “whoever
Lionel Messi after scoring in Buenos Aires on Tuesday in his 208th international match.
doesn't jump is an Englishman."
The most tearful player was Enzo Fernández, the Manchester City midfielder who wrote a letter to Messi as a 15-year-old in 2016, asking him to reconsider his decision to retire from the national team that summer after Argentina's Copa América final defeat to Chile. There were moving scenes as Messi consoled his eldest son, Thiago, after his speech.
“No tribute can truly do justice to the most extraordinary footballer of all time,” Andrés Eliceche wrote for the Argentine newspaper La Nación. “No match, no song, no word, no goal
— not even one of his own — can symbolize the true magnitude of his place in the history of this sport.
“No one can doubt that his presence is destined to last forever. Messi knocked on the door of eternity, and eternity welcomed him, inviting him in and to sit wherever he pleases.”
Messi will remain an icon of Argentine football, even if he is no longer on the field. “Now I’m going to be on this side,” Messi told supporters in the stands, “supporting these boys and all those who are to come.”
That is what the fan Vernola asks of him. “I hope this is just a change of scenery and that he’ll soon be running the show from the stands,” he said.
As manager of the national team?
“No. I want him as head of the Argentina F.A. and ambassador for Argentina. We’ve got to win the fourth, the fifth and the sixth” World Cups, he said. “We’ve got to get past the Brazilians.”
罗姆先生在2004年出版的著作《关于氢的炒作:拯救气候竞赛中的虚假承诺与真实方案》(The Hype About Hydrogen: False Promises and Real Solutions in the Race to Save the Climate)中主张,此类计划往往是为特殊利益集团掩盖的利益,这些团体利用“灵丹妙药”式技术的承诺,作为不尽早采取痛苦但必要措施的借口。
作为一名极具感染力的演讲者,罗姆先生还撰写了大量关于如何向普通大众(甚至是持怀疑态度的人群)传达气候变化细节的文章。2015年,他撰写了《气候变化:每个人都需要知道的事》(Climate Change: What Everyone Needs to Know),该书迅速成为了气候政策辩论者的标准入门读物。
去年,他与就读于芝加哥大学的女儿安东尼娅(Antonia)共同发布了一个名为《解码泰勒·斯威夫特:一场叙事革命》(Decoding Taylor Swift: A Storytelling Revolution)的播客,他们在其中主张,这位流行歌手的歌词提供了一堂关于如何“让你的话语更具说服力、更令人难忘且更具传播力”的大师课。
约瑟夫·雅各布·罗姆(Joseph Jacob Romm)1960年6月27日出生于纽约州米德尔敦。他的父亲阿尔·罗姆(Al Romm)是当地报纸的执行编辑,母亲埃塞尔·罗姆(Ethel Grodzins Romm)是一家环境技术公司的首席执行官。
他于1982年获得麻省理工学院(M.I.T.)的物理学学士学位,并于1987年获得该校的博士学位。
除了西尼克罗皮女士和他们的女儿,他的遗属还包括他的兄弟丹(Dan)。
在研究生期间以及早期在落基山研究所(Rocky Mountain Institute)和洛克菲勒基金会(Rockefeller Foundation)担任研究员期间,罗姆先生关注的是核战争的威胁;他的第一本书《曾经与未来的超级大国》(The Once and Future Superpower,1992年)探讨的是美国安全政策。
罗姆先生在1993年至1998年期间就职于美国能源部,期间曾担任代理助理部长。从1998年到2006年,他担任智库“气候与能源解决方案中心”(Center for Climate and Energy Solutions)的主任,随后加入了美国进步中心(Center for American Progress)。
他的博客提供的不仅仅是他个人的观点:凭借一个记者团队和常驻撰稿人,它成为了一个关于
普林斯顿大学出版社
《虚假的承诺与真实的解决方案:气候拯救之赛》
修订及更新版
约瑟夫·J·罗姆(JOSEPH J. ROMM)
进步主义者,提供新闻与深度报告的结合。
2019年,罗姆先生参与创立了 Front Page Live,这是一个面向进步主义者的新闻聚合平台,他在此担任主编;2023年,曼先生聘请他担任宾夕法尼亚中心的资深研究员。
A Fraternity of Cancer Survivors on the Mound Traces Its Roots to Armstrong
GARY A. VASQUEZ/USA TODAY SPORTS, VIA REUTERS
VIA THE ATHLETIC
Nic Enright, left, treated for nodular lymphocyte-predominant Hodgkin lymphoma, was helped by Liam Hendriks, a non-Hodgkin lymphoma survivor, with his wife, Kristi. Top, Lance Armstrong.
From First Sports Page
an iconic symbol. It also provided him a post-downfall purpose. He obtained Bettis's number through his friend Huston Street, a long-time M.L.B. reliever, and left him a message during spring training in 2017.
When Bettis and Armstrong finally connected, they chatted for hours about accepting help even though the machismo of a mid-20s pro athlete might want to resist it. They talked about persevering on the bleakest days and about granting yourself grace when chemotherapy extinguishes your motivation.
There is no tangible finish line, no magical date on the calendar when a patient can place a cancer fight fully in the rearview. You're merely further removed, Armstrong said, from that last checkup, that last needle prick. There is, however, a day when you can finally look forward without the future seeming so precarious.
Armstrong remembers that day, when he sat with a doctor at the end of his treatment, and learned about the “obligation of the cured.” It’s on those who have survived cancer, he was told, to guide the way for those clinging to hope.
Their conversation convinced Bettis that he, too, had an obligation. When Taillon, also a pitcher, was diagnosed with testicular cancer in May 2017, Bettis offered a lifeline. The chain of support has not ceased.
When Taillon reached first base one rainy night in September 2017, Anthony Rizzo told him to stop and take a mental snapshot. No, not because Taillon, the Pittsburgh Pirates' starting pitcher, had notched a second consecutive single off Lester, the Chicago Cubs' left-hander. All three of them — Taillon, Rizzo and Lester — were cancer survivors.
“I almost felt like I didn’t belong in that conversation in that moment,” Taillon said.
He needed Bettis to help him understand that he did.
Taillon first felt a lump on his left testicle that May, in Cincinnati. He had a Stage 1B malignant tumor, and an explanation for his migraines and sleeping habits.
He underwent an immediate procedure to remove the testicle and then regular blood draws and CT scans at Allegheny General Hospital on his way to PNC Park. Needles and vials in the morning, sinkers and curveballs in the afternoon.
Taillon maintained contact with Bettis, who encouraged him to keep throwing if it felt right.
Five weeks after his operation, Taillon tossed five scoreless innings against the Rockies.
Initially, he was ashamed by the attention that accompanied his return. Bettis's cancer had spread to his lymph nodes, forcing him to halt his throwing program and endure 21 sessions of chemotherapy.
He lost his hair. He panicked about a future with his newborn.
Taillon did not need chemo. He only had to press pause for 40 days.
Taillon came to realize, however, that for reasons he never anticipated, he was now someone's favorite player. In Atlanta, a clubhouse attendant shared that a family member had recently died from cancer. No one had ever confided in him in that way. Strangers approached him. He learned of siblings gathering to watch his starts while their father underwent cancer treatment. His earned run average did not matter as much as did his advocacy or presence on the mound.
“I felt this new responsibility to be willing to talk to people and be visible with it,” Taillon said.
When Hendriks announced in January 2023 that he had been diagnosed with Stage 4 non-Hodgkin lymphoma, Taillon knew he had to reach out.
Hendriks announced his retirement last week after a 14-year career built on resilience. Five times, he was designated for assignment. Twice, he was released. He has been an All-Star and a reliever of the year. He transformed from a composed, soft-tossing starter into a grunting maniac with an upper-90s heater.
Hendriks insisted he would approach cancer with the same vigor or he applied to every ninth inning. He calls it White Line Fever: He circles the mound like a lion stalking a zebra and morphs into a cyclone of rage. A cancer diagnosis can make even pitching's pre-eminent powder keg feel vulnerable, and Taillon surmised Hendriks was "more emotional or scared than he would let on."
Hendriks still has the text, dated Jan. 30, 2023, with the best advice he received.
"It's your journey. Nobody can tell you what to feel or what to do baseball-wise. Do whatever you feel is right."
That guidance stuck with Hendriks as he pushed through chemo and bulldozed his way back to the mound. All the credit, Hendriks says, goes to Taillon.
他当时在纽约说话。在参加完“秋季舞蹈节”(Fall for Dance)后,澳大利亚芭蕾舞团正准备在城市中心(City Center)演出(持续至周日)克里斯托弗·威登(Christopher Wheeldon)的《奥斯卡》(“Oscar”,2024)。这部作品讲述了奥斯卡·王尔德的一生,是第一部聚焦于一名同性恋英雄及其对另一名男子之爱的全长叙事芭蕾舞剧。
Hendriks had two lumps surface in the spring of 2022, one on the back of his neck and another near his jaw. His bloodwork came back clean; doctors figured he had inflamed hair follicles or that his White Line Fever was in overdrive.
But as Hendriks prepared for a November trip to Oahu, his doctor suggested he undergo further testing. This time, they found cancer.
During his chemo treatments, Hendriks experienced intense nausea, which subsided when he ate. He gained nearly 40 pounds. He dealt with bone pain and persistent fatigue. He grappled with a sudden inability to handle caffeine. His depth perception fluctuated, so an act like resting a cup on a table became a messy endeavor.
The more he talked to others who had endured chemo, including Bettis, the more he understood these side effects were common — and temporary. It compelled him to talk about it.
His wife, Kristi, joined the board for the Lymphoma Research Foundation. They started a Close Out Cancer T-shirt campaign. Hendriks met with cancer patients during every series and watched their anxieties momentarily melt away when they compared symptoms and coping mechanisms.
“You put it out into the universe,” Hendriks said, “and when you say it, you realize it doesn’t hold as much weight as you think internally.”
As he warmed up in the bullpen ahead of his first outing back in May 2023, Hendriks spotted a familiar face. A woman named Bianca who was enduring her third bout of Hodgkin lymphoma was holding one of the letters in a "Team Liam" display. She had designed him cleats for his return.
All Hendriks wanted to do was cry.
NBC Chicago declined to go to commercial after the seventh inning so fans could watch Hendriks sprint in from the bullpen. Catcher Matt Thaiss and the plate umpire, John Libka, granted Hendriks extra time to savor the scene and the support.
Then the weight of the moment dissipated. The sentimentality subsided.
The fever returned.
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格雷格·弗里曼:空间已不足以容纳其才华
这位摇滚歌手在最新专辑中充满了犀利的金句,将其推向了新高度,而他依然珍视自己的 DIY 根源。
EVAN JENKINS 为《纽约时报》拍摄
格雷格·弗里曼在芝加哥的麦金利公园跳跃。他的新专辑《All Set the Bone》于上周发行。
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📄 Original Section
Paying It Forward
Enright knew Hendriks only through his appearance at the 2021 All-Star Game when they met at a coffee house near Fenway Park in Boston in September 2025.
They talked through Enright's treatment schedule and symptoms — the hives, the nausea and tingling, the passing out whenever doctors drew his blood. They commiserated about how chemo wrecked their bodies, how 25 pitches drained them the way 45 pitches used to.
They talked recovery plans, elbow pain and coffee preferences. Hendriks shared what he learned from Bettis and Taillon. With each sip and each sliver of wisdom, En-right felt more empowered.
"If I can just do one-tenth of what these other guys have done for me," he said, "that's my way to pay it forward."
Like Hendriks, Enright was diagnosed in December 2022, but with Stage 2 nodular lymphocyte-predominant Hodgkin lymphoma. While Hendriks had compiled more than a decade of big league service time and described his elbow as “a ticking time bomb,” Enright had yet to make his major league debut.
The Miami Marlins selected him in the Rule 5 draft just days before he noticed an egg-shaped bulge in his neck. He was in the waiting room for the big leagues. But would baseball wait for him on the other side of his cancer journey? He needed to keep pitching for the sense of normalcy and the distraction, and also for his livelihood.
Enright's diagnosis announcement sparked the typical influx of thoughtful texts and calls. When that support, however, is supplied by someone who has worn that hospital gown and devised a schedule that accommodates both chemo sessions and bullpen sessions, “It’s superpowerful.”
Enright's story is still being written. He made his long-awaited debut in May 2025 in Detroit, on "Strike Out Cancer Weekend." He underwent Tommy John surgery last October. He underwent his most recent round of radiation in the spring. He will have another scan in November to confirm his body is responding properly.
Over the winter, Enright's former Marlins trainer connected him with Scarborough, the 21-year-old Rangers prospect who had been diagnosed with melanoma. Enright, who had once wanted to keep everything about his diagnosis quiet, now couldn't wait to extend a helping hand. Enright and Scarborough have maintained dialogue throughout the season as they navigate life in a club they never cared to join.
"If one person is able to read any of our stories and it benefits them," Enright said, "that makes it worth it."
“他与自我高度同步,”格雷格·康格尔顿(John Congleton)说道,这位格莱美奖得主制作人曾与 St. Vincent 和 Mod——接 C6 页
📄 Original Section
A Rare Showcase
On Aug. 14, 2017, nine months after his diagnosis, Bettis emerged from the Rockies' dugout to loosen his arm. He savored the ovation from the Colorado fans and he reflected on the support he received throughout the spring and summer: his wife, his family, teammates, trainers, strangers. Lance Armstrong.
"It's beautiful how any interaction with any individual," Bettis said, "can change the course of their day — or their life."
Ender Inciarte slapped Bettis's fifth pitch of the game past the glove of a diving Gerardo Parra in left field. The ball trickled to the wall and Inciarte sprinted around the bases. The Rockies nabbed him at home to prevent an inside-the-park home run, a fitting whirlwind to welcome back Bettis from the most frantic period of his life.
All he could hear on the mound was his breathing and his heartbeat, as if he were snorkeling. He had never felt so focused. He delivered seven scoreless innings in a 3-0 win.
“I think the baseball gods were on our side in our returns,” Taillon said.
A year later, Bettis, scanning the pitching probables, texted Taillon.
How sick would this be if we lined up against each other?
It was a chance to showcase the influence of the pitchers-with-cancer club. They tangled at Coors Field on Aug. 7, 2018. Bettis allowed nine runs, but Taillon recorded a complete-game victory.
“I got dominated, but it was awesome,” Bettis said. “That’s a memory I won’t ever forget.”
He was alive, a father, a husband. A survivor.
“Guys are dealing with potentially life-threatening things. That’s the bad news,” Armstrong said. “The good news is, there are people there to create this grapevine of support.”
仍留在巴德,但面临审视
里昂·博特斯坦因爱泼斯坦污名而退休,但联系依然存在。
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📄 Original Section
Cheikh Hamidou Kane, Whose Haunting Novel Is Still Taught, Dies at 98
By ADAM NOSSITER
Cheikh Hamidou Kane, a Senegalese writer and civil servant whose 1961 novel, “Ambiguous Adventure,” reshaped perceptions of the colonial relationship, has died. He was 98.
Mr. Kane's death was announced by President Bassirou Diomaye Faye of Senegal on social media. He died on Sunday at home in Dakar, Senegal's capital, according to his son Amadou Kane.
“He gave generations of Africans the words to grapple with a question that still haunts us: that of opening ourselves to the world’s knowledge without losing anything of who we are,” Mr. Faye
He captured the shock of colonization from the perspective of Africa's people.
wrote. “His work now belongs to the heritage of our Nation and of all Africa.”
Despite publishing only two novels, Mr. Kane achieved the status of Pan-African seer and was lauded as one of the founding fathers of African literature and as a writer who subtly captured the shock of colonization from the perspective of the continent's people.
In “Ambiguous Adventure,” Mr. Kane focused on the psychological trauma of colonization, especially on the colonized elites. Mr. Kane, who was a young novelist writing at the dawn of African independence, modeled the novel’s principal character, Samba Diallo, on himself.
Samba, an alert young man with a love of learning who is devoted to his Muslim faith, is torn between two civilizations. The
Saikou Jammeh contributed reporting.
“adventure” in the title refers to his journey into the world of his land’s conqueror and the blurred imprint it leaves.
When Mr. Kane wrote the book, he was also between two worlds. In the 1950s, he attended the French colonizer's schools, first in Senegal and then in Paris; he earned degrees in law and philosophy at the Sorbonne, and was trained in colonial administration at the National School for Overseas France. He returned to Africa in 1958 and shortly thereafter was made governor of a region near Dakar by the new government of independent Senegal.
Unlike the Nigerian author Chinua Achebe's stinging anticolonial novel "Things Fall Apart," published three years earlier, "Ambiguous Adventure" is concerned with the inner turmoil induced by colonization rather than the social disintegration it causes.
The main character is imbued with the culture and traditions of the Islamized Fulani aristocracy of the Senegal River Valley, where he grows up. But the fateful decision to attend a French school washes him in the colonizers' culture, which he couldn't shake even if he wanted to — and he doesn't. This internal conflict ends in tragedy, an outcome that seems to presage West Africa's struggle over the next half-century to rid itself of the lingering colonial imprint and find a path faithful to old customs.
The novel won the Grand Literary Prize of Black Africa in 1962. Although the English translation received little attention in the United States — the book was not reviewed in The New York Times
— it has long been considered seminal in Francophone Africa. It was read “in all the countries of sub-Saharan Africa,” the Le Monde journalist Éric Fottorino wrote in a profile of Mr. Kane in 1996, adding that the book had sold “100,000 copies across the world.”
Mr. Kane was always explicit about his didactic intent. In an interview with the writer Maryse
Cheikh Hamidou Kane in 2011. Right, his 1961 novel. He was lauded as one of the founding fathers of African literature.
SOPHIE BASSOULS/BRIDGEMAN
Condé on Radio France Internationale in 1974, he said that the book contains “a sort of political denunciation of what was, if you will, the colonial adventure,” explaining, “I thought the central problem was the conflict of cultures, of a traditional culture, the African culture, Black and Muslim, with the culture of the colonizers.”
He felt this conflict within himself, as he told Le Monde in 2018. The colonial era was “marked by the denial of our being, of our identity,” he said. “By the white men who colonized us and wanted us to think we were inferior beings,” he said.
“I admired them but I had in front of me people who had contempt for me,” he continued. “I had to fight to gain access to a world I admired but that wanted nothing to do with me.”
“Ambiguous Adventure” is a novel of education, illustrated by the schooling of Samba Diallo, a young aristocrat preparing to become a leader of his people, the Diallobé. He is first educated in the harsh discipline of a Quranic school by a character known as the Master. Mr. Kane evokes the panoply of corporal punishment used, then and now, in such schools. Like other principal characters in the book, the Master is a symbol and is named by his title.
Samba's aunt, the sister of the Diallobé chief, called the Royal Noble One, steps in and insists he attend the local French school to learn the ways of the conquerors. "We've got to go to them, to learn the art of winning without being right," she says to the Master and Samba. "The fight isn't over. The foreigners' school is the newest form of the war on us by those who have come here."
Mr. Kane depicts the stark contrast between the spiritual outlook of the Diallobé — focused on prayer, eternity, God and the afterlife — and the harsh materialism of the French conquerors. “Your science is the triumph of evidence, a proliferation of the surface,” Samba’s father, the Knight, modeled on Mr. Kane’s own father, tells his French civil servant colleague in the small northwestern Senegal town where they work.
This dichotomy takes literal shape in the narrative of the Crazy One, a Diallobé who has been to the white man's country and returned, altered by what he has seen. France is a horrorscape, in his telling.
Samba undergoes a similar transformation when he journeys to France. “Here, you could say that I live less fully than in the country of the Diallobé,” he tells his French hosts. “I no longer feel things directly.”
But the imprint of this new civilization is now on him, as the surprising ending of this short, prayerlike novel makes clear. On his return, he resists a call to prayer, with grave consequences. “I wanted to underscore the dramatic, tragic aspect of our intellectual and spiritual adventure,” Mr. Kane told Ms. Condé.
Cheikh Hamidou Kane was born on April 2, 1928, in Matam, in northern Senegal, the son of Mamadou Lamine Kane, a civil servant in the colonial administration, and Yéya (Racine) Kane. He attended the Quranic school in Saldé and then went to the French primary school in Louga. He went to a high school in Saint-Louis, the colonial capital, and then to the Lycée Van Vollenhoven, in Dakar, in 1948.
In 1951, he began studying at the Institute for Higher Learning in Dakar, now the Cheikh Anta Diop University, and then received a scholarship to attend the Lycée Louis-le-Grand in Paris, which prepared him for the Sorbonne and the colonial administrator's school.
In the post-independence fight that pitted the prime minister, Mamadou Dia, who supported a sharp break with France, against the French-leaning president, Léopold Sédar Senghor, Mr. Kane aligned himself with Mr. Dia, who was imprisoned.
He left Senegal in solidarity with Mr. Dia in 1962 and worked for the United Nations in Lagos, Nigeria, and Abidjan, Ivory Coast, and later for the International Development Research Center, an organization in Canada.
When Mr. Kane returned to Senegal in 1976, after Mr. Dia had been freed, Mr. Senghor made him minister for industrial development. From 1981 to 1988, he was planning minister under President Abdou Diouf. After retiring, he remained active in several notable nongovernmental organizations promoting peace in Senegal, including ENDA Tiers-Monde.
"The Guardians of the Temple," his 1995 novel, did not achieve the same celebrity as "Ambiguous Adventure." It had been in the works for more than 30 years; the poet Aimé Césaire had persuaded Mr. Kane not to publish it in 1965 because it "could have been used as a weapon against Senegal," Mr. Kane told Le Monde in 1996, adding, "Criticism of African regimes could have been seen as an appeal for military takeover."
In addition to his son Amadou, Mr. Kane is survived by three other children from his second marriage, to Marie Therese Bovis: Kadida Kane, Oumou Khairy Wane and Mamadou Lamine Kane; and two daughters from his first marriage, to Yaya Oumou Khairy: Yaya Touré and Hawa Kane.
“Ambiguous Adventure” endures as a classic plea for the independence and inherent worth of African cultures, and it is still taught in schools across the continent.
As Mr. Kane told the British critic J.P. Little in 1997, “When I wrote it, it was to bear witness to the Westerners of the existence of a Black culture, of a Black civilization, of a Black sensibility.”
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Austin, Diane
Beaton, Howard
Davis, Gordon
Stillman, Marilyn
AUSTIN—Diane P., a celebrated caterer whose table, friendships, and opinions were all generously populated, died September 30 in Boston, one week short of her 97th birthday. An inveterate New Yorker, Dee loved the city almost as much as she loved her cats and a good hand of bridge. She was a graduate of Stuart Hall and Smith College, class of 1951. For more than 30 years, she ran Dee Austin Inc., a successful catering business. An inspired cook, a magnanimous host, and a lover of conversation, wit, and company, her tables were legendary. A force of nature, she had little patience for convention, less for pretense, and a large appetite for pleasure, people, and life. She could be formidable, funny, irreverent, and enormously generous. People gathered around her and stayed. She was predeceased by her son, William Robert "Trip" McGleughlin III, and her husbands, William Robert McGleughlin, Jr., Henry McEvoy, and Charles Lee Austin Jr. She is survived by her
Deaths
children, Peter T. McGleughlin and Julie "Jade" P. McGleughlin, and their spouses Sally McGleughlin and Sue Hyde, her three stepsons, Michael, Timothy, and Dennis McEvoy; and her five grandchildren, Jesse, Christian, Maxwell, Octavia and Nicholas McGleughlin. She leaves behind a devoted and loving family, and a life lived very much on her own terms.
age 76, died peacefully on October 5, 2026. Born in New York City, he graduated from Yale University and the University of Rochester School of Medicine and Dentistry. A board-certified general surgeon, Dr. Beaton practiced in New York City for more than four decades and was especially proud of his service during the September 11 attacks. As Chief of Surgery and Emergency Services at NYU Downtown Hospital, he and his colleagues cared for casualties from the World Trade Center. He was predeceased by his beloved wife of 28 years, Bettye Beaton. He is survived by his son, Joshua (Beth); daughters Audrey
Deaths
Margarite (Mike) and Jessica Beaton (Todd); grandchildren Jacob, Olivia, Cameron and Noa; siblings Dianne Heaps and Neal Beaton; and his partner, Irit Granger. A funeral service will be held Thursday, October 8, 2026 at 12:45pm at Sharon Gardens. Shiva will be observed Thursday and Friday at his home in New York City. In lieu of flowers, donations may be made to the JCC in Sherman, Connecticut.
The Trustees and staff of The New York Public Library mourn the passing of Gordon J. Davis, a beloved and dedicated member of the Library family. Gordon joined the Library's Board of Trustees in 1993 and became a Life Trustee in 2016. A celebrated civic leader, Gordon played an instrumental role in shaping New York City, and his contributions will continue to have a profound impact on future generations of New Yorkers.
At the Library, we are grateful for his expertise, generosity of spirit, and unwavering commitment to public service. We extend our deepest sympathies to his wife, Peggy, their daughter, Lizzy, and their friends and family.
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Evan R. Chesler,
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Anthony W. Marx,
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DAVIS—Gordon J.
In honor of his estimable life.
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STILLMAN—Marilyn.
Age 86, died on Sunday, October 4, 2026. She was an exceptional mother, grandmother, great-grandmother, sister and wife. She and Charles Stillman were married for 67 wonderful years. Marilyn was a gifted interior designer and for good measure a talented pianist. May her memory be for a blessing.
Our journalists go to some of the most dangerous places on earth to keep the public informed, including Gaza, Ukraine, Sudan and Myanmar.
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From left, Ms. Saint, right, with Lillian Gish in “The Trip to Bountiful” (1953); with Montgomery Clift and Elizabeth Taylor in “Raintree County” (1957); with James Karen in “Superman Returns” (2006).
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📄 Original Section
Eva Marie Saint, 102, Dies; Won Oscar for ‘On the Waterfront’
By ALJEAN HARMETZ
Eva Maire Saint and Marlon Brando in “On the Waterfront” (1954). Both won Oscars. “Amid scenes of carnage, she gives tenderness and sensitivity to genuine romance,” a Times critic wrote.
Eva Marie Saint, who won an Academy Award in 1955 for her gripping movie debut as the shy love interest of Marlon Brando's longshoreman in "On the Waterfront," and who proved equally convincing as a stylish siren opposite Cary Grant in the romantic Hitchcock thriller "North by Northwest," died on Tuesday at her home in Los Angeles. She was 102.
A family representative, Jeff Sanderson, confirmed the death.
Blonde and delicately beautiful — as a child, she played an angel in school pageants — Ms. Saint had been a working actress for eight years by the time she made her first movie. She learned her craft on live television dramas — which, with their three cameras and constant tumult, forced her to learn to concentrate, she said.
Ms. Saint in 2019. When movie work got scarce, she returned successfully to television.
Her supporting performance in "On the Waterfront," which boasted one of the most impressive casts and crews ever assembled, would alone have assured her a place in movie history; the movie remains near the top of the American Film Institute's list of the country's greatest films. It won the Oscar for best picture and director (for Elia Kazan), and Mr. Brando took home the award for best actor, for his tormented performance as a former prizefighter who moonlights as muscle for a corrupt union.
Even if Mr. Brando had the most indelible lines (“I coulda been a contender”), Budd Schulberg, who won the screenwriting Oscar, said Ms. Saint had the riskiest assignment — portraying a convent-educated young woman, Edie, who simmers with passion for Mr. Brando’s Terry Malloy. Edie, who discovers Terry played a role in the death of her brother, who had run afoul of union racketeers, plays a critical role waking Malloy’s conscience.
Mr. Kazan said he selected Ms. Saint from among hundreds of actresses for her ability to convey the “simplicity and faith that well-brought-up Catholic girls have,” but he noted that she also brought an explosive capacity for lust and an ability to keep up with Mr. Brando, a master of improvisation.
“In casting Eva Marie Saint,” the film critic A.H. Weiler wrote in
Adam Bernstein contributed reporting.
The New York Times, “Mr. Kazan has come up with a pretty and blonde artisan who does not have to depend on these attributes. Her parochial school training is no bar to love with the proper stranger. Amid scenes of carnage, she gives tenderness and sensitivity to genuine romance.”
Nine months pregnant with her first child when she picked up her Oscar at the RKO Pantages Theater in Hollywood, she told the audience, “I’m so excited I may have the baby right here.” Her son was born two days later.
Stardom beckoned, but Ms. Saint decided to raise a family and to make only one movie a year while her two children were growing up. She later recalled turning down a three-picture deal that her agent promised would make her "a superstar." What she preferred, she reflected in 1996 to the Hollywood interviewers David Fantle and Tom Johnson, was "to be a working actress with a home life that worked."
"I have a life, and it is not lived on the set," she said. "I felt that way when I was raising my kids, and I feel that way now. I don't want make-believe children. When Donna Reed, the perfect American mother to millions of TV viewers in the 1950s, ended her show, her children were teenagers. She said to me, 'Now I'm going to get to know my kids.' I thought that was so very sad."
Nevertheless, Ms. Saint had a fruitful and celebrated career. Almost as acclaimed as her work in “On the Waterfront” was her performance as a seductive mystery woman opposite Mr. Grant in “North by Northwest” (1959), which is also on the A.F.I. list.
As Mr. Grant's Madison Avenue executive finds himself on the run, falsely accused of committing a high-profile murder, he finds himself seated in a train dining car with Ms. Saint. In a twist, and to his delight, she is the sexual aggressor.
"It's going to be a long night," she tells him. "And I don't particularly like the book I've started. You know what I mean?"
In later years, she said some of the easiest work in her entire professional life involved the many retakes required to film their kissing scenes.
Most of Ms. Saint's performances were intensely dramatic. She played the steadfast wife of a drug addict (Don Murray) in "A Hatful of Rain" (1957); the childhood sweetheart who loses Montgomery Clift to Elizabeth Taylor in "Raintree County" (1957); the widowed American nurse who falls in love with a Jewish warrior (Paul Newman) during the fight to create the state of Israel in "Exodus" (1960); and the older woman who is bedded and betrayed by a young drifter (Warren Beatty) in "All Fall Down" (1962).
Portraying the wife of a mediocre artist (George Segal) who is about to run away with another woman in “Loving” (1970), Ms. Saint gave what the critic Pauline Kael called a “stunning performance in what might have been a cliché role.”
COLUMBIA PICTURES
"It's wonderful to see what reserves of talent performers can sometimes draw upon when they get the chance," Ms. Kael wrote, noting her ability to turn her character's "humiliating position" into one of unexpected poignancy.
When given the chance, though, Ms. Saint proved a deft comic actress, playing a secretary still half in love with her ex-husband (Bob Hope) in “That Certain Feeling” (1956) and Carl Reiner’s wife in “The Russians Are Coming, the Russians Are Coming” (1966), a Cold War farce about a New England town that thinks it’s being invaded by the Soviets.
In the 1970s, when movie work grew increasingly scarce, Ms.
Saint, always levelheaded and pragmatic, returned happily and successfully to television. She starred in TV movies; played Cy-bill Shepherd's mother in the late 1980s on the ABC comedy-drama series "Moonlighting"; and won an Emmy Award in 1990 as a nasty dowager in the NBC version of Dominick Dunne's biting novel about the upper crust, "People Like Us."
Eva Marie Saint, the younger of two daughters, was born in East Orange, N.J., on July 4, 1924, and grew up in Delmar, N.Y.
Her father, John Merle Saint, was an executive with B.F. Goodrich, the tire manufacturer. Her mother, Eva Marie (Rice) Saint, had been a schoolteacher.
She was a calm, almost grave, child, her mother told Cosmopolitan magazine in 1954; she thought her daughter had inherited her “serenity” from her father, a
Quaker.
Becoming an actress was almost accidental. Ms. Saint followed her older sister, Adelaide, to Bowling Green State University in Ohio, and almost immediately found herself cast as the lead in college plays. Stunningly attractive, she was also voted “Sweater Queen” and “May Queen” by her fellow students.
She graduated in 1946 with a bachelor's degree in speech. (The university named a theater after her in 2012.) New York, and television, were the next step. Her early roles included playing a singing cheerleader in a tennis shoe commercial and, more notably, making an appearance on “Studio One” in the Ring Lardner-George S. Kaufman play “June Moon” in 1949, opposite another young hopeful, Jack Lemmon.
She brought a layered intensity to harrowing roles and seduced Cary Grant.
prime-time television version of the radio soap opera “One Man’s Family” earned her good money but left her discontented.
An equally discontented aspiring director, Jeffrey Hayden, invited her to lunch; they married in 1951. In the fourth decade of her marriage to Mr. Hayden, who had a long career as a television director, Ms. Saint told The Los Angeles Times: “I really don’t wake up every morning and say, ‘Well, now, isn’t this unusual? I’m sleeping with the same man after 43 years.’ I do say that you work at marriage. It doesn’t just happen.”
Mr. Hayden died in 2016 at 90. She is survived by their two children, Darrell and Laurette; four grandchildren; and two great-grandchildren.
To a torrent of critical acclaim, Ms. Saint starred with Lillian Gish in Horton Foote's 1953 television play "The Trip to Bountiful," as a young woman befriended by an older one on a long bus ride. When "The Trip to Bountiful" moved to Broadway later in 1953, it was a commercial failure, but Mr. Kazan and Mr. Schulberg were in the audience at one of its 39 performances.
Mr. Foote said her “ability to transmit an inner purity” made her right for the part in “Bountiful,” and that same quality, Mr. Kazan and Mr. Schulberg concurred, made her ideal for “On the Waterfront.”
Among Ms. Saint's other movies were “36 Hours” (1964), a World War II drama co-starring James Garner, and “The Sandpiper” (1965), in which she loses the man she loves (Richard Burton, as her husband and an Episcopal clergyman) to a freethinking artist (Ms. Taylor). She was a prisoner rescued by an Army scout (Gregory Peck) and then followed along the western frontier by her renegade Apache captor in “The Stalking Moon” (1968).
Well into her later years, Ms. Saint was still a working actress. She played Superman's foster mother, Martha Kent, in the movie "Superman Returns" (2006) and had a central role as a spinster librarian opposite a 10-year-old girl and a dog in "Because of Winn-Dixie" (2005). One of her last movie appearances was in the fantasy "Winter's Tale," based on the Mark Helprin novel, in 2014.
Asked in an interview for Vanity Fair in 2011 if she ever watched her own films, Ms. Saint replied: "Sometimes I do. And I think, 'Well, gee. You did that? Good job!'"
Joe Romm, a physicist by training who became one of the most influential voices in the debate over climate change and how to stop it, using his blog to provide deep-dive insights and sharp-el-bowed critiques, died on Sept. 14 in Washington. He was 66.
His death, at a hospital, was confirmed by his former wife, Patricia Sinicropi. Mr. Romm, who lived in Washington, had struggled with mental health issues for several years, she said, and had died by suicide.
Armed with a doctorate from M.I.T., Mr. Romm bounded into the environmental policy fights of the mid-2000s. He became a prolific writer of white papers, books, opinion pieces and a blog, Climate Progress, which he operated under the auspices of the Center for American Progress, the left-leaning think tank where he was a fellow.
Politicians in government and experts in the field quickly took notice of Mr. Romm's clear, detailed policy takes — and take-downs.
If you are having thoughts of suicide, call or text 988 to reach the 988 Suicide and Crisis Lifeline or go to SpeakingOfSuicide.com/resources for a list of additional resources.
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在前传中,见证地狱景象的起源
本周发行的《战争机器:E日》(Gears of War: E-Day)是 Coalition 工作室该系列的第八部作品。它记录了一支外星军队从地下涌现并袭击地球的过程。
该系列的新作探讨了熟悉角色和事件的背景故事。
大约 20 年前,我打电话给我的朋友说:“它就是你所希望的一切。”我当时在热烈地赞美《战争机器》,这款在 2006 年 11 月推出的第三人称射击游戏在当时独树一帜,并且是市场上画面最出色的 Xbox 360 游戏。操控那些被称为“齿轮兵”(gears)的装甲士兵,以及让他们在掩体中快速切换,具有一种极强的吸引力。在那之后,重新玩那个时期的第一人称射击游戏,感觉就像是在操控一个没有重量的摄像机。
与其他大作相比,《E日》表现卓越,或许是 Xbox Series X / S 上画面最出色的游戏。游戏的序幕讲述了马库斯和多姆在酒吧喝酒,随后在洛库斯特侦察兵开始从地陷洞中出现后,他们在狭窄的城市街道中战斗。在两人脱掉便装并与其他士兵汇合之前,开篇并没有过多暗示随后将出现的宏大空间。《E日》对城市战斗的刻画是我在游戏中见过的最好的。那些烟雾缭绕的环境如此多样且细节极其丰富,给人一种无数背景故事就在触手可及之处却又难以捉摸的印象。
Arguing for an all-in approach to dealing with climate change.
“They trusted him to get enough into the details to get it right, but also to be able to translate it into terms that they could understand,” Michael Mann, the director of the Penn Center for Science, Sustainability and the Media at the University of Pennsylvania, said in an interview.
Mr. Romm argued for an aggressive, all-in approach to dealing with climate change, using whatever practical solutions were available rather than investing in future technologies — a strategy that many credited with shaping climate policy during the presidencies of Barack Obama and Joseph R. Biden Jr.
He received similar credit for his long-running advocacy of electric cars. He argued that they were a more practical alternative to the internal combustion engine than hydrogen cells, a once-hyped technology that Mr. Romm considered unrealistic. He led the charge against President George W. Bush's hydrogen-powered-car initiative, which the White House announced with great fanfare in 2003 but which failed to deliver even a fraction of its promised outcomes.
Mr. Romm's 2004 book, “The Hype About Hydrogen: False Promises and Real Solutions in the Race to Save the Climate,” contended that such initiatives were often disguised benefits for special interest groups, which used the promise of silver-bullet technologies as an excuse not to take painful but necessary steps sooner.
He took on climate deniers and the fossil-fuel industry, but also ostensible allies when he felt that they had failed to recognize the urgency of the moment.
"He was a hyperactive, very aggressive critic," Andrew Revkin, a journalist who covered climate for The New York Times from 1995 to 2016, said in an interview. "If anything I did struck him as being too nuanced or wrong, he would pounce on it. I'd write 500 words, and he'd write 2,000 words."
A compelling speaker, Mr. Romm also wrote extensively about how to communicate the details of climate change to general audiences, even skeptical ones. In 2015, he wrote “Climate Change: What Everyone Needs to Know,” which quickly became the standard primer for would-be climate-policy debaters.
Last year, he and his daughter, Antonia, a student at the University of Chicago, released a podcast called “Decoding Taylor Swift: A Storytelling Revolution,” in which they argued that the pop singer’s lyrics offer a master class in how to “make the words you speak more persuasive, memorable and viral.”
Joseph Jacob Romm was born on June 27, 1960, in Middletown, N.Y., where his father, Al Romm, was the managing editor of the local newspaper and his mother, Ethel (Grodzins) Romm, was the chief executive of an environmental technology company.
He received his bachelor's degree in physics in 1982 and his doctorate in 1987, both from M.I.T.
In addition to Ms. Sinicropi and their daughter, he is survived by a brother, Dan.
As a graduate student and in his early career as a fellow at the Rocky Mountain Institute and the Rockefeller Foundation, Mr. Romm focused on the threat of nuclear war; his first book, “The Once and Future Superpower” (1992), was about American security policy.
But after the collapse of the Soviet Union, he shifted his attention to energy, and from there to climate change, which was emerging as an issue of national importance.
Joe Romm in 2012. In his 2004 book, he opposed initiatives like President George W. Bush's push for hydrogen-powered cars.
JONAH KOCH
Mr. Romm worked at the Department of Energy from 1993 to 1998, including a stint as an acting assistant secretary. He served as the director of the Center for Climate and Energy Solutions, a think tank, from 1998 to 2006, when he joined the Center for American Progress.
His blog offered more than just his own perspective: With a team of reporters and regular contributors, it became a one-stop shop for
PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS
FALSE PROMISES AND REAL SOLUTIONS
IN THE RACE TO SAVE
THE CLIMATE
REVISED & UPDATED
JOSEPH J. ROMM
progressives, delivering a mix of news and in-depth reports.
In 2019, Mr. Romm helped found Front Page Live, a progressive news aggregator for which he served as editor in chief, and in 2023 Mr. Mann hired him as a senior research fellow at the Penn Center.
"There's nobody else like Joe Romm," Mr. Mann said. "There's nobody else who brought all of these interlocking talents and proclivities together in the way that he did. That gave him such a unique voice, and it's a voice that we sorely could use today."
3 THEATER
A literary sensation makes an unlikely move to the stage.
2 ART
Don't be fooled by marble: Romans liked garish togas.
NEWS | CRITICISM
Arts
The New York Times
Surreal estate sale discovery brings a man \$1.35 million at auction.
THURSDAY, OCTOBER 8, 2026 C1
来自外太空与近在咫尺的寒意
奇异的力量与强大的维度,可追溯至外星人、人工智能以及狼之力量。
《C.O.G.》
可在大多数主流平台租赁或购买。
卡雅(Kaya,派珀·库尔达 饰)曾是一名黑客,现已基本转正,为伊森(Ethan,诺埃尔·费舍尔 饰)工作。伊森是一个面带笑容、毫无道德底线的科技大亨。卡雅相信人工智能具有解决世界问题的潜力,但当伊森决定在未完成最终安全检查的情况下,强行推进公司新型 AI 聊天机器人 CognAltive 的上线时,即使是她也感到惊恐。而她的担忧并非多余,因为该程序产生了一种恰好具有杀戮倾向的意识。
汤米·萨瓦斯的这部电影将对未经测试的 AI 的恐惧融入到砍杀电影(slasher genre)中,卡雅的编程团队成员被一个接一个地血腥地除掉。更令人不安的是——正因为其可能性极低——一个掌控一切且与人们职业和私人生活相连的新程序所能支配的选择范围之广。想象一下,一个权力至上的计算机可以访问你手机上的所有内容,包括那些具有破坏性的视频。
埃文·奥本海默(Evan Oppenheimer)的这部电影以一段虚构的 1996 年热门歌曲《(We Are) City Kids》的视频开场,该曲由 City Kids 乐队演唱,精准还原了 90 年代中期的 MTV 风格。这部电影的音乐资质是真实的:Guster 乐队主唱 Ryan Miller 创作了第一首歌,前 Sonic Youth 乐队吉他手 Lee Ranaldo 则是该片的作曲家。当你看到几十年后,City Kids 成员劳里(Amy Carlson 饰)和戈登(Jordan Bridges 饰)再次聚首,他们是三个孩子的父母,通过将歌词改编成睡前故事来娱乐孩子时,你会预期《豌豆与胡萝卜》将延续这种音乐基调。但这其实是一个误导(尽管有时带有《帕特里奇一家》的氛围)。
这次的拍卖价格是其所有作品中的最高价。之前的纪录是去年在苏富比拍卖行创下的,名为《给默西的信息》(Message for Mercy,以她的其中一只猫命名)的作品以 102万美元 成交;画中一只黑猫在空荡荡的房间里懒洋洋地躺着,完全不理会一张从门缝下塞进来的信封。艾伯克龙比(Abercrombie)早期的作品通常在五到六位数的区间内成交。
📄 Original Section
By ROSLYN SULCAS
David Hallberg had three goals when he started as the artistic director of the Australian Ballet in 2021: to bring his unusually varied experience of ballet techniques and styles to the company; to expand its repertory; and to take the company to the cities that were most important to him.
Those included Moscow, where he became the first American to join the Bolshoi Ballet; London, where he was a principal guest artist at the Royal Ballet; and New York, where he spent most of his career, with American Ballet Theater.
“Because of the pandemic and the Ukrainian war,” this last goal has been the most challenging, Hallberg said in a video conversation.
"But here we are."
He was speaking from New York, where, after an appearance at Fall for Dance, the Australian Ballet was preparing a City Center run (through Sunday) of Christopher Wheeldon's “Oscar” (2024), about the life of Oscar Wilde — the first full-length narrative ballet to focus on a gay hero and his love for another man.
Hallberg was excited but aware of impending scrutiny.
"This is absolutely the city — audiences, presenters, critics — that knows me best," he said. "And there is no denying that eyes will be on how I have guided and how I am presenting the company that I have directed for six years."
New York was where Hallberg became a dance world celebrity, acclaimed for the purity of his classicism. His career was followed closely as he moved to Moscow, coped with a career-threatening ankle inju-CONTINUED ON PAGE C6
New York “knows me best,” says David Hallberg. “And there is no denying that eyes will be on how I have guided and how I am presenting the company that I have directed for six years.”
该诉讼称,拉博夫的投诉与 DAVIS 去年接受《好莱坞报道》(The Hollywood Reporter)采访的内容有关。在采访中,她表示自己没有“安全感”,并谈到了她参与支持虐待幸存者的组织的情况。
“我认为目前这不再关乎我个人,而更多的是看向未来,”她说。“就是,你知道,继续我的生活。”
在 2020 年的起诉书中, DAVIS 表示,曾在多部《变形金刚》系列电影中出演的拉博夫在故意让她感染性传播疾病的同时,还对其进行掐脖子和威胁,导致她与亲友隔离。
在起诉提交时,拉博夫在给《纽约时报》的一封电子邮件中对部分指控予以否认。但他也表达了歉意。
“我一直有伤害身边最亲近之人的历史,”他说。“我对这段历史感到羞愧,并向我伤害过的人道歉。”
📄 Original Section
By LINDSAY ZOLADZ
Halfway through a tall pilsner at Farrell's, a 93-year-old bar in Brooklyn, the indie musician Greg Freeman made a bold pronouncement: "Rock music should be played in a room that is, like, ideally, 250 capacity."
Freeman wore a long-sleeve striped shirt beneath an army-green tee, to which he had clipped a pen. He took another sip. "Just put me in a room," he said. "Those are the best shows, always. I don't want a barricade between me and the audience."
It's a noble thought, but Freeman's tremendous new album, "All Set the Bone," seems poised to put him in front of much larger crowds. Panoramic, squalling and razor-witted, "Bone" is an impressive step up from last year's excellent breakout LP, "Burnover," and furthers the argument that Freeman is one of the best lyricists in indie rock right now.
“Every fifth line is kind of a zinger,” said Jim Fairchild, guitarist of the band Grandaddy, for whom Freeman opened on a tour last year. “There’s some sensitivity and whimsy, but there’s also this really visceral rock thing that I dig and that I was drawn to it the first time I heard Greg’s music.”
"He's in lock step with himself," said John Congleton, the Grammy-winning producer who has worked with St. Vincent and Mod-CONTINUED ON PAGE C6
As dusk settled over Bryant Park, the conductor Leon Botstein walked slowly across the stage, settling into a stool in front of the American Symphony Orchestra. The crowd sprawled across the lawn on this late-summer evening did not seem to notice that he had taken his position. Botstein raised his baton and started a performance of Copland's "Fanfare for the Common Man," competing with police sirens and the whine of passing buses.
Nearly 80 minutes later, Botstein, with a wave and a suggestion of a smile, walked off the stage to respectful applause.
For Botstein, this warm reception may prove little more than a brief moment of respite. After a half-century as a prominent figure in academia and music, Botstein, 79, was forced to retire in June as the president of Bard College, a post he had held since 1975. That came in the face of detailed revelations in Justice Department documents about his longstanding friendship with the CONTINUED ON PAGE C5
A show reveals how vivid dyes and exotic fabrics were used to broadcast status.
Top, most statues in the show “The Power of Fashion in the Roman Empire” are pale marble, but analysis shows they were once brightly colored. Above, left, togas of elite Romans were probably purple. Above right, clothing conveyed power. Left, Roman perfume gets a modern interpretation in the show. Below, busts showcase Roman hairstyles, some imitating those of conquered cultures.
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连浴室地垫也能时尚吗?
Autumn Sonata 品牌的纺织品采用了“永恒”的图案和古董挂毯。
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📄 Original Section
By NICOLAS LINEY
COPENHAGEN — This city built its reputation as the capital of Scandinavian quiet luxury on a palette of beige and gray. But inside its Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek museum, a new exhibition reveals that the power players of ancient Rome preferred a far louder aesthetic: garish garments, vibrant dyes and unapologetic display.
The show, “The Power of Fashion in the Roman Empire,” running through March 29, assembles sculptures from the era to examine how imperial expansion delivered the raw materials and styles that Romans used to assert themselves in a hypercompetitive social world.
"The exhibition explores fashion as a means of expressing status and power," said Cecilie Broens, a senior researcher at the Glyptotek who curated the show. "It also helps us understand how Roman fashion drew on the resources of its empire to express these forms of power."
As Rome consolidated its control over the Mediterranean and beyond in the early centuries of the first millennium, a thriving trade network fueled an increasingly consumerist society. Fashion trends and materials, like silk, pearls and dyes, flowed in from encounters with other cultures and helped demarcate social hierarchies in Rome.
The more exotic or rarefied your outfit was, the more clout you carried.
Textiles decay easily, and hard evidence for Roman fashion is vanishingly rare. But Roman portrait sculpture can tell us a lot about clothing, hairstyles and jewelry — even what perfumes people used. And because these statues broadcast idealized versions of their subjects, they reveal even more about how people wanted to be seen.
Perhaps predictably, many sculptures in the exhibition feature a subject wearing a toga or a stola, a sort of pinafore for women. These garments, which telegraphed Roman citizenship, remained remarkably unchanged over the centuries. But ornaments, hairstyles and dyes offered a way of standing out.
THE GLYPTOTEK
Many of the statues were originally painted in vibrant pigments, although barely any trace is left today. The Glyptotek, a major center for research on the use of color in ancient sculpture, has used paint residue analysis to produce digital reconstructions displayed on screens in the show.
Dyes for garments were sourced from around the empire. Purple — the most prestigious — was traditionally restricted to the garments of the elite. The best purples came from the glands of Murex sea snails from the eastern Mediterranean, an exploitative practice that nearly drove the species to extinction. “The word sustainability wouldn’t make any sense to Romans,” Broens said.
Plant-based imitations provided an access point for the less affluent — “much like fake handbags of today,” Broens explained. (A discerning eye could tell the difference: In his “Epistles,” the poet Horace pities the know-nothing who can’t tell one from the other.) The exhibition displays a rare fragment of a tunic with a woad or indigo border from Egypt, on loan from the British Museum, to compare with a remnant of Murex purple from the Glyptotek's archives.
Purple was a versatile color for Romans, covering a wide spectrum from pink to blue. Shifting trends favored different shades, and adopting new hues could give an edge. As Eve D'Ambra, an art history professor at Vassar College, writes in the exhibition catalog, "The quest to acquire the most prestigious dyes was akin to striking a moving target."
Other dyes from imperial provinces were equally valuable and signified wealth, like kermes, a vermilion derived from insects, or saffron. These dyes were used for the clothes of wealthy citizens outside the Roman elite, including freed slaves, who were not allowed to wear purple.
The show includes a portrait sculpture of the ex-slave and actor Caius Fundilius in a toga and dress shoes like a member of the elite. His toga, however, was originally painted orange, perhaps suggesting that it was colored with saffron — an expensive dye, but still not purple.
Other fashion trends, like hairstyles, could reflect Roman conquests. When Rome was struggling to subdue Germanic territories in the first century, elite women often wore wigs made from the blonde hair of Germanic captives or tried to imitate the color with dye. In this case, Broens said, "Women's beauty was quite literally constructed from subjugated peoples."
Yet not all foreign influences were harvested by force. As Rome's elite diversified, hairstyles were borrowed for cosmopolitan cachet. Julia Domna, the wife of the emperor Septimius Severus, came from a powerful Syrian family, and her distinctive coiffure appears to have been a popular style in that region. A portrait bust in the exhibition displays the look, which was widely copied.
We also know that perfume styles tracked the empire's expansion, with popular varieties including “Egyptian” and “Assyrian.” Recent research shows that statues of the elite would even be regularly anointed with scents. Some recipes for scents survive, but we'll never know what they really smelled like. Instead, the Glyptotek invited the Danish cosmetics brand Karmameju to create its own interpretations — bringing a touch of Scandinavian elegance to the imperial glitz.
When the Audience Is Inseparable From Those Onstage
By THOMAS ROGERS
An adaptation of the novel 'Perfection' has something to say about class, gentrification, consumerism and democracy.
Top and center, performers in the stage version of "Perfection" at the Volksbühne theater in Berlin. Near right, Anta Recke, the play's director.
BERLIN — By most standards, Vincenzo Latronico's novel "Perfection" is a strange candidate for a stage adaptation. The Italian writer's short novel — which became a sensation when it came out in English translation last year — ostensibly centers on two millennial expatriates living here in the 2010s, when low rents and costs made this city a magnet for young people.
But the book, which hit a nerve internationally for its incisive critique of lifestyle consumerism and digital-nomad culture, has only thinly sketched characters named Anna and Tom, and no dialogue. It has little plot, and its pages are mostly filled with descriptions of household belongings, social media feeds and banal activities like dinners and art openings.
Last weekend, however, the Volksbühne theater in Berlin premiered an ambitious attempt to reimagine Latronico's story for a live audience — and to provoke audience members who fit the demographic of its characters.
"All of Berlin hates Anna and Tom," said Anta Recke, the play's 37-year-old German Senegalese director, "but all of Berlin also is Anna and Tom."
Avoiding a direct adaptation of the book's (modest) events, the play features a cast of six actors largely reading out sections of the novel, dressed in T-shirts bearing variations on the words “international nobody.”
The performers slink around the theater, which has been configured like an arena, recounting Anna and Tom's story in a mix of — frequently broken — German and English. The descriptions of everyday activities and the characters' online lives are interspersed with more abstract episodes, in which the performers wrestle and sing.
Bright lights are directed at the viewers for most of the performance — so they see themselves as implicated in Latronico's critique, Recke said. In one extended scene, performers rearrange audience members in the theater to achieve an ideal configuration for the space.
Recke said the performance was meant to be a kind of “forum” for a discussion of the ideas the book raises: class, gentrification, consumerism and democracy. The actors, she said, were both “hosts” and stand-ins for the audience, whom she hoped would reflect on their own similarities to the books’ alienated characters. (The T-shirts, she said, were inspired by a sticker she noticed in a club bathroom.)
As Recke pointed out, the book uncannily captured the atmosphere of Berlin during the last decade of Angela Merkel's chancellorship, when the city experienced an influx of international expatriates, many of whom worked online jobs and circulated in English-speaking social bubbles isolated from German-speaking locals.
“I immediately saw the book as political,” Recke said, adding that she viewed it not only as a cautionary tale about the meaninglessness of consumerism, but also of the dangers of social and political disengagement. “This sadness and loneliness is rooted in the unfulfilled promises of democratic participation,” she said.
LEE EVERETT THIELER
A Munich native who has spent much of the past two decades in the German capital, Recke said she had encountered many of the “scenes, atmospheres, aesthetics and surfaces” described in the book. But she also argued that the novel had resonated internationally because the aspirational yet isolating relationship with online culture that it depicts is universal.
LEE EVERETT THIELER
The book, which is heavily inspired by Georges Perec's 1965 novel, "Things: A Story of the Sixties," was first published in Italian to little fanfare in 2022. It did not become a success until it was published in English three years later by Fitzcarraldo Editions, a small British press.
Writing in The New York Times, the critic Ryan Ruby argued that “Perfection” would spur recognition from readers who “belong to the same class and generation” as its protagonists, “whether or not they live in Berlin.” A New Yorker critic wrote that the book’s “magic trick” was to “reveal readers to themselves — gently, in the way a therapist might encourage a patient to arrive at an unflattering truth.”
In an interview before the premiere, Latronico said that he had spoken to several theaters in Italy shortly after the book came out there about adapting it for the stage. The projects fell through in part, he said, because “there’s no immediate way to turn this book into a story where people actually do things.”
He agreed to the Volksbühne adaptation because of the theater's long history of experimental productions and because he was heartened by Recke's plans to "formally reinvent" the book. (He has since been approached by two other international theaters about stage adaptations, he said, and is working with producers on a movie version.)
The political context, he noted, had changed since the book first came out. “Perfection,” he said, captured a period in the 2010s when there was still a “naïve optimism” about the future, aside from “big blips” to the liberal order like the election of Donald J. Trump or Britain’s vote to leave the European Union.
From today's perspective — with the conflicts in the Middle East and Ukraine — the characters' "privileged, sheltered, naïve ennui" seems even more jarring, he said. He added that he hoped that a Berlin audience would be able to clearly grasp his book's political undertones after seeing the live performance.
Rahel Fügener, a 28-year-old architect in the audience who had not read the book, said that she saw “a disturbing amount of overlap” with her own life. “You keep running into the question of meaning,” she said. “Like, why are we even doing this?”
But the fact that much of the play is in German is likely to have kept away many members of the city's English-speaking expatriate community who most resemble Anna and Tom. Britta Hansen, a TV producer in the audience who has lived in Berlin for decades, said that she was provoked not by the show's lifestyle critiques but by the fact that it had been staged at all. "To have given this space to such privileged, insular lives," she said, "that is the provocation."
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巴黎时装秀重新定义魅力
摄影:ALESSANDRO LUCIONI
Celine 的一场大胜,Dries Van Noten 的电影明星风,以及 Comme des Garçons 的丹宁之作。
巴黎 —— 巴黎本季迄今为止最出色的表演(甚至可能是整个时尚季最出色的表演),是在国家档案馆正式花园的一个岛屿风格茅草屋顶凉亭下举行的。每个座位上都放着一个竞选按钮,上面印着 1990 年关于纽约舞厅文化的纪录片《巴黎在燃烧》(Paris is Burning)中的一段话:“如果你射出一支箭,而它飞得很高,那么恭喜你。”
没错,对于当时在场的人来说,这种参考元素的组合其实并没有太多逻辑。但正如这个系列所表明的,这正是 Michael Rider 执掌的 Celine 的惊喜之处 —— 也是现在看来像是一种天才之举的地方。
但如果迪奥(Dior)还活着并在今天工作,他很可能不会去设计另一个版本的 Bar 夹克;他会挑战我们的预期——或者至少尝试这样做。伊夫·圣罗兰(Yves Saint Laurent)也是如此。皮埃尔·巴尔曼(Pierre Balmain)亦然(以及蒂埃里·穆格勒、安德烈·库雷热、艾尔莎·夏帕瑞丽以及所有其他如今已不在世的、在巴黎时装周中占据一席之地的品牌创始人)。布拉齐理解这一点,而香奈儿的所有者足够聪明,给了他尝试的空间和时间。
除了 T 台上不同女性穿着各式西装、搭配多样鞋履(83 套服装每套都采用了不同的鞋款——Blazy 清楚狂热追随者们在购买什么),这正是 Blazy 执掌的香奈儿的核心所在:解决问题。让女性能够自由地活动和生活,而无需在穿着问题上多花一秒钟思考。这也解释了为何“香奈儿狂热”依然席卷时尚界。
当然,这也是可可·香奈儿时代的香奈儿所追求的。相比于双 C 标志、山茶花或珍珠,这是一个更深层次的连接点,因为它为现代性创造了空间。
此外,这些衣服看起来确实非常漂亮。
📄 Original Section
Cryptogram
GFQ HQUGCQI ZRJQ UCDZIG ETOJFUIQX U EONWUGQ NICURX NR AOQQJQ UI U OQPTAQ POZD GFQNO XQWZGQX DZH.
PUZZLE BY BEN BASS
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人、地、物
TMAGAZINE.COM 精选
电影课堂
📄 Original Section
KenKen
YESTERDAY'S ANSWER Contradiction, contraception
Fill the grid with digits so as not to repeat a digit in any row or column, and so that the digits within each heavily outlined box will produce the target number shown, by using addition, subtraction, multiplication or division, as indicated in the box. A 4x4 grid will use the digits 1-4. A 6x6 grid will use 1-6.
59 Signifier of no value, in many programming languages
60 Grazing area
61 First name signifier?
62 Counterpart of a sire, on a horse farm
Play all of our games plus over 10,000 past puzzles for Wordle, Spelling Bee, The Crossword and more online at http://nytimes.com/games. For puzzle talk, visit http://nytimes.com/wordplay.
Gears of War: E-Day, released this week, is the eighth entry in a series from the studio Coalition. It chronicles the emergence of an alien army from underground and its assault on the planet.
A new entry in a series explores the back stories of familiar characters and events.
ALMOST 20 YEARS AGO, I rang up my friend and said, "It's everything you hoped it would be." I was gushing about Gears of War, the third-person shooter that in November 2006 played like nothing else and was the best-looking Xbox 360 game on the market. There was a gravitational tug to maneuvering the armored soldiers, known as gears, and snapping them into and out of cover. Afterward, returning to the first-person shooters of that period felt like steering a weightless camera.
Gears of War: E-Day, released by the studio Coalition on Tuesday, is the eighth entry in the Gears series, not including remakes, and serves as a prequel to the events of that
Gears of War: E-Day
Available on Xbox Series X|S and PC.
THE COALITION
first game. The “E” in the title refers to the emergence of the Locust Horde, an alien army, from underground, beginning their assault on the planet. The campaign in the game is an exercise in nostalgia, albeit a well-crafted one. (For those who remember the desaturated color palette of the early games, the fourth act starts with a large, open level that serves as a visual callback.)
To justify its existence as a worthy prequel, E-Day does two things quite consciously. First, it emphasizes the speed and magnitude of the Locust's transformation of the world into a hellscape. On a dramatic level, this is what makes the return of Dom Santiago — the brother in arms and best friend to the series's hero, Marcus Fenix — work. As series fans know, Dom died in Gears of War 3. In E-Day, we witness the death of his family, which haunted him throughout the original trilogy.
The second thing that E-Day does is offer the pleasure of seeing characters react with fresh eyes to otherwise well-known main-stays. We see the creation of Gears' defining weapon (a machine gun/chain saw), and we're also treated to some amusing first-time enemy encounters. Early on, the gears are sent to a bank to rescue an important doctor, who they believe is holed up in its vault. They first repair to the bank director's office to enlist his help. While entering the code for the vault, a ticker — a pint-size enemy that scurries about on spindly legs with a tank of explosive material on its back — emerges behind the director. “Shoot it!” he says before it explodes, killing him.
Having played through all of the Gears of War games except Gears Tactics — a real-time strategy game — I can't say I was jazzed to hop into this one. Truth be told, I felt the same way going into Gears 4 and 5, but just as before, I ended up being charmed in spite of my misgivings over series fatigue.
Measured against other blockbuster games, E-Day stands tall as perhaps the best-looking game on the Xbox Series X|S. The game's prologue finds Marcus and Dom drinking in a bar and then battling their way through narrow city streets after Locust scouts begin popping up from sinkholes. The opening gives little hint of the grand spaces to come after the two ditch their civvies and link up with other soldiers. E-Day does urban combat about as well as I have ever seen in a game. The smoldering environments are so varied and hyper-detailed that they offer the impression of innumerable back stories tantalizingly out of reach.
Losses, both personal and ambient, rain down on the soldiers throughout the campaign. Brave combatants die; civilians are abandoned to grim fates because of scarce resources. The story beats in the game are bombastic in the way of mass-market entertainment, but they aren't soulless. My ears perked up pretty much every time the silver-tongued gear Tai Kaliso appeared on the screen. Near the dawn of the invasion, he says: “I sense we are being dragged across a new threshold. There will be no easy answers in the dark.” Then later, after learning of Dom’s personal tragedy, he provides the man with unwanted, stoic comfort: “Loss prepares us for what’s ahead. Fate always has a plan.”
Despite its best-in-class visuals and impressive sense of scale, the campaign in E-Day feels a bit conservative. There aren't any drivable vehicles, as there were in other Gears games, or really anything that one could point to and say, "Well, I didn't expect that." Still, I look forward to notching up the difficulty and playing through it all again with a couple of friends, because video games with enticing cooperative modes are scarce.
《枕边书》,彼得·格林威 (1996)
Paul Chan, 53, 艺术家兼出版商。当我还是个孩子的时候 [在香港],那里极其国际化。《枕边书》 [大致基于 11 世纪日本女官清少纳言的著作] 让我想起那种国际主义色彩。清少纳言对我来说依然非常重要:我喜欢她坦率地谈论什么是愉悦的,什么不是。格林威并不一定试图表达关于中国文化、日本文化或清少纳言的某种本质观点。相反,他像艺术家混合线条、形状和颜色一样混合不同的想法,以观察它们之间能产生怎样的挑衅。
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Chills From Outer Space And Far Closer to Home
Strange forces and powerful dimensions trace to aliens, A.I., and the power of the wolf.
'C.O.G.'
Rent or buy it on most major platforms.
Kaya (Piper Curda), a former hacker who has sort of gone legit, works for Ethan (Noel Fisher), a grinning, amoral tech tycoon. Kaya believes in artificial intelligence's potential to solve the world's problems, but even she is horrified when Ethan decides to fast-track the company's new A.I. chatbot, CognAltive, without completing the final safety checks. And she is right to be, because the program develops a sentience that happens to be murderous.
Tommy Savas's movie mixes fears of untested A.I. into the slasher genre as the members of Kaya's programming team are gorily taken down one by one. What's even more disquieting, because it is so scarcely plausible, is the range of options at the disposal of an all-controlling new program connected to people's professional and personal lives. Think, for instance, of a power-mad computer having access to everything on your phone, including compromising videos.
“C.O.G.” breaks no new ground but adeptly shows how hard it is to escape surveillance when we put our lives in the supposedly neutral hands of integrated systems. At the end of the day, it’s a tie between two terrible options: “truly unregulated A.I.” and the human who set it loose.
'Transcending Dimensions'
Rent or buy it on Amazon Prime Video.
Toshiaki Toyoda's latest film starts off conventionally, at least by the standards of this Japanese master of weirdness. The hit man Shinno (Ryuhei Matsuda) is hired by Nonoka (Haruka Imou) to investigate Master Hanzo (Chihara Junior), a mysterious guru suspected in the disappearance of her boyfriend, Rosuke (Yosuke Kubozuka). Hanzo helps people access new dimensions
Hanes hope people access how dimensions — and the power of the wolf — by severing their pinkie fingers. He seems to have real psychic powers, too. OK, so maybe this start is not conventional after all. And what follows is even less so after the credits appear around the 40-minute mark, to the explosive sound of a track by the British free-jazz band Sons of Kemet: The overall effect is completely hypnotic.
"Transcending Dimensions" is more like Toyoda transcending, or maybe just blithely disregarding, the signposts of narrative cinema for a sensory experience, as if Alejandro Jodorowsky had made a yakuza film. The movie has a stream-of-psychedelic-consciousness approach that is not for everybody, but it looks and sounds so fantastic that it's easy to just go along for the ride.
THE 15th CENTURY
"THE EYE OF THE EAST & OF ALL CHRISTENDOM HAS BEEN DESTROYED... O LADY OF THE 7 HILLS" IS FROM A GREEK POEM IN THE WAKE OF THIS EVENT
FOR THE CORRECT RESPONSE, WATCH JEOPARDY! TONIGHT OR LOOK IN THIS SPACE TOMORROW IN THE TIMES.
Yesterday's Response: WHAT IS "SEX & THE CITY"?
BRAINSTORM MEDIA
'Control Room'
ELISABETH VINCENTELLI | STREAMING SCI-FI
Watch JEOPARDY!
7 p.m. on Channel 7
Stream it on Plex.
DIMENSIONS
NOSTROMO PICTURES
Sci-fi offers countless variations on the unimpeachable “Alien” template: an inscrutable killing machine from outer space slaughtering everybody in sight. This Spanish movie by Luiso Berdejo is yet another addition to what has become a genre of its own.
The action is set on a mining colony built on an inhospitable planet. More precisely it's almost entirely set in the title location, where Olivia (Loreto Mauleón) and Arlo (Óscar Casas) monitor the employees' moves on screens that have all the sophistication of a Pong game. That's also how they track the alien creatures that breach the station and start killing. Everything we see is from Olivia and Arlo's perspective as they watch through their oddly primitive technology.
Berdejo was a writer of the classic foundfootage horror movie “[REC],” and it shows. The most interesting parts of the movie are the arguments between the two monitors as they must make a series of decisions. Olivia is rational in a way that makes her look cold, while Arlo is driven by emotion. He pictures people as they try to hide, while she prefers considering them merely as moving dots on a screen. Which approach is best is up for debate. “Control Room” won’t make movie history but it could well spark sustained discussions around a dinner table.
'After Impact'
Rent or buy it on most major platforms. Stream it on Hoopla.
When an asteroid hits Earth, Ethan (Michiel Rensen) has what it takes to endure. He doesn't talk much and is socially awkward, so it feels as if being stuck alone in a bunker wouldn't faze him. And his job involves advising farmers with their crops, making him well positioned to grow food again when the mini-ice age that took over his region finally recedes.
The directors Rensen and Liam Carter occasionally pan out to reveal a backdrop of majestic snowcapped mountains (the film was shot in New Zealand), but a good portion of the story takes place in the dark, claustrophobic space where Ethan hunkered down. He periodically calls out on his radio, sending messages into the void, until one day a woman named Elle (Stephanie Ramlose) answers. Eventually he ventures out to find her, though the movie does not go where you might think. The reappearance of an old acquaintance, the toxic Connor (Will Clague), brings into relief different paths to survival: quiet solitary endurance or blustery dominance. Slow and deliberate, “After Impact” is less disaster movie than a reflection on living with, or without, others.
Clockwise from top: a scene from “C.O.G.,” about a chatbot that is driven by a murderous program; Loreto Mauleón in “Control Room,” a Spanish film about a killing machine from outer space; and Yosuke Kubozuka in “Transcending Dimensions,” an unconventional Japanese movie with psychic elements.
'Peas and Carrots'
Stream it on Amazon Prime Video.
Evan Oppenheimer's film kicks off with a video for a made-up 1996 hit called “(We Are) City Kids,” by the band City Kids, that nails mid-1990s MTV. The movie's musical bona fides are genuine: The Guster frontman Ryan Miller penned that first song and the former Sonic Youth guitarist Lee Ranaldo is a composer on the film. You expect “Peas and Carrots” to continue in that musical vein as we reconvene with the City Kids members Laurie (Amy Carlson) and Gordon (Jordan Bridges) decades later, the parents of three children whom they entertain by turning song lyrics into bedtime stories. That's a misdirection (even if there is a “Partridge Family” vibe at times).
The film actually is about the adventures of the oldest kid, the teenage Joey (Kirrilee Berger), who can enter an alternate dimension via a portal activated by her malfunctioning star projector. That dimension is a zany film set where Joey could potentially work her way up from extra, if only she could assert herself. To say that “Peas and Carrots” looks and feels like a Nickelodeon production is not a put-down, and this is family fare that does not condescend to younger audiences.
A cryptic, somber painting of 10 scattered seashells — purchased by a collector for \$30 at an estate sale this summer — sold for \$1.35 million on Thursday at Freeman's auction house.
The work, “Alderman Merriam’s Shells,” was painted in 1951 by Gertrude Abercrombie, a Surrealist in Chicago who died in 1977.
The discovery of the work came about in July when a man, nosing around at an estate sale in Kalamazoo, Mich., stumbled on the enigmatic painting on the wall of a dimly lit corridor leading to the garage. The man, who wishes to remain anonymous, was familiar with Abercrombie's work and was stunned to see the still life bearing the artist's distinct signature.
FREEMAN'S
Zachary Wirsum, a senior vice president at Freeman's, said the man told him he "was shaking as he walked out to his car" with his discovery.
"I think, objectively, had he not purchased it, this would have just ended up in the dumpster," Wirsum added. "So I think that he saved it from forever being lost in time."
Works by Abercrombie have experienced a revival in interest in the past decade, including two recent shows at the Milwaukee Museum of Art. Those shows displayed her characteristic dreamscapes, often inhabited by the odd, the eerie and the inexplicable: melancholy cats leashed to yards of string, grim figures with sweeps of hair pinned to walls, bare-limbed trees, floating doorways and, of course, seashells.
Missing from those exhibitions was “Alderman,” an oil painting on a Masonite board no bigger than a sheet of letter-size paper, its neatly arranged seashells each seemingly set aglow by an elusive off-frame light.
The painting, and the home it was found in, belonged to John Reynolds, a physician. He received the artwork from Abercrombie in the 1950s as payment-in-kind for medical care, according to Susan Weininger, an art historian at Roosevelt University in Chicago, who verified the work's authenticity for the auction house.
After a mild restoration, “Alderman” went on the block last week. Rigorous bidding among two collectors ensued, Wirsum said. A private collector in the San Francisco Bay Area won.
Weininger said in an interview that she began cataloging Abercrombie's works in the late 1970s and early '80s and had spoken directly with Reynolds around that time. "Alderman" was last seen in public at an ex-
Gertrude Abercrombie painted "Alderman Merriam's Shells" in 1951 and later gave it to her physician, who kept it in his home for roughly seven decades.
hibit in Chicago in 1953, during a period when Abercrombie's fixation with seashells began. Weininger said that Abercrombie often depicted the objects with tiny, jagged punctures. In later works, shells appear solo, in trios, and alongside the most random of artifacts — keys, ribbons, leaves, dice. One portrays a woman emerging from the hollow body, like a snail.
The painting's titular “Alderman” nods to Robert Merriam, who in the late 1940s to mid-1950s represented the Chicago City Council ward where Abercrombie lived for most of her life. Abercrombie was known for puttering about in a beat-up Rolls-Royce, wearing conical black hats and hosting salons graced by jazz artists like Dizzy Gillespie, Charlie Parker, Sonny Rollins and Sarah Vaughan.
Weininger said that although she was “shocked” by the gavel price for “Alderman,” she was pleased that it reflected Abercrombie’s rising stature. What struck her about this particular painting, she noted, was how it transformed the mundane into something “atmospheric.”
“It has her wittiness and mystery about it,” she said, pointing out how one of the shells seems to float in a black void, as if pinned to nothing at all.
The auction price was the highest for any of her works. The previous record was set last year at Sotheby's, where "Message for Mercy," named after one of her cats, sold for \$1.02 million; it features a black cat lounging in a barren room paying no mind to an envelope that has been slipped under a door. Earlier works by Abercrombie have typically sold in the five- to six-digit range.
CONTINUED FROM PAGE C1 convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein, including a visit by Botstein to Epstein's island retreat and exchanges of friendly notes, even after Epstein's conviction on solicitation of a minor for prostitution. Botstein has said his dealings with Epstein came as part of his efforts to raise money for Bard.
GRAHAM DICKIE FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
The college's independent review of the case, conducted by the law firm Wilmer-Hale, found that Botstein had done nothing illegal but said that his relationship with Epstein raised concerns about his leadership. "In his public statements and his statements to the Bard community, President Botstein minimized and was not fully accurate in describing his relationship with Epstein," the report found.
But Botstein, embattled and polarizing, has held on. He has continued to teach at Bard, the liberal arts college 100 miles north of New York City. (He is on sabbatical now to complete a book on Mahler.) He remains the artistic co-director of the Bard Music Festival and runs the Orchestra Now, a graduate-level program for musicians at Bard. He leads the American Symphony Orchestra, the resident orchestra for the Bard festival. And he continues to live at the official college home for the president, while the college finishes renovating an off-campus home for its former president. College officials said he was being provided housing in part as recognition of his long service to Bard.
Botstein's decision to hang on in such prominent positions, with the support of the college, has caused distress in many quarters of campus.
Current and former staff members of the Fisher Center for the Performing Arts, founded by Botstein in 1990, signed an open letter to the Bard board of trustees saying that Epstein had “instilled a broad sense of distrust in Botstein’s ability to be an effective, transparent leader in any capacity at the College.”
The letter noted that Botstein had agreed to step down, but — in a plea that was by all appearances not heeded — asked that the board “not further engage Leon Botstein in any contract related to music and performing arts activity at Bard College.”
Moira Donegan, a columnist for The Guardian who was an undergraduate at Bard, said in an interview that “Botstein’s ongoing connection to Bard reflects the institutional values of the college, which has shown throughout this saga that it prizes Botstein’s cult of personality over the safety and dignity of women students.” (Donegan created an online spreadsheet in October 2017 that allowed women to list men in the media industry whom they accused of sexual misconduct.)
Botstein declined a request for an interview on the advice of lawyers, who are representing him in a House Judiciary Committee inquiry, led by its ranking Democratic member, Jamie Raskin of Maryland, into Epstein's dealings with Bard and Botstein. But in a lengthy written statement to The New York Times, Botstein made clear he had no intention of moving to the sidelines, asserting he had much to offer the college and classical music.
“Bard has been my professional and intellectual home for six decades, and its success will never stop mattering to me,” Botstein said. “My continuing involvement is about completing and keeping alive musical and artistic projects that are unique and contribute to Bard, and to the economy and life of the Hudson Valley as well as to the broader world of the arts.”
“I wish I’d never met Epstein,” the statement continued. “I did not know then what a monster he was.” He said he was driven to befriend Epstein by “my urgent responsibilities to raise resources for an institution committed to the arts that was struggling to find donors who claimed to be interested in supporting the arts.”
Asher Edelman, an American financier who is on the school's board of trustees and is a longtime friend of Botstein, said the criticism minimized what he described as Botstein's career of building Bard as a cultural force in central New York.
"They are lucky he's around," Edelman said of Botstein's critics. "They wouldn't have that school around if he hadn't been around. They should kiss his feet. They are in a place that is extraordinary and it's only because of him."
Bard is in a difficult position as it searches for a new president and tries to close what has been a divisive and embarrassing chapter for a distinguished college, even as Botstein remains active on campus. For now, the school is in limbo; Bard officials said a new president was not expected to be in place until the beginning of 2028.
"The last six months of the academic year were a challenging time on campus," said Jonathan Becker, the acting president. "Many people have different views on what happened and might have happened. I think what's most important right now is everyone is forward looking. We are just moving on. I am trying to restore normalcy."
"He has a very minor footprint on campus," Becker said of Botstein. "I've seen him once since I became acting president. He's not been a visible presence on campus."
Before the revelations about his entanglement with Epstein, Botstein was renowned for how he had elevated Bard College and for being a promoter of off-the-beaten-track classical music, with the summer music festival and the American Symphony Orchestra. At the Bryant Park concert, a performance honoring the anniversary of Sept. 11, he conducted George Walker's "Lyric for Strings" and Charles
Leon Botstein, the former president of Bard, at a concert in Bryant Park on Sept. 11. Though he retired over ties to the convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein, he stays involved in the school's signature music programs.
'We are just moving on. I am trying to restore normalcy.'
JONATHAN BECKER
ACTING PRESIDENT
AT BARD COLLEGE
Ives's "The Gong on the Hook Ladder."
His inventive programming of the summer festival is one reason it gained so much attention; in much of the classical music world, Botstein is better regarded as a curator than as a conductor.
"The Bard Music Festival is our football team," said Christopher Gibbs, who is the festival's artistic co-director with Botstein. "That is something that has brought a great deal of attention to the college."
"A lot of people are sophisticated enough to know that fund-raising can be a nasty business, and you take risks," he said. "But when it comes down to what we are doing with music here, people understand that it was through Leon's fund-raising that they are sitting where they are sitting and seeing what they are seeing."
Botstein, in his statement, said that at this stage of his life, and with the arts “under assault both politically and financially,” his work was as important as ever.
"I am particularly conscious that I do not have an unlimited amount of time in which to do this work," he said. "I am not oblivious to the actuarial tables or to the real-life reminders, including the recent death of my older brother, that time is not on anyone's side. There is a humility that comes with recognizing that the runway is getting shorter."
Yet his view of his future at the college is not shared with many of his colleagues these days.
Karen Painter, a professor of musicology at the University of Minnesota who has worked at the Bard festival, said the school needed to sever all its ties with Botstein, given his history of dealings with Epstein. "It's time to move on," she said.
The Grammy-winning singer had accused Shia LaBeouf of abuse.
By EMMANUEL MORGAN and MELENA RYZIK
The singer FKA twigs has dropped her lawsuit against the actor Shia LaBeouf, a former boyfriend whom she had accused of abuse, saying he has agreed to void a nondisclosure agreement that prevented her from talking about their relationship.
The celebrities, who dated from 2018 to 2019, have long battled in court after their relationship ended. Last year, they settled a lawsuit filed in 2020 in which FKA twigs, a Grammy-winning British artist born Tahliah Debrett Barnett, accused LaBeouf of sexual battery and assault. The settlement included an NDA.
Documents filed in Los Angeles Superior Court this week by lawyers for FKA twigs, 38, resolved the suit. Lawyers for FKA twigs said Mr. LaBeouf had agreed to void non-disclosure provisions in the 2025 settlement.
"This important victory completely frees twigs to discuss her experience, advocate for other women who might be less privileged, and support the charitable causes of her choice," Mathew Rosengart, a lawyer for FKA twigs, said in a statement on Tuesday.
Shawn Holley, a lawyer for Mr. La-Beouf, said in a statement on Tuesday that her client “wishes Twigs nothing but the best in her life and career” and, to that end, has agreed to end their longstanding dispute.
The lawsuit, filed in March, contended that an arbitration complaint Mr. LaBeouf, 40, made last December, accusing her of violating the terms of the NDA, was unlawful because the agreement breached a California law known as the STAND Act. Passed in 2018, the law bans confidentiality provisions in settlements of sexual harassment, assault and discrimination cases, unless requested by the plaintiff.
That lawsuit said Mr. LaBeouf's complaint related to an interview FKA twigs gave to The Hollywood Reporter last year, in which she said that she did not "feel safe" and talked about her involvement with organizations that support survivors of abuse.
"I think it's less about me at this point and more about looking forward," she said. "Just, you know, moving on with my life."
In her 2020 filing, FKA twigs had said that Mr. LaBeouf, who starred in multiple films in the “Transformers” franchise, knowingly gave her a sexually transmitted disease, choked her and threatened her as she became isolated from friends and family.
Mr. LaBeouf disputed some of the allegations in an email to The New York Times when the suit was filed. But he also apologized.
"I have a history of hurting the people closest to me," he said. "I'm ashamed of that history and am sorry to those I hurt."
'I think a show is supposed to be some kind of transaction between you and the audience. And at a certain point, you stop being able to see the people that you're playing for, you know?' GREG FREEMAN ON HIS PREFERENCE FOR SMALL VENUES
EST Mouse, among others. "All Set the Bone" was Congleton's first time working with Freeman, 28, whose ethos and musical style, he said, reminded him "a lot more of someone from Generation X."
Still, Freeman's music is in touch with what it feels like to be alive in this moment of digitized numbness and consumer-culture monotony. On the daily indignities of modern life, Freeman can be dryly funny (on "Totaled," a track with a car-wreck metaphor: "I couldn't pick my Toyota out of a lineup,") and tenderly observant ("in a town of bent necks," he sings on the affectionate lead single "Indu," "she lifts her chin").
"Is your life just appetites or a menu with no way to order?" he asks in his creaky-door voice on "Cahokia," the driving opening track that takes its name from an abandoned pre-Columbian city near modern-day St. Louis. Like so many songs on the album, it is at once world-weary and galvanizing — a righteously angry howl into an echoing void.
Freeman wrote most of “All Set the Bone” last summer, while living alone for two months in a desolate part of New Mexico in a rented shack he found on Craigslist. The lack of neighbors was liberating: “It was the first time in my life where I could play as loud as I want, at any hour of the day.”
“Burnover” was not yet out when Freeman began working on its follow-up, a creative pace that Congleton said is rare. “The common thing to do would be to sit around and play video games or do bong hits or whatever for three months,” he said, “while you idly wait for the record to come out so you can tour.”
But Freeman didn't see why he should squander valuable time. "I realized how much touring I had coming up," he said. "I had two months off before all that started, so I figured it was either start writing now or wait for six months to be in a room alone."
He shrugged. “Might as well try and make use of whatever time I have while I don’t have to have another job.”
Freeman can be arrestingly candid in conversation. In 2022, he sent his confidently realized debut album "I Looked Out" to about 15 labels. None bit, and he ended up putting it out first on a friend's cassette imprint. Years later, after "Burnover" got buzz, a few of the labels he had originally queried replied. "like, 'just seeing this!'"
"Cowards!" Freeman said.
At Farrell's, he ping-ponged from jukebox etiquette to religion, which he studied at the University of Vermont, to the English novelist Graham Greene. (Earlier, I'd found Freeman reading a used paperback copy of Greene's 1958 spy satire "Our Man in Havana.") But talk always seemed to come back to Fugazi. In the moral murk of the music business, Freeman holds the rigorously indie Washington, D.C., rock band, whose members rejected major labels and preached the importance of low ticket prices, as a kind of ethical north star.
“No one’s that principled anymore,” he said. “Everyone now is trying to get a little scrap of something, but they really had a worldview that was beautiful.”
Freeman is trying to navigate the industry by his own principles, but his rising profile has already posed a challenge to his small-rooms-only credo: On Nov. 20, he will play his biggest show yet, headlining New York's Webster Hall, a venue with a capacity that exceeds 1,000.
"I think that's truly the limit," Freeman laughed. "I'm going to have to talk to someone about that."
Freeman's voice, and his larger perspective on life, come from what could be called an inherent Greg-ness. He grew up in the suburbs of Bethesda, Md., feeling incredibly average. “I’m 5’8,” he mused. “I was born not in a city and not in the country. And my name’s . . . Greg.” He paused, letting that sink in. “So I feel like that made me an observer of the extremities of life.”
Greg Freeman has followed up on the success of his last album, "Burnover," with a new compilation of clever lyrics set to visceral rock.
EVAN JENKINS FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
Moving to Burlington, Vt., for college gave him his first sense of belonging, “and that’s because of the music scene,” he said. Freeman and a community of musicians played and attended shows just about every night. He describes the scene as pure; no one he knew was signed to a record label. “Maybe we were drinking too much beer or something,” he laughed. They were just making songs “and playing shows for fun.”
Things changed in late 2022, after he released “I Looked Out” independently. Within a few months, Freeman recalled, “people in other places, like New York and Chicago, started messaging me that they heard it.” He put together a small tour, and the word of mouth started growing.
Freeman eventually signed with the indie label Transgressive, which offered the resources to realize his vision without the pressure to compromise. Now, with “All Set the Bone,” he has fulfilled a long-held dream — with help from Congleton — of making a record full of live-in-studio, full-band recordings.
"There's not too many records these days where you can hear the band playing together, you know?" he said. "That was always a sound I had wanted to achieve, but I never had a nice enough studio setup to be able to pull that off."
On a video call a few weeks later, Freeman said, "I traveled a long distance to breathe in this crazy building," flipping his camera around to display the hulking Harold Washington Library Center in the center of Chicago. Freeman moved there a few months ago, needing a change after 10 years in Burlington. "It just felt like too much for me, personally, to be in a one-square-mile radius of every life experience that has happened to you in the past 10 years," he said. "Kind of a haunted vibe."
He has found a thriving underground culture in his new town, full of “tape labels, zines and great lo-fi music,” courtesy of a scene of interconnected bands like Horsegirl, Lifeguard and Sharp Pins. “Being in Chicago is very inspiring,” Freeman said, “because there’s so many young D.I.Y. bands, doing things on their own terms.”
I returned to his statement about not wanting to play rooms larger than Webster Hall, to check if it had just been the pilsner talking. But Freeman doubled down. "My bookers aren't going to like that," he shrugged. "But I think a show is supposed to be some kind of transaction between you and the audience. And at a certain point, you stop being able to see the people that you're playing for, you know?"
That conviction is part of what makes Freeman unique. “The fact that he doesn’t want to play a place bigger than Webster Hall — he’s probably going to lose that argument,” Congleton said with a laugh. “When you check in with him again in two years, maybe he’ll be somewhere different. But I do think the integrity is going to be there, always.”
Adam Elmes (on bed) and Jarryd Madden in Christopher Wheeldon's "Oscar," which is being performed in New York.
ry, wrote a memoir and returned to dancing. Though he had no experience running a company, Hallberg's appointment at the Australian Ballet wasn't entirely surprising. He long nurtured ambitions to direct and was an avid spectator of the workings of the troupes he danced with. He also had a close relationship with the Australian Ballet, where he spent 14 months undergoing physical therapy after his injury, later becoming its international resident guest artist.
Jeremy Hargreaves, a corps de ballet dancer, said he was 15 when he heard that Hallberg would be the new director. "We all freaked out," he said. "To us, David was the pinnacle; we would learn variations off his videos on YouTube. I told my jazz player best friend, it's like Miles Davis coming to lead your band."
Hallberg didn't have an easy start. Leaving New York was “enormously emotional,” he said, and in early 2021, Australia's pandemic restrictions were among the most severe in the world. He made the best of it, working on technique and style with small groups of dancers over two-week periods, and putting together two bills that included George Balanchine's “Serenade” and William Forsythe's “Artifact Suite,” both new to the company, and a commission from Pam Tanowitz.
In 2022, he staged a full-length contemporary work, “Kunstkamer,” with choreography by Sol León, Paul Lightfoot, Crystal Pite and Marco Goecke. The critics were enthusiastic (“The Australian Ballet Announces New Era,” read one review’s headline), but audiences were less welcoming of the departure from traditional classicism.
"I would often be in the foyers, listening to people's comments," said Louise Herron, the former chief executive of Sydney Opera House. "They were pretty shocked four or five years ago. The great joy has been to see the way these ballet audiences have adapted and changed."
Early on, Hallberg said, he was going “on gut instinct of what I wanted to see the company perform — it was very contemporary and I think audiences were jarred by the flip.”
Finding the right balance among his taste, audience appetites and the dancers' fulfillment is the challenge, he said. Major lesson: "You don't make everyone happy all the time!"
By 2023, he said, he achieved an important goal: commissioning a full-length narrative ballet. That was Wheeldon's "Oscar," which weaves together Wilde's life and affairs with two of his stories. The Australian Ballet, Wheeldon said, was "wonderfully open and receptive to exploring sometimes sensitive conversations around sexuality, and David was brilliant at making sure that happened."
Hallberg said he felt strongly about staging new narrative work. But “we need to ask ourselves what stories we are telling,” he said, “to think about how we keep our devotion and love for ballet and push the art form forward.”
In Australia, Hallberg said, he has done exactly what he did in New York: thrown himself into the dance scene “with enormous curiosity and interest.”
“I fan-girl out,” he said. “I have grown to love certain work and independent artists.”
He consistently attends a variety of performances, has initiated collaborations and appointed the contemporary dance-maker Stephanie Lake as resident choreographer.
Jill Ogai, a principal dancer, said Hallberg's interest in other kinds of dance inspired the company's dancers. "We've learned how to take an interest and cultivate our taste in a way we hadn't thought about before," she said.
Asked about the challenges of running a ballet company, Hallberg said, “I miss the dancer-to-dancer rapport I had as a performer.”
“You are always their artistic director,” he added. “But I try to keep a casualness; they make fun of me, it’s very Australian.”
2 FASHION REVIEWS
Celine stands out on the Paris runways. BY VANESSA FRIEDMAN
3 GETTING SPARKLY
There's not much that Gen Z won't bedazzle. BY YOLA MZIZI
4 PEN PALS
DMs like these take the long route. BY MARIA SANTA POGGI
6 CHRISTY CARLSON ROMANO
Looking back on a Disney life. BY MADISON MALONE KIRCHER
Lately it seems as if everyone is in the archives, sifting through the past to find something new. Celebrity stylists put their clients in vintage garments from labels still making fresh designs, and writers and photographers are thumbing through piles of old magazines, hunting for inspiration.
Even the person making your bathmat is in the dusty annals of history, examining ancient tapestries and threadbare carpets. The results have found their way into the homes of many modern tastemakers who have grown tired of bland minimalism.
“It’s been all about quiet luxury for a while now,” said Grace Dougherty, an actress and writer in Los Angeles. “So I feel like a lot of people’s interiors can be quite boring, because that style is quite boring.”
She, too, once feared prints in her home, she said. But she began to covet the softly patterned textiles of the housewares brand Autumn Sonata when she came across a toiletry bag it had done in collaboration with a beauty retailer. She snapped that one up and then got another from the brand at a holiday bazaar. Next, she was eyeing a large floral tablecloth to host a big family dinner.
"It feels almost like an heirloom," Dougherty said. But, she added, "it makes me want to not be so precious."
That tablecloth was based on an 18th-CONTINUED ON PAGE D4
当她 15 岁时,一位家庭朋友帮她在 The Row 获得了一份实习机会,那是玛丽-凯特和艾希莉·奥尔森(Mary-Kate and Ashley Olsen)创立的奢侈品牌。埃利亚斯当时是一名设计实习生,经常被派往资料库中为新设计寻找参考,比如这对双胞胎想要根据伊夫·圣罗兰(Yves Saint Laurent)的一个轮廓制作的一件外套。
Autumn Sonata 的毛巾价格从 $45 (for hand towels, above) 到 $125 (for a pool towel) 不等。莉莉·埃利亚斯(左)于 2022, 创立该公司,她访问纽约州北部、伦敦、日本和荷兰的档案馆,并与古董商和古书商会面,为她的系列产品(见下图左、右)寻找灵感。
[⚠ 低质量翻译,建议复核] Please provide the source text or the image content. The draft translation currently contains a placeholder stating that the original text was unreadable, and the auditor has flagged this as a complete omission. I need the source material to provide the corrected translation.
📄 Original Section
Glamour Redefined at Runway Shows in Paris
PHOTOGRAPHS BY ALESSANDRO LUCIONI
A triumph at Celine, movie stars at Dries Van Noten, and denim at Comme des Garçons.
PARIS — The best show of the Paris season thus far (even, possibly, the whole fashion season) took place under an island-style thatched-roof gazebo in the formal gardens of the National Archives, with a campaign button on every seat displaying a quote from “Paris is Burning,” the 1990 documentary about the New York ballroom scene: “If you shoot an arrow and it goes real high, hooray for you.”
Yeah, that combination of references didn't make a lot of sense to anyone who was actually in the room either. But then, as this collection made clear, that's the surprise — and what's starting to seem like the genius — of Michael Rider's Celine.
"I'm really turned on by, I guess, tension," he said backstage after the show, as waiters poured champagne into a tower of crystal glasses. Specifically, the tension between apparent opposites that currently seems like the modern condition. In that ostensibly uncomfortable place, Rider doesn't bother trying to find resolution; instead, he finds chic. Bingo.
It's not about a silhouette — he's not inventing a new shape or way to see the body
— so much as an attitude and a way to dress. If Jean Seberg went rummaging in Catherine Deneuve's closet, then grabbed some ham sandwiches and a Lee Child thriller and hopped a high-speed train to Biarritz with a pit stop for a French 75 at La Colombe d'Or, this might be the result.
Throw on an oversize black pantsuit, add a filament-thin chain at the waist and let your untucked shirt, trimmed with a random assortment of little baubles, peek out at the bottom. Cinch an enormous belt with an even bigger buckle atop a knit column dress.
Pair a broad-shouldered cherry red turtleneck shirt with some pleated ruby red paper-bag-waist trousers and a soft, lipstick red bag, so they all almost match — but not quite. Wear a little leather jacket over bandanna print balloon cargo pants with a beaded necklace. Toss a liquid asymmetric Fortuny-pleated silver tunic over silver trousers, but let it slide off one shoulder.
The effect is cosmopolitan without looking as if it is trying too hard; Frenchier, in the ineffable way of a perfectly tied silk scarf, and more polished than Rider's work has been in the past, but with a sort of American ease and accessibility. Maybe the best word for it is glamorous. Not the old-fashioned kind preserved in amber at Saint Laurent, but a new, more contemporary and complicated version of the idea. One that is starting to reach critical mass.
Julian Klausner at Dries Van Noten described the mood, in his best collection yet, as “the desire to feel done up, simply because you want to,” but not in a way that is too forced or controlled.
In a way that, for example, mix-mashes
SIMBARASHE CHA/THE NEW YORK TIMES
From far left, looks from Celine. Above, Dries Van Noten. Above right, Ciara at Junya Watanabe, chandelier and all. Bottom, Comme des Garçons's denim.
Michael Rider at Celine finds chic in the tension between opposites.
LOU BENOIST/AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE — GETTY IMAGES
leopard print and Watteau watercolors; schoolgirl stripes and elaborately beaded pastel separates — the stuff that might constitute a wardrobe for a movie star of the mind, but all worn at the same time and in seemingly the wrong ways. (He even threw in some prints of fictionalized movie posters for good measure.) Which, counterintuitively, proved absolutely right.
Acknowledging the fun of the fancy while refusing to take it too seriously is what makes it modern. See, also, Junya Watanabe's exhilarating juxtaposition of moto unitards and the archaic totems of the Ritz regime — diamonds and bling, faux Chanel jackets and pearls, camel trench coats and mermaid gowns — impaled on the spikes of punk-era subversion.
A pregnant, and seemingly highly amused, Ciara in a burgundy bodysuit and what looked like an entire crystal chandelier suspended from its own hard hat pretty much embodied the spirit.
Which was summed up, as is her wont, by Rei Kawakubo of Comme des Garçons, in her usual collection koan (the brief and enigmatic statement she issues post-show for everybody to interpret as they will):
"When royal life and everyday life become one." When basics — pinstripes, polka dots, gingham and army green
— inflate and explode into palatial forms, expelling feathers and brocade. And when, in perhaps the most unexpected development of all, Kawakubo applied the same ideas to . . . denim.
Comme des Garçons jeans! Who would have thought?
Yet what they represent is not that different from the formal-but-not ethos that powered the Celine show: the most effective way to take your shot, in order to aim those arrows real high.
Matthieu Blazy's show brings a rare touch of real innovation in fabric design this season.
PARIS — It took until the evening show of the penultimate day of the whole fashion season to finally see a designer try something completely new. At last!
The atrium under the glass dome of the Grand Palais had been transformed into a sort of fantasy seascape for Matthieu Blazy's Chanel show, the floor lacquered to create the effect of greenish water running over moss-covered rocks, while hundreds of white gulls, suspended from the ceiling, soared overhead.
That was lovely, but it wasn't what was so striking. Making fairy tale worlds in which to show his collections has become Blazy's modus operandi.
The clothes themselves had lightened up even further, with Blazy expanding his universe to include practically transparent wisps of Chanel suits inspired by Edwardian lingerie, cropped party-girl versions of Chanel suits, and a lot of Chanel suits that only looked like Chanel suits but were actually variations on trompe l'oeil tweed (beaded, replicated with embroidery on illusion tulle). Also Degas-worthy dancer dresses with molded torsos and skirts made from layers of tulle, and dropped-waist flapper frocks made for the Charleston.
Those are unquestionably bound for the coming awards season, but that wasn't a surprise either.
More interestingly, Blazy had shrunk his sometimes boxy silhouette, so skirts were more pencil than frumpy, with slits in front and back, so no one had to alter her stride. But while that was new for him — and an improvement — it's not exactly an original idea. Besides, he did give in to some of his overly crafty impulses, and include some bizarre animal-print-meets-Pierrot knits.
So where exactly was the novelty?
At first glance, it was hard to discern. But when the last 15 looks appeared, even though they seemed, yet again, like more traditional bouclé, they also seemed ... kind of stretchy? Kind of unencumbered? They moved ... like workout wear?
Turned out Blazy had dreamed up a new machine that smocked organza or silk so it looked like tweed but was actually crunched together, giving the fabric so much tensile strength it acted like Lycra, stretching and moving with the body, bouncing back into the shape of a jacket, a polo shirt, a little black dress, the quintessential black skirt suit. They were springy, in every sense of the word.
“What I love the most is that you can fold them,” Blazy said in a preview. (He also said he had tried on one of the jackets as a test; it should have been way too small, “but because it’s stretchy, it looked good,” he said with a grin.)
From flapper romance, above, to a Degas-inspired dancer dress, near right, at Chanel's show at the Grand Palais.
SIMBARASHE CHA/THE NEW YORK TIMES
Forget athleisure. This is athelegance.
Despite the industry's obsession with paying lip service to the new, real innovation is rare in fashion. It is particularly rare in heritage houses, whose stewards often seem to believe that staying true to a brand's ethos means staying true to the exact same garments in much the same material with the same "codes" repeated over and over again.
But if Dior were alive and working today, odds are he wouldn't be designing yet another version of the Bar jacket; he'd be messing with our expectations — or at least trying to. Ditto Yves Saint Laurent. Ditto Pierre Balmain (and Thierry Mugler, André Courrèges, Elsa Schiaparelli and all the other now-gone founders of the brands that populate Paris Fashion Week). Blazy understands this, and Chanel's owners have been smart enough to give him the room to try, and the time to do it.
Those smocking machines, after all, took a year and a half to figure out, or so Blazy said in the preview. In part because “you need to find the right person in the right factory who has the right mind.”
And that wasn't the only technical break-'You need to find the right person in the right factory who has the right mind.'
AURORE MARECHAL/GETTY IMAGES
through. The team had also created a machine that wove pearls and sequins into the actual filament that was then knitted into garments, rather than sewing the decoration on after the fact.
That meant, for example, a sleeveless ivory shirt covered in tiny seed pearls and worn with slouchy tailored trousers had the spring and strength of a tank top, and a 1930s silver-screen dress of mottled sequins had an air of fragility — but was actually almost indestructible.
They could be shoved in a suitcase, worn to an all-night dance party or passed down over generations, like the handbag Gabrielle Chanel herself carried in 1955 that had been dug out of the archive so it could be carried by the model who both opened and closed the show.
Along with the variety of women on the runway in their variety of suits with their variety of shoes (a different style for every one of the 83 outfits — Blazy knows what the fanatics are buying), this is what Blazy's Chanel is about: solving problems. Freeing women to move and go about their day without having to spend another second thinking about what they are wearing. It's what explains the Chanelmania still sweeping fashion.
It is also, of course, what Coco Chanel's Chanel was about. And it is a much deeper point of connection than, say, any double C or camellia or pearl, because it creates space for modernity.
斯托尔和琼斯组建了一支由 22 名员工和近 250 名合作者组成的团队,在启动这项事业的同时,通过签署保密协议来确保谨慎。Stone Kite 聘请了电影和电视界的资深人士,例如以《梅根》(M3GAN)和《malignant》(恶之花)等热门作品闻名的编剧阿凯拉·库珀(Akela Cooper),以及执导过《奥斯汀·鲍尔斯》(Austin Powers)和《遇见我的父母》(Meet the Parents)系列电影的导演杰伊·罗奇(Jay Roach)。他们还招募了像奇幻作家列夫·格罗斯曼(Lev Grossman)和恐怖小说家斯蒂芬·格雷厄姆·琼斯(Stephen Graham Jones)这样受欢迎的作者。
斯托尔还利用她在漫威漫画(Marvel Comics)工作时建立的插画师和艺术家网络——她曾为《惊奇队长传》(The Life of Captain Marvel)和《黑色蜘蛛侠》(Spider-Man Noir)等系列撰稿;并聘请了深受喜爱的漫画艺术家,如桃子桃子(Peach Momoko)和丹·帕诺西安(Dan Panosian)。
“我们知道这行得通,因为没有人拒绝,”斯托尔说,“他们都想参与进来。”
即便如此,在过度饱和的娱乐环境中寻找受众依然困难,而 Stone Kite 还面临着尝试用一个未经测试的概念寻求突破的额外挑战。
Greenlight Analytics 的洞察与内容策略总监布兰登·卡茨(Brandon Katz)表示,他不熟悉 Stone Kite,但理解这项事业的吸引力。制片厂正面临着“系列作品疲劳”,需要新创意。尽管如此,这仍是一场赌博。在角色和故事情节被观众喜爱之前就对一个知识产权进行如此大规模的投资,在他看来是“一个风险极大且成本高昂的方案”。
Hong Kong is a notoriously difficult city in which to film. Its packed streets, towering housing blocks and hot summers present distinct challenges, adding to the unpredictable nature of any set. When the director Wayne Wang was shooting his 1989 romantic comedy, “Eat a Bowl of Tea,” a local gang shut down the production claiming the white silk being used to diffuse light brought bad luck. There are also rich rewards to making movies in Hong Kong, where a thriving film-making culture has existed since the early 20th century. Directors have taken different approaches, as seen in the iconic Shaw Brothers comedies and martial arts films of the 1960s and '70s and the gritty New Wave works of the '80s and '90s. Here, artists share films that have shaped or reflected their visions of the city. DENNIS ZHOU
THE NEW YORK TIMES STYLE MAGAZINE
EVERETT COLLECTION
ALAMY
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一个日益增长的体裁
近年来,少数几位童星幸存者的发声已演变成一场毫不避讳的叙事雪崩。
其中有珍妮特·麦卡迪(Jennette McCurdy)的畅销书《我很高兴我妈死了》(I’m Glad My Mom Died),该书揭开了关于剥削性工作条件和虐待型舞台父母的讨论,此外还有几部类似的作品。
'Little Cheung,' Fruit Chan (1999) Dorothy Tse, 49, novelist
EVERETT COLLECTION
SHAW BROTHERS
This movie, which is part of Chan's Hong Kong trilogy, is always in my mind in some way. The main character, who's about 9 years old, is the son of a cha chaan teng [Hong Kong-style diner] owner. It's not a gangster movie, though he lives on the working-class Kowloon side of town, so he's surrounded by prostitutes and gangsters. It's basically about his life and his relationship with another kid, an undocumented girl from the Mainland called Fan. I grew up on the Kowloon side myself, so it's an area that's familiar to me. Chan shows a part of Hong Kong people think you should avoid. But at the same time, he depicts it very beautifully.
Paul Chan, 53, artist and publisher When I was a child [in Hong Kong], it was incredibly cosmopolitan. “The Pillow Book” [loosely based on the 11th-century writings of the Japanese lady-in-waiting Sei Shonagon] reminds me of that cosmopolitism. Sei Shonagon continues to be very important to me: I like how she talks openly about what is pleasurable and what is not. Greenaway is not necessarily trying to say anything essential about Chinese culture, or Japanese culture, or Sei Shonagon. Instead, he’s mixing different ideas the same way an artist mixes lines and shapes and colors to see what provocations can take place between them.
Tiffany Sia, 38, artist and filmmaker I was helping my parents clean their house in New Jersey recently, and my mom made sure that I went home with this VCD [video CD]. When I was a kid growing up in Hong Kong, we were all into local movies. This film is so emblematic of a domestic Hong Kong film. It's set in a crowded tenement run by a cruel and petty landlady who's rationing water, but the tenants repeatedly outwit her and a corrupt cop. It reflects the actual living conditions of the time, versus other films from the period, which were maybe more about escapism. This film doesn't have a broad circulation, but it meant a lot to that generation.
'Once a Thief,' John Woo (1991) Christopher K. Ho, 52, artist
I saw this the year it came out. It was kind of a bad year, too. My grandmother wasn't doing well, so I went back to Hong Kong from boarding school in Connecticut. In the film, the three protagonists — played by Leslie Cheung, Cherie Chung and Chow Yun-fat — are art thieves, and totally glamorous. The first half takes place in France, with Hong Kong appearing through offhand reminiscences about wonton noodles. Certain scenes were filmed in Hong Kong's then-new Pacific Place Mall and the Mid-Levels area. As a kid, I felt the film was about escape. Now, I'd say it's about reconstituting a home in your mind.
'The Secret,' Ann Hui (1979) Mabel Cheung, 75, director
In 1970, a boyfriend and girlfriend were killed in Hong Kong's Lung Fu Shan park. Ann took this incident and created a new story. When the film came out, I was working at RTHK [Radio Television Hong Kong]. Ann had been a TV director there, so we were all looking forward to seeing what she would do. Before that, I'd never imagined myself as a film director. But I saw that people took her seriously — they didn't treat her like a woman director, just a director — and that was a big encouragement for me. Like all the New Wavers, she depicted a Hong Kong that was very real. All of us working at the TV station recognized it was the beginning of a new era.
'32+4,' Chan Hau Chun (2014) Ellen Pau, 65, video artist
This documentary isn't exactly a detective story, but it's about the filmmaker uncovering the trauma between her parents, and also between her and her stepfather. There's a lot of very deep emotion involved, but Hau Chun captures that without using much dialogue — it's in how she plays with her camera, what visuals she captures, how she pauses. One scene is very memorable: Hau Chun's father is crossing the street and she's filming from the other side. Printed on the screen is something like "How come I can't cross that road to him, to stand beside him?" The gap between them becomes visible through this road. The things you see in the film are only one-tenth of the story, but through them, you feel the whole story in your heart.
'Twilight's Kiss,' Ray Yeung (2019) Wayne Wang, director
I left Hong Kong when I was about 16. It was 1967, and the riots [against British colonial rule] were going on, so my dad sent me to California. But then I went back around '74, '75. "Twilight's Kiss" is very Hong Kong, very local. It's about two older men who meet up and become lovers. One of them is married and they both have families. The film doesn't try to be super dramatic, and it doesn't go out of its way to depict the city, but one of the men is a taxi driver, so he's driving past things. To capture the real Hong Kong, you need to get down and dirty and break some rules, and that's what Ray did. It reminds me of [the New Wave director] Allen Fong's work, and I appreciate that someone in Hong Kong is still trying to make these kinds of films.
'Life Is Cheap . . . but Toilet Paper Is Expensive,' Wayne Wang (1989)
Wong Ping, 42, artist
I was really obsessed with this film when I first saw it a few years ago, after it had been restored. It's about a Japanese Chinese American cowboy. He has a secret mission to hand over a briefcase to some big boss and is searching for him in Hong Kong. When I do my animations, I'll make the story a container — a framework — but I just throw in stuff that I want to talk about. This film is similar. The suitcase and even the boss don't mean anything; the meaning is in the scenery, the people, the conversations. There's a chase scene that's six minutes long, where you can hear the cameraman's improvised directions. For the score of that scene, free jazz was used. You can tell they had fun with it.
Today, mostly sunny, warmer, high 75. Tonight, clear, cooler, light winds, low 55. Tomorrow, mostly sunny, not as warm, turning breezy, high 70. Weather map appears on Page B8.
Prices in Canada may be higher
\$4.00
A quiet moment Wednesday at the Nova Festival Victims Memorial near Kibbutz Re'im as Israel marked three years since the attack.
ERIK MARMOR/GETTY IMAGES
Remembering the Victims in Israel
Mamdani Draws Anger With Oct. 7 Post Focused on Palestinians
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By LIAM STACK
Mayor Zohran Mamdani ignited intense anger from Jewish groups on Wednesday when he issued a statement marking the third anniversary of the deadly Oct. 7 attacks on Israel that focused largely on the suffering of Palestinians in Gaza.
The mayor posted a 211-word statement on social media that made reference to “the horrific war crimes” committed by Hamas and called the anniversary “profoundly painful for so many New Yorkers.”
However, the bulk of the statement provided a detailed denunciation of Israel's military actions in Gaza since the attacks, which Mr. Mamdani described as a “devastating, ongoing genocide.” He did not provide a similarly detailed account of the killings of Israelis and abductions of hostages.
"The suffering did not begin nor end that day," he said, referring to Oct. 7, adding: "That suffering has intensified with every Israeli bomb dropped on ambulances waiting outside hospitals, every drone strike targeting a residential building or journalist, and every shipment of food aid turned away at a border crossing."
The remarks by Mr. Mamdani,
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Talking of Painful Day, but Also of 'Ongoing Genocide' in Gaza
who has a fraught relationship with much of New York City's Jewish leadership, were highly anticipated and closely scrutinized because this is the first anniversary of the attacks on Israel since he took office in January.
And Wednesday's statement was notably different from those released by other elected officials, including Gov. Kathy Hochul, who described Oct. 7 as “the deadliest day for the Jewish people since the Holocaust.” In its own statement, the City Council highlighted the story of an Israeli Jew who was hidden from Hamas by a Bedouin Muslim farmer on the day of the attacks.
Some pro-Israel Jewish leaders, and the Israeli government, accused the mayor of minimizing Jewish and Israeli pain on a day of profound grief.
Rabbi Ammiel Hirsch, the president of the New York Board of Rabbis, said Mr. Mamdani's statement was "morally perverse" and "like sticking a knife into the pain
Continued on Page A21
Some Back Sports Ban; Others See Fixation
Democrats Parrying G.O.P. Jabs on Trans Issues
In Ohio, a longtime Democratic congresswoman in a tough race, Marcy Kaptur, is running an ad in which she says she thinks “boys should not play in girls’ sports” and that she is focused on “making your life more affordable.”
In North Carolina, a vulnerable Democratic congressman, Don Davis, has released a commercial that shows him stalking a football field and saying that there are “real concerns about fairness and safety” in youth sports and that
Mother Claims She Didn't Kill, It Was Vaccine
And in several of the country's most competitive congressional battlegrounds, a leading progressive super PAC is running ads describing Republicans as “obsessed” with transgender people and distracted from rising prices.
By TIM BALK
Over the past several months, as the conflict has dragged on, the Iran war has come to reveal enormous new American vulnerabilities, forcing changes that the Pentagon was not contemplating a year ago. But it has also proved a bitter lesson in the unintended consequences that have flowed from Mr. Trump's war of choice.
Mr. Trump intended the attack on Iran as another demonstration of the American military's extraordinary power, following the successful bombing raid on three Iranian nuclear sites in June last year and the seizure of President Nicolás Maduro of Venezuela from his bed in Caracas in January.
Continued on Page A13
PAYETTE, Idaho — Andrea Shaw has spent most of the summer alone in a cell in Payette, Idaho, taking comfort from photos of her family, according to her lawyer. Her twins were 18 months old when they died, in May 2025, and her living daughter is three months old. She can talk to her husband, Nate, and the baby only by phone or video chat, which she does several times a day. As she waits for her lawyer to drive up from Boise, she reads inspirational books such as “Tuesdays With Morrie.”
there “should always be a safe and fair space for women and girls in sports.”
Adorable Tongues Steer a Billion-Dollar Industry
By LISA MILLER
AIMARGUES, France — Imagine dozens of cats napping or milling around a space that looks a lot like a pet day care center.
As the midterm election approaches, some Democrats in battleground races are moving to respond to Republican attacks casting them as extreme on transgender issues. In some cases, Democrats have reacted by accusing Republicans of being out of touch with voters' economic concerns, or desperate to change the subject. In others, Democrats have voiced their opposition to transgender female athletes participating in girls' and women's sports. At times, their opposition has
Trump's Push To War Turns Into a Retreat
Willow, a taste tester for Royal Canin cat food in southern France.
But rather than enhance American power, the war has constrained it. The closing of bases in the Middle East and limiting the use of one in Britain have, at a minimum, vastly complicated the logistics of projecting power.
But to anyone watching the deployment of American power around the globe in the seven months since Mr. Trump decided to attack Iran, it was another glaring example of how, time after time, Mr. Trump and his defense secretary, Pete Hegseth, have been forced into retreat, pulling back military forces that had been deployed to the Middle East and Britain as a deterrent.
By JENNY GROSS
Every day at 4 p.m., dinner is served. The cats step into cubbyholes, each with two trays of kibble atop scales. The cats choose which food they like better, and the scales measure how much they consume. Nutritionists at a Royal Canin pet center in southern France are watching: Which kibble do the animals prefer? How enthusiastically do they chow down? A team uses the data to adjust recipes and devise new ones.
spurred inflation and wage growth has not kept up, the pet food market has kept growing.
And as pandemic pets, adopted in droves in 2020, enter middle age, pet food makers are zeroing
To hear President Trump and his aides describe it, the rush to withdraw 12 B-1 bombers from an air base in Britain over the weekend was a prudent precaution, in response to a threat they refused to describe.
Continued on Page A8
It was no big deal, Mr. Trump insisted, and his secretary of state, Marco Rubio, tried to wave it away by noting the Pentagon is “constantly reallocating resources where they need to be.”
By DAVID E. SANGER and ERIC SCHMITT
in on aiding aching joints, strengthening tired muscles and protecting cognitive function.
MATHIAS DEPARDON FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
Pet food makers like Royal Canin, owned by the global consumer conglomerate Mars, are pouring money into research to understand the palates of cats and dogs — and to cater to people who see their pets as family members. Even as the war in Iran has
Planes Pulled in U.K., And Forces in Gulf
“Aging is one of the biggest opportunities,” said Cécile Coutens,
NEWS ANALYSIS
Shaw, 23, is charged with the smothering murder of the twins — Tyson, a boy, and Dallas, a girl — in the middle of the night, in the bed that they shared. At trial, scheduled for January, evidence will show that “the only conceivable explanation” for their deaths is that she suffocated them, the Payette County prosecutor Mike Duke wrote in a court filing. Shaw has pleaded not guilty.
Joe Filicetti, Shaw's lawyer, describes Shaw as “sweet.” In court, in her red-and-white striped uniform, she mostly comes across as young. The Shaw case, grim as it is, might have been a purely local story except for the extraordinary attention it has received from the captains of the nation's vaccine-skeptical movement. Three days after their twins died, Andrea and Nate Shaw appeared on a video podcast produced by Children's Health Defense, the anti-vaccine
Continued on Page A18
But most important, the rapid withdrawals have taught a lesson to the Iranians — and potentially to other adversaries — that they hold the power to chase out a superpower. In Europe, Mr. Trump and Mr. Hegseth are thinking of reducing American
American bombers can still reach their targets, of course, but only by flying from the United States, requiring more time and refueling. American carrier groups can still patrol in the Arabian Sea, outside the Persian Gulf, but now they must be re-supplied from Diego Garcia, an island in the Indian Ocean 2,200 miles away, requiring additional weeks and huge costs.
Continued on Page A9
AT JUSTICE DEPT., DUBIOUS RECRUITS FILL IN THE RANKS
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CONSPIRACISTS IN JOBS
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Red Flags in Their Pasts May Once Have Been Disqualifying
By GLENN THRUSH
WASHINGTON — A former prosecutor forced off a high-profile murder case for peeking at the defense team's strategy documents.
A onetime gambling executive who promoted conspiracy theories about the Las Vegas massacre in 2017.
A Florida activist who once served 20 days in jail for hacking a local elections system.
They are among the 130 lawyers who have recently joined the Justice Department's short-staffed civil rights division as the Trump administration has struggled to fill the depleted ranks of a unit that was once a magnet for legal talent. Since early 2025, upward of 300 nonpolitical career employees, representing decades of experience, have left the division after its leader, Harmeet Dhillon, repurposed it to pursue President Trump's agenda.
As a consequence, the division has opened its doors to recruits, many of them conservatives, some with education and work histories that might have disqualified them from being hired in the past, former officials said. For Free Papers Check Sanet.st Some have left a trail of hyperpartisan, conspiratorial and, in some instances, bizarre statements, according to an examination of about a dozen recent hires based on court records, social media posts and interviews.
Department officials, speaking on the condition of anonymity to discuss internal matters, said they have rejected nearly as many applicants as they have hired, 126. Any ideological tilt in the career ranks, they added, reflected the Trump-era applicant pool, which includes conservative activists and recent law school graduates.
Ms. Dhillon praised the quality of the new lawyers, and said she was revamping a division that had been dominated by liberals for far too long.
“For years, the civil rights division recruited from a narrow pipeline of progressive activists and called it excellence,” she said in a statement.
“We are hiring trial lawyers,” she added. “The attorneys The Times singled out have collectively tried hundreds of cases, prosecuted those who prey on trafficked children, won at the Supreme Court and practiced law for decades. That is the experience this division needs to enforce civil
Continued on Page A16
FILM PUBLICITY ARCHIVE/UNITED ARCHIVES, VIA GETTY IMAGES
EVA MARIE SAINT, 1924-2026
A beauty with dramatic depth, she brought an intensity to roles and seduced Cary Grant in “North by Northwest.” Page B12.
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INTERNATIONAL A4-11
Shadow Fleet for Iran's Oil
Despite Washington's threat to target them, companies continue to service Iranian tankers near Malaysia. PAGE A7
Why French Students Protest
Pupils at Paul Éluard High School near Paris were fed up with shoddy classrooms and staff shortages. PAGE A6
NATIONAL A12-21
Quest for Vote Fraud Widens
Officials are investigating nonprofits that they say may be recruiting noncitizens for registration, even though noncitizen voting is rare. PAGE A14
More Questions in Tennessee
A judge planned to order the state to preserve any evidence tied to a failed execution attempt of Christa Pike, who has regained consciousness. PAGE A20
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Research Networks in Limbo
Scientists are worried about the future of the networks that test vaccines and treatments for H.I.V., tuberculosis and emerging infectious diseases. PAGE A17
THURSDAY STYLES D1-8
Still Lighting Up the Rooms
Lindsey Adelman has used an unconventional management style to build a company that is known for its innovative chandelier designs. PAGE D7
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Grounded in Elegance
The home goods company Autumn Sonata makes its bathmats look as artistic as antique tapestries. PAGE D1
ARTS C1-6
A Return to New York
David Hallberg, the former Ballet Theater star, is bringing the Australian Ballet to perform at City Center. PAGE C1
SPORTS B6-10
Fraternity of Cancer Survivors
A chain of support has developed among M.L.B. pitchers. It all began with a call from Lance Armstrong. PAGE B6
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Tearful Farewell to Messi
Argentines were caught up in revelry and emotion at the soccer star's finale on the international stage. PAGE B10
BUSINESS B1-5
Whistle-Blower Sues I.R.S.
A tax fraud investigator has accused the agency of leaking his personal data to prosecutors in retaliation. PAGE B1
India Dominates Drug Market
Cheap labor and global supply chains are obstacles to bringing generic drug manufacturing back to the U.S. PAGE B1
OPINION A22-23
Beth Simone Noveck
PAGE A23
Crossword C3
Obituaries B11-12
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The New York Times
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Founded in 1851
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Quote of the Day
"I am standing in front of them. I will bring my entire family also to stand in front of them. They can see for themselves that we exist."
NANHE LAL, who made multiple visits to a voter center in India with documentation to remain on voter rolls. The nation has purged some 130 million names. Page A4.
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A Notable Number
1,046 feet
The height of the Chrysler Building, which opened in 1930 and was once the world's tallest building. The large commercial landlord Tishman Speyer, along with other investors, is buying the Art Deco skyscraper for \$235 million and planning a significant renovation. Page B3.
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Corrections
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NATIONAL
A story on Tuesday about the combative political ad campaign in the Ohio governor's race referred incorrectly to a man featured in a campaign ad whose wife has Alzheimer's disease. His wife is alive; he is not a widower.
An article on Monday about the impact that the sexual assault case is having on Cornell University's reputation referred incorrectly to sexual abuse allegations at Baylor University that led to the resignation or firing of officials. There were more than 15 accusers, not just 15, and the accused included football players and other students, not just football players.
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REAL ESTATE
An article on Sept. 27 about finding the right continuing care facility misstated the nature of Type A contracts. They function similarly to insurance, but they don't include long-term care insurance.
Errors are corrected during the press run whenever possible, so some errors noted here may not have appeared in all editions. For recently published corrections, visit nytimes.com/corrections.
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Climate Forward
Near Antarctica this January. Scientists have observed sharp declines in the ice there in the last decade, and expect that trend to continue.
CHANG W. LEE/THE NEW YORK TIMES
A Climate ‘Genius’ Studying Antarctic Sea Ice
A conversation with Marika Holland, a scientist and recipient of a MacArthur Foundation grant.
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By CLAIRE BROWN
Marika Holland, a climate scientist focused on sea ice, joined a call this summer in her office at the National Center for Atmospheric Research in Colorado.
Luckily, she closed her office door before it started.
She'd been told the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation wanted to discuss a new climate program, and she assumed they would ask her to join a committee. But not long after she hopped on the line, she heard the news: She had been selected to receive one of the foundation's “genius” grants, an \$800,000, no-strings-attached stipend awarded annually to 20 artists, writers, scientists and academics who show “exceptional creativity.”
“I was completely shocked,” she said. “I got very choked up, and it took me several minutes to accept what they were saying.”
Three of the fellows this year work on climate issues. Holly Jean Buck, an associate professor at the University at Buffalo, is a sociologist who looks at emerging climate and energy policies. And Kaiyu Guan, an environmental scientist at the University of Illinois-Urbana Champaign, works on agricultural modeling to forecast outcomes under different conditions.
I caught up with Holland recently. Here's a condensed and edited version of our conversation.
What does the grant mean for your work? It's still very fresh, and I don't have specific plans for what I'll do with this money.
I'm a physical climate scientist, so that means I study the physics of the climate system. I specifically study sea ice and the role of sea ice, which is part of the polar climate in our Earth system. But I work a lot with biologists to understand how changes in sea ice are affecting the ocean or large marine ecosystems — polar bears, penguins, things like that.
I also work with local communities in the Arctic, and I work with people who are thinking about policy and decision-making. To me, there's a lot of need to have opportunities for more of those kinds of collaborations.
My colleagues reported in December that the Trump administration intends to dismantle the National Center for Atmospheric Research, where you work. I'm wondering how that's affected your job. NCAR is still there, and I am still employed there, but there have been these threats, and it's concerning.
We're living through the climate changes that the models have predicted, right?
We predicted these changes decades ago, honestly. And now we're living through them. And so I think climate science is really important, understanding what's in store, what's to come in the future.
How we respond to that as people, as societies — those are all really important and critical questions. And we need large national centers to help us answer those questions.
At an institution like NCAR, our whole mission is around building national resilience. And doing that with a strong scientific basis. And so it's just very disheartening
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Climate Forward
Once a week in this space, we're bringing you news and insights for a warming world. Subscribe to the Climate Forward newsletter at nytimes.com/climateforward.
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and shortsighted.
This last year, there were climate disasters happening across the globe. Those are the kind of things that we need to understand and study.
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The “genius” grants tend to value cross-disciplinary work. Tell me about a project you’re proud of.
We've done a lot of work understanding Antarctic sea ice — the sea ice in the Southern Ocean that grows and forms and melts and moves around the Antarctic continent in the very far south.
And that sea ice is really important for ecosystems in the region. I've had the great privilege to have long-term collaborations with scientists who are studying penguins and seals. That work has really revealed that some of these amazing ecosystems are at risk because the sea ice is declining. In the last decade or so we've seen some very large declines in Antarctic sea ice, and we project that those declines will continue into the future.
That's because of rising greenhouse gases in the atmosphere from the burning of fossil fuels and human activity. And we've investigated through the whole life cycle of penguins (emperor penguins, in particular), which rely on sea ice for breeding and molting. They rely on it in different ways at different stages of their life cycle.
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The Newspaper and Beyond
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Opinion A22-23
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INTERACTIVE
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VIDEO
President Trump has had a minimal response to the rape allegations at Cornell University. The reporter Michael C. Bender examined Mr. Trump's shifting approach to civil rights law in his second term. Watch at nytimes.com/video.
Can you name 16 iconic figures from history? Look at pictures of notable people from the past 175 years of Times coverage and see if you can figure out who's who. nytimes.com/upshot
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A Headline From History
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PHILADELPHIA EXPOSITION A FAILURE; UNPAID BILLS TOTAL MORE THAN \$3,000,000
October 8, 1926. Mayor W. Freeland Kendrick of Philadelphia announced that the Sesquicentennial International Exposition, held there in honor of the 150th anniversary of the signing of the Declaration of Independence, was a financial failure, according to an Associated Press article printed in The Times. He said that its lack of success was due not to “management, but to the failure of the people to go there.” When the fair opened that May, organizers had expected 30 million people to attend, but only five million showed up. Poor planning and a streak of bad weather were said to be among the reasons for low attendance at the expo, which included exhibits from at least 31 states and was set to end the following January. While figures range, The Times later reported that city losses from the fair totaled about \$200,000 (roughly \$3.8 million today).
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Facts of Interest
Alaska accounts for roughly 60 percent of wild seafood harvested in the United States, from high-end wild-caught Chinook salmon to frozen fish sticks and McDonald's Filet-O-Fish. In Alaska, Fish Take Center Stage In Midterms A12
When Rome was struggling to subdue Germanic territories in the first century, elite women often wore wigs made from the blonde hair of Germanic captives or tried to imitate the color with dye for style.
In Ancient Rome, the Fashion Was Loud C2
It has been more than a thousand days since the Dallas Cowboys won a game in which the defense held an opponent to fewer than 14 points. Dallas Defense Still Under Construction B7
When the director Wayne Wang was in Hong Kong shooting his 1989 film “Eat a Bowl of Tea,” a local gang shut down the production claiming the white silk being used to diffuse light brought bad luck.
Movies From Hong Kong
That Left Their Marks D3
Porsche once relied on China for more than a third of its sales volume. By 2030, China is expected to account for one in 10 deliveries.
Porsche's New Look: Pricier Cars And a 25% Cut in Its Work Force B4
The Surrealist Gertrude Abercrombie lived most of her life in Chicago, where she was known for puttering about in a beat-up Rolls-Royce, wearing conical black hats and hosting salons graced by jazz artists like Sonny Rollins.
Estate Sale Find Goes
From \$30 to \$1.35 Million C5
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The Mini Crossword
BY JOEL FAGLIANO
ACROSS
1 Old-fashioned business?
4 Start of a tennis point
6 Basic bagel variety
7 Like the most famous Hollywood celebrities
8 "Hoo-boy!"
DOWN
1 It's in your head
3 Monthly expense
4 Many a call from an unknown number
5 \_ Langley, singer with the 2026 #1 hit "Choosin' Texas"
ANSWER TO PREVIOUS PUZZLE
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Reader Corner
Callout: Send us your best breakup lines.
Breaking up is hard to do, in part because you have to talk about it. Or email about it. Or at least text about it.
Last October, we asked for your best breakup lines for a special Modern Love project, and you delivered; it was our most engaging story of the year. So we're asking again for your most unforgettable lines from a breakup — kind, bizarre, profound, haunting or funny — either delivered or received.
ROMAN MURADOV
In your own breakup experiences, what did you say? What have others said to you? Is there a line that you either delivered or received that has stayed with you because it was especially surprising, shocking, funny or poignant? Maybe the line was enlightening, or perhaps it “set you free.”
To share your best breakup lines, fill out a form at nytimes.com/modernlove. We will not publish any part of your response without contacting you first.
Excerpts From New York Times Newsletters
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In Our Inbox
GRAPHIC HOUSE/ARCHIVE PHOTOS/GETTY IMAGES
Bennett Cerf, above with his family circa 1950, is the subject of a biography by Gayle Feldman.
Finalists for the National Book Awards were announced this week. But to Alexandra Jacobs, a Book Review critic, several heavyweights were missing from contention. Read an edited selection below of some of the titles she thought should have made the cut.
'Nothing Random' by Gayle Feldman
One of the year's first biographies, and one of the finest. Also one of the longest, at 1,072 pages. But who's counting when your subject, Bennett Cerf, not only co-founded the largest and most important publishing house of the 20th century and beyond but was a syndicated columnist, best-selling humorist, television personality and world-class party giver himself? Were his ghost to haunt Cipriani Wall Street when the prize is handed out on Nov. 18, the whole affair would be a lot livelier.
'American Hagwon' by Min Jin Lee
With Cornell University in the news for all the wrong reasons, Lee's novel about the tension between scholarship and striving in the pursuit of elite college admissions is ringing extra loudly in my head. And it was already ringing pretty darn loudly, because it's so good: There's plenty of sex, speculation and embezzlement to go along with the education theory. This is the third in Lee's planned quartet about the Korean diaspora — perhaps you've heard of the second,
Subscribe to the Books newsletter at nytimes.com/newsletters.
“Pachinko,” an N.B.A. finalist in 2017 and a big best seller. I knew that one had reach when my brother-in-law in Dallas raved about it; now I know what I’m getting him for Christmas in exchange for those tamales on dry ice he sends every year.
'The Disappearers' by Marlon James
Not only do I nominate this violent epic about homophobia in Jamaica — it was on the longlist but didn't advance to the finalist round, unlike James's 2019 fantasy “Black Leopard, Red Wolf” — I also nominate my esteemed colleague Dwight Garner in a special category for his blockbuster review, which has apparently helped make “The Disappearers” disappear from store and library shelves, to the frustration of eager readers.
'Contrapposto' by Dave Eggers Hey! Why can't the '90s revival, which brought us the atrocity that was "Love Story" on FX, also elevate the finest work in years from the echt-Gen Xer Eggers, which plumbs his ideas about art, class, money and a lifelong trans-Atlantic situationship?
Here to Help Change Your Toilet Seat, Change Your Life
Changing your toilet seat is a low-effort, low-cost reset for your entire bathroom. Here's how to select a style, shape and size to ensure your new seat fits your toilet — and your life — perfectly. IVY ELROD
Select your preferred perch. Think about how you want your toilet seat to look and feel. First, pick your material, which not only influences the look, but also its feel.
While standard plastic is usually most affordable, it can feel flimsy and lightweight. Solid wood offers a natural, high-end warmth and more stability than plastic, but it can sometimes feel unyielding. If you prefer more give, engineered wood has a wood look and a bit of flexion.
Color is another factor to consider. When I made the swap from a white plastic seat to a black engineered wood seat, the contrasting color shifted the style of the bathroom from generic to classic Deco. Also consider how the seat closes. Soft-close hinges can feel like a true lifestyle upgrade, preventing the seat from slamming down.
Find your fit. Toilet seats are generally standardized into two shapes: round (about 16.5 inches from the mounting holes to the front) and elongated (about 18.5 inches).
Measure from the center of the bolt holes to the very front of the bowl to see which camp you're in. Most bolt holes are spaced at a standard 5.5 inches, so as long as you match these dimensions, the seat should fit. Once you know what size you're looking for, you can begin searching based on your criteria for material, color and hinge.
NYT WIRECUTTER
Remove the older seat. For most toilet seat swaps, you'll likely need just a screwdriver and some cleaning supplies. But for older bathrooms, or if the seat has never been changed, a few other tools can be helpful: a screwdriver that matches the seat hardware; a penetrating solvent like WD-40; a toilet wrench; pliers; and rubber gloves. To remove the old seat, take off any bolt covers and soak the hardware, if necessary. Then remove the hardware and wipe the area clean using soapy water or vinegar.
Install the new seat. While new seats come with their own installation instructions, they generally involve following simple steps. First, place the seat atop the bowl and align it with the bolt holes. Next, slide the bolts into place and tighten them with a screwdriver while holding the nuts beneath. Then, thumb-tighten the nuts and push any bolt covers back into place.
Ivy Elrod is a writer for Wirecutter, a product recommendation site owned by The New York Times Company. For more advice, visit nytimes.com/wirecutter.
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The New York Times
A water cannon dousing protesters in New Delhi, and Jama Masjid, one of the city's largest mosques. India's 200 million Muslims appear to have been disproportionately affected by a voter roll purge.
ARUN SANKAR/AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE — GETTY IMAGES
BHAWIKA CHHABRA/REUTERS
Outrage in India as 130 Million People Are Wiped From the Voter Rolls
A demonstrator being detained on Sunday in New Delhi. Public anger is growing over the government's purge of voter rolls, which some critics say could undermine the world's largest democracy.
ADNAN ABIDI/REUTERS
Cleanup of Discrepancies and Duplicates Appears to Target Modi's Opposition
This article is by Mujib Mashal, Pragati K.B. and Hari Kumar.
NEW DELHI — Nearly a billion people in the world's biggest democracy are being asked to show documents to prove that they should keep the right to vote.
The exercise is billed by an election commission appointed by Prime Minister Narendra Modi as cleaning India's voter roll of duplicates and discrepancies. So far, it has expunged over 130 million names — more than the population of Mexico.
Tens of millions of voters have been flagged by algorithms for deletion over anomalies in their information. Millions who have appealed their deletions remain stuck in adjudication, deprived of their right to vote during close-fought elections earlier this year. Some removed for being dead are challenging the decision based on the fact they are very much alive.
Public anger is turning into widespread protests, as evidence piles up that the exercise is disenfranchising parts of society seen as less likely to support Mr. Modi's ruling Hindu nationalist party. India's 200 million Muslims appear to have been disproportionately targeted.
Protesters are calling for the resignation of Gyanesh Kumar, the chief of the election commission, a body that was long held in high regard for running relatively fair polls in a region with a history of coups and autocratic governance.
"The heart of our democracy, which is the right to vote, is at great peril," Rohinton Nariman, a former solicitor general of India and a supreme court judge, said in a lecture last week.
The exercise, which began last summer in one state before being expanded to every voter in the country, has struck the biggest blow to election integrity in India's more than seven decades as a republic, former Indian polling officials and analysts say. The anger is intensifying on the back of recent revelations that officials within the election commission and the Supreme Court have expressed reservations about the revision.
"The entire approach has changed from making the rolls inclusive," Ashok Lavasa, a former election commissioner, said. "The effort, and the priority, seems to be getting rid of people on the slightest pretext."
While previous revisions of the voter roll focused on “physical verification, door to door” to make sure that every citizen was included, he said the current process puts the onus of proof entirely on citizens and otherwise excludes them. That leaves a large section of the electorate at the mercy of algorithms and mistakes in old records that could largely be clerical errors, he said.
To be sure, inaccuracies in the voter roll, which included about 970 million names before the recent revisions, have long been a fixture in a country where tens of millions of people are on the move for work, enabling abuses by some. But the list is routinely updated before every local and national election, and public faith in the electoral system was strong enough that the impact of the remaining discrepancies was believed to be marginal. Mr. Modi won three terms in office through elections based on the voter roll before the nationwide revision, and his Bharatiya Janata Party flourished.
The sudden discovery and deletion of over 20 million dead people and 90 million others categorized as “absent, shifted, and others,” has cast doubt about the integrity of previous elections or raised suspicion about the ruling party’s intentions for upcoming ones, analysts and opposition leaders say.
Since a weaker showing in 2024 national elections, Mr. Modi's party has strung together a series of wins at the state level, including flipping one large state that it had never won based on a revised voter list. The next national election is in 2029.
Election commission officials did not respond to multiple requests for comment. Leaders of Mr. Modi's party have rejected the uproar as fomented by a struggling opposition, which had earlier asked for similar revisions.
"If political parties themselves have repeatedly demanded the removal of duplicate, bogus and ineligible entries in the past, why should the election commission's effort to clean and update electoral rolls now be portrayed as inherently suspect?" said Pratyush Kanth, a spokesman for the party.
Two senior officials who would talk about the governing party's strategy only anonymously said the process was aimed at entrenching its electoral advantage. The officials asked not be named for fear of retribution.
One of them said the intention was purely political: to use the party's vast local machinery to flag people to local authorities for deletion. But the effect, he said, had been limited in India's federal system because not all local officials were beholden to the B.J.P.
The other official said making gains in recent elections was secondary to a larger ideological objective: implementing an effort by the Hindu right to weed
Allies of Prime Minister Narendra Modi dismissed the uproar over the purge as being provoked by a weak opposition.
out large numbers of Muslim illegal immigrants, something it had failed to achieve through an earlier attempt at citizenship tests.
A citizenship registration project in 2019 flagged an even larger number of Hindus as lacking documents, halting the exercise. Using the election commission allows the ruling party deniability while achieving the same goal of blocking political participation by Muslims, the official said.
The argument is supported by rhetoric from leaders of Mr. Modi's party who have defended the effort as weeding out "infiltrators" — a term that ostensibly means migrants from Bangladesh but has increasingly been deployed to refer to all of India's Muslims.
Analysts and former election officials say the authorities are asking people to verify their voting rights with documents that prove citizenship. Many people in India — Hindus and Muslims alike ple in India — Hindus and Muslims alike — struggle to produce such documents because record keeping is poor, and many people lack even birth certificates.
There has been no strong evidence that the revision exercise has found a substantial number of foreigners. Leaders of Mr. Modi's party have nonetheless declared that those deleted from the voter roll will be denied welfare benefits meant for citizens.
India's poorest citizens are forced to chose between multiple visits to polling officers and earning a daily wage.
"I am standing in front of them. I will bring my entire family also to stand in front of them. They can see for themselves that we exist," said Nanhe Lal, 43, a toy store worker in Delhi who was on his third visit to a voter center with documents to prevent the deletion of their names.
His employer kept calling to ask how much longer he would be away from his duties, he said.
Opposition parties say Mr. Modi is using independent institutions like the election commission to lock in his party's advantage for years to come.
They say the groundwork had started years earlier. In 2023, Mr. Modi changed the composition of the committee through which election commissioners are appointed to tilt it in favor of the government. He also passed a law to give commissioners legal immunity.
Since then, the opposition parties have raised complaints over irregular additions and deletions of voters ahead of several state elections. But the election commission ignored their pleas to investigate even cases of “statistical abnormalities,” said Praveen Chakravarty, a lawmaker from the opposition Congress Party. Instead, the commission restricted the opposition’s access to things like machine-readable voter rolls and existing CCTV footage from polling centers, which would allow them to verify voting data, he said.
In the revisions, millions of people have been flagged by algorithms for “logical discrepancies” — a term that could include inconsistencies like the spelling of a name or the number of siblings listed.
Other people have been deleted based on forms submitted by third parties who dispute their existence.
In one constituency in the southern state of Karnataka, nearly 2,000 such forms were filed on a single day late last month, a review by The New York Times showed. Nearly half of those were filed by five individuals, and the voters they were disputing were overwhelmingly Muslim. Many of the forms were typed up with the target's name, leaving only a blank space for the name of the person objecting to fill in by hand, which analysts said suggested an orchestrated campaign.
The election commission's conduct in one state in particular has drawn particular scrutiny.
Mr. Modi's B.J.P. had for decades fallen short of a majority in elections for the state legislature in West Bengal. It finally came to power in May, right after a voter roll revision that removed about nine million names.
India's top court allowed the election to proceed, even though millions of people who had challenged their removals were still waiting for their cases to be heard. In about 100,000 appeals to have been adjudicated so far, a majority were found to be legitimate and ordered restored to the roll.
Leaders of opposition parties in West Bengal have argued in petitions to the Supreme Court that the number of deleted voters exceeded the margin of victory in 82 of the 207 seats won by Mr. Modi's party, a number that tips the balance of power.
Officials appointed by the court cleared 1.6 million West Bengal voters to be restored to the roll, but the election commission has blocked their return by appealing against their inclusion, according to the commission's own court filing. A recent investigation by an Indian newspaper found that two of the country's three election commissioners had expressed outrage internally at the effort, which they said was done without their knowledge.
Mr. Lavasa, the former election commissioner, questioned why the body responsible for protecting voter's rights "would implement a procedure which will deprive" them of it.
Mass Trials in El Salvador Sweep Up Hundreds in Single Proceedings
By JAMES WAGNER
Hundreds of inmates watched their court proceeding virtually from the Terrorism Confinement Center, or CECOT, prison in April in Tecoluca, El Salvador.
JOSE CABEZAS/REUTERS
Across El Salvador, hundreds of inmates appear in court by video simultaneously for a single, joint hearing. Some lawyers say that they are first meeting their clients on the same day as their trial. And individual anonymous witnesses are testifying against dozens of suspects at a time, human rights groups say.
More than four years after President Nayib Bukele's administration arrested tens of thousands of people in a crackdown on gang violence, those detained are finally getting their day in court.
But the trials are unlike anything seen before by most lawyers.
Hundreds of detainees at a time face mass trials that result in near-universal convictions for gang-related offenses, according to a new report released Wednesday by Human Rights Watch, as well as four defense lawyers who spoke directly to The New York Times.
The lawyers and Human Rights Watch reported widespread violations of international human rights conventions in these trials.
The human rights group determined that judges routinely blocked access to files and prosecutors threatened proposed defense witnesses with prosecution. The findings were based on interviews with 15 lawyers representing people arrested for gang-related crimes — four of whom spoke to The Times — and a review of four indictments covering more than 600 defendants and a sentencing document. Lawyers said that the fast-paced mass proceedings gave them little time to present a defense. Furthermore, the cases rely heavily on anonymous plea-bargain testimony and on reports that some police officials have acknowledged are fabricated or based on uncorroborated evidence.
The Human Rights Watch report added that prosecutors and judges have little, if any, independence from Mr. Bukele's office.
One lawyer described being threatened by a judge with arrest for representing a detainee who had tattoos that the authorities had interpreted as evidence of gang membership.
The lawyers interviewed for this article spoke on the condition of anonymity because they were barred from talking publicly about their cases and feared government reprisals. All said their clients had been in detention for at least three to four years before facing trial.
“First it was mass arrests, now it’s mass convictions,” said Juanita Goebertus, the Americas director of Human Rights Watch. “These trials don’t provide redress to victims of gang violence. They are designed to rubberstamp arbitrary arrests and deliver long prison sentences, in many cases to innocent people.”
The Salvadoran attorney general's office, a spokeswoman for Mr. Bukele and the Supreme Court, which oversees the organized crime tribunals where the trials are being held, did not respond to requests for comments.
Under Mr. Bukele, the small Central American nation of six million people — once racked by gang violence — was transformed into one of the region's safest countries.
It is a feat that Mr. Bukele, 45, promotes repeatedly. He has drawn the admiration of the Trump administration and conservatives around the world. But human rights groups, some governments and the United Nations human rights office have criticized the strongman tactics Mr. Bukele used to achieve the turnaround.
Mr. Bukele has defended his practices by saying that there is too much focus on the rights of suspects and not enough on citizens freed from gang violence. In April, he said mass hearings aren't new, pointing to the Nuremberg trials of Nazis after World War II.
"The only ‘novel’ aspect is holding the leaders accountable for crimes committed by their organizations," he posted on social media. "But we did not invent that principle. It is called ‘command responsibility.’"
An estimated 90,000 people were arrested under a state of emergency put in place in spring 2022 that remains in effect today. The measure brought the country's prison population to roughly 120,000, creating one of the highest incarceration rates in the world.
Some national police officers in El Salvador told The Times last year that they were under intense pressure to meet arrest quotas and admitted that arbitrary detentions and flimsy evidence helped reach those totals.
Since his political party gained a supermajority in 2021, Mr. Bukele has exerted control over all aspects of the Salvadorean government, including the legislature, prosecutors and courts. Anti-gang measures were enacted, including increased penalties for gang membership or “unlawful association,” the elimination of pretrial detention limits and the permission to prosecute up to 900 people at once if they were tied to the same criminal group.
The result has been a presumption of guilt rather than innocence, and a simulation of justice, not a fair shake in court, according to the four lawyers The Times spoke with. Three of them said that gangs were a grave problem in their country and needed to be brought to justice but that the government's measures went too far.
“Objectively, there are gang members, criminals and hit men, but among all those people, there are innocent ones, too,” said one lawyer, who has represented nearly 30 people arrested under the state of emergency.
The lawyer said El Salvador needed fair processes to determine who were the real criminals.
In fact, the system is rewarding some gang members who serve as anonymous witnesses through arrangements with prosecutors and receive reduced sentences in return, the lawyers said.
In court, the anonymous witnesses are hidden behind screens so that only judges and prosecu-
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No time, no access and no privacy, say defense lawyers.
tors know their identities, they added. The accused appear in groups by video from prison. Earlier this year, nearly 500 suspected MS-13 gang members watched their court proceeding together virtually from prison.
The lawyers said the witnesses' testimonies were frequently vague, not verified and contradictory, yet often served as the main evidence used to convict. There was also a lack of supporting evidence, they said.
One lawyer, who currently has more than 25 cases, said that one anonymous witness had testified against 300 people in a single hearing, including two of his clients. And because there were so many people being tried at once, another lawyer said, lawyers were each allotted only about five minutes for cross examination.
“Imagine being a public defender and defending 80 people at once,” another lawyer said.
One lawyer, who has three cases, said that he had once been given only about 20 minutes to make closing arguments. Another lawyer said he felt his argument had been little more than a formality because the judge appeared to have already made up his mind; all 70 defendants were convicted.
Judges, too, remain anonymous during the trials to protect them from reprisals, and the hearings, like the case files, are sealed.
The lawyers said that they had not been allowed to meet or speak with their clients before the trials. The first time they ever met, they said, was virtually in court during a hearing. The few pretrial client meetings allowed to take place have been virtual and recorded by the authorities, according to the Human Rights Watch report.
The lawyers interviewed said that all their clients who reached trial had been convicted, often receiving sentences of 20 to 30 years.
In late 2024, Mr. Bukele acknowledged that 8,000 innocent people had been freed from detention. Human rights groups have said that roughly 30,000 innocent people were arrested, an estimation Mr. Bukele has denied.
Prosecutors have grouped the accused into two categories. There are “homeboys,” or gang leaders, and there are “collaborators,” the most common but loosely defined designation. It refers to anyone who receives a “direct or indirect benefit” from assisting a gang in any way and can include people who serve as lookouts or even provide food.
Under Salvadoran law, convicted leaders face sentences of 40 to 45 years, while collaborators face 20 to 30 years.
The government, the lawyers said, has disproportionately arrested residents of poorer communities where gangs operated and sometimes forced residents into working for them.
One mother, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because she were barred from talking publicly about the case and feared reprisals, said her son, now 29, had been arrested on his way to work in June 2022. She acknowledged that he had occasionally bought marijuana but insisted that he had none on him the day of his arrest and did not belong to a gang.
Last month, she said, he received 25 years for being a collaborator. Her lawyer plans to appeal.
5 in Bolsonaro Family Triumph in Brazil Vote
By ANA IONOVA
RIO DE JANEIRO — Flávio Bolsonaro watched last year as his father was sentenced to 27 years in prison for trying to stage a coup after losing Brazil's last presidential election.
His father, the former right-wing president Jair Bolsonaro, was barred from ever returning to politics.
The younger Mr. Bolsonaro took up the mantle. Then scandal threatened to derail his own presidential hopes after he was accused of raising funds for a biopic about his father from a disgraced banker at the center of a huge corruption scheme.
But Mr. Bolsonaro was able to rebound spectacularly, and on Sunday night he celebrated at a raucous election night party, following a surprisingly strong showing that put him on the path to becoming the president of Latin America's biggest country.
“Deep down, people were voting for a legacy,” said Camila Rocha, a political scientist who studies the Brazilian right. “Because they believe that, if Flávio were to be elected, the one governing would be Jair.”
The younger Mr. Bolsonaro, 45, fell short of the votes needed for an outright victory, but appeared on his way to ousting President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva in a run-off later this month.
Mr. Bolsonaro earned more votes than Mr. Lula and is now likely to win many of the ballots cast for other right-wing candidates eliminated in the first round.
And the presidential hopeful wasn't the only Bolsonaro who had a good Election Day. Four other Bolsonaros also won federal
Isabela Cruz and Thayz Guimarães contributed research.
offices, riding a potent right-wing wave sweeping the country.
Their triumphs cement the Bolsonaros as the dominant force within Brazil's right and could make the country the eighth Latin American nation to elect a conservative president in the last 18 months.
President Trump was quick to celebrate Mr. Bolsonaro's performance, while cautioning that the second round would be tight.
“It’s a big victory,” he told reporters on Monday. “Close — but a very big victory.”
The vote marked an unexpected turnaround for the Bolsonaros after the elder Mr. Bolsonaro tried to subvert democracy and inspired thousands of supporters to storm Brazil's halls of power, in an episode echoing the attack on the U.S. Capitol.
The presidency could now grant Mr. Bolsonaro and his family new, sweeping powers to rewrite Brazil's history and reshape its future in profound ways. If elected, Mr. Bolsonaro has promised to seek amnesty for his father and the rioters, as well as impeach the Supreme Court justices who jailed them.
Mr. Bolsonaro may also try to reverse a decision by the court to convict his brother Eduardo of interfering in their father's coup trial by lobbying Mr. Trump to pressure Brazil to drop the case.
With a deeply conservative legislature stacked with members of his political party, including his relatives, these goals may now be far easier to achieve for Mr. Bolsonaro.
Flavio Bolsonaro, leading presidential candidate in Brazil, with a portrait of his father last month.
ADRIANO MACHADO/REUTERS
The Bolsonaro family's comeback mirrors the enduring hold of other powerful political dynasties around the world, including the Marcoses in the Philippines, the Sharifs in Pakistan, the Fujimoris in Peru and the Kirchners in Ar-
gentina.
In Brazil, like elsewhere, that dynasty began with a charismatic patriarch with populist appeal.
When Jair Bolsonaro, 71, waded into presidential politics in 2018, he succeeded in tapping into deep anger among many Brazilians over endemic corruption gripping the nation's political class. Though he had spent nearly three decades as a minor lawmaker, the former army captain succeeded in casting himself as a political outsider.
Modeling himself after Mr. Trump, he railed against “woke” ideology and offended women and minorities. Promising a drastic political overhaul, he vowed to root out graft, crush criminals and restore family values.
In a deeply conservative nation disillusioned with politics, his take-no-prisoners message found an enthusiastic audience.
Brazilians were less keen on Mr. Bolsonaro's family, distrustful of apparent links between his sons and corrupt or criminal groups. Family drama, mostly between Mr. Bolsonaro's sons and Michelle Bolsonaro, his current and third wife, has also sullied their image.
In one episode that transfixed the nation, Ms. Bolsonaro, 44, a popular figure among evangelical women, accused Flávio Bolsonaro of disrespecting her in a biting 27-minute video posted on social media, damaging Mr. Bolsonaro's candidacy. The two eventually made up in an effort to project unity.
Yet on Sunday, millions of Brazilians appeared to set aside those reservations. Beside nearly handing Flávio Bolsonaro a victory, voters also elected two of his brothers, his stepmother and an uncle in races for the nation's legislative branches.
“Yes, it’s this whole family of politicians,” Ms. Rocha said. “But the one who’s in charge, in people’s eyes, is the father. That’s who they trust with their vote.”
With the elder Mr. Bolsonaro out of politics, his supporters transferred to Flávio Bolsonaro their faith that he would continue his father's political agenda. Mr. Bolsonaro has reassured his supporters that he plans to model his government after that of his father.
“Jair Bolsonaro triggered ‘bolsonarismo,’” said Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser, a professor at the Pontifical Catholic University of Chile and director of the Laboratory for the Study of the Far Right. “And he’s still the electoral glue.”
On Tuesday, Mr. Bolsonaro lamented a court order barring him from visiting his father, claiming it was political interference aimed at keeping him away from his “political mentor.”
Instead of relying on a party's political machine, the Bolsonaros are building their movement through their family brand, Mr. Kaltwasser said. "They have a long-term ideological project. And they are ensuring it endures over time."
In a nation where many voters have long rejected party affiliation, this may hold the key to a future beyond the movement's patriarch. Mr. Bolsonaro, who is serving his sentence at home because of poor health, has been hospitalized numerous times with serious ailments that he attributes to a stabbing attack on the campaign trail in 2018.
At the same time, the opposition appears weaker than ever. The leftist political party founded by Mr. Lula succeeded in rallying voters around him for years, leaning on his charisma and populist appeal.
But Mr. Lula's political movement has failed to produce a successor and appears to have lost touch with its base, as many Brazilians link it to corruption and government mismanagement.
If Mr. Bolsonaro now succeeds in unseating his leftist rival in the Oct. 25 runoff, he would gain unusually broad powers to shape Brazil. The next president will be able to appoint up to four new justices to the nation's Supreme Court, which has 11 seats in total.
Even if Mr. Lula were to mount a comeback in the second round, analysts say it would prove nearly impossible to govern alongside a deeply conservative legislative branch allied with Mr. Bolsonaro.
Mr. Bolsonaro's promises have excited some of his most ardent supporters, who believe his father was jailed unfairly and have been frustrated by a corruption scandal that has embroiled the nation's top court.
But the idea of possibly weakening democratic checks and balances has also unnerved many in Brazil, a country with a dark history of strongmen and dictatorships, including the brutal military junta that ruled the nation between 1964 and 1985.
"If he is elected in the second round, it's granting him almost total power," Ms. Rocha said. "He will be able to do whatever he wants."
In One French School, Missing Chairs, Tables and Reliable Power
PARIS — When students at Paul Éluard, a high school in a working-class suburb north of Paris, arrived for the first day of school, they found classrooms lacking chairs, tables and reliable electricity, students and teachers said. With the school under renovation, students were being taught instead in prefabricated buildings with bad insulation, filthy toilets and regular power outages, they said.
Then came the staffing shortage. Two mathematics professors were moved to another school, leaving no one to cover their classes for over a week. There were no replacements for the school's absent psychologist or careers adviser, they said, and there was only a single part-time nurse to provide on-site medical care to roughly 2,000 students.
"It was a completely chaotic way to welcome students," said Irène Cailleteau, a mathematics teacher at Paul Éluard since 2020. "It was an extremely difficult way to start the year."
Those are among the frustrations that have fueled a surge of student protests since late September, both at Paul Éluard — one of the wellsprings of the unrest — and at hundreds of high schools across France.
Thousands of students, sometimes backed by teachers like Ms. Cailleteau, have blockaded their schools to protest widespread teacher shortages, creaking school infrastructure and grueling schedules — and to demand an overhaul of the national system that allocates places in higher education programs.
The movement, which was bolstered on Tuesday by union-led rallies in more than 40 French cities, has divided the country and inflamed political tensions, particularly after many demonstrations descended into violence. Some protesters have shot off mortar-style fireworks, burned public buildings and looted shops, while rights groups and jurists have accused the police of disproportionate force. In just over two weeks, more than 6,500 people have been arrested, and more than 750 police officers, as well as roughly 300 students and staff members, have been injured, according to French officials.
At the demonstrations at Paul Éluard, footage showed largely peaceful protesters, disrupted by some participants who pulled down part of the school fence and set fires in the street outside. That led the authorities in late September to order the school's closure, ban protests in front of it and arrest several students.
The school's principal and the local branch of the Education Ministry declined to comment on the accounts in this article. The office of the regional president, Valérie Pécresse, said that her administration had recently invested about \$50 million to improve the school, which is among more than 50 in the area, a suburb called Seine-St.-Denis, that has been newly renovated.
To students and teachers at Paul Éluard, that investment doesn't do enough to reverse decades of neglect, both at the school and in the wider district.
In Seine-St.-Denis, a sprawling area with a large immigrant community, the unemployment and poverty rates far exceed the national average. That inequity is mirrored in the district's education system: 61 percent of middle and high schools in Seine-St.-Denis and its neighboring areas had a missing teacher at the start of the year, according to a survey by a major labor union of more than 1,000 French schools. That was eight points higher than the national average.
"The problem is national, but it's three times as bad in the suburbs," said Bilel Narjissi, a senior at Paul Éluard and a member of the school's student council.
Recent students and teachers at Paul Éluard said classes had spent an entire school year without a professor in some subjects, including philosophy, which heavily affected students' preparation for their senior exams.
France's education minister, Édouard Geffray, said on Tuesday that the number of teaching vacancies had fallen by more than half over the past year.
But students said they had yet to feel meaningful change.
Zakarya Boukhadda, a 16-year-old at Paul Éluard, said at a rally this week that there weren't enough special educators at the school, especially “for students with neurodivergent conditions or autism like myself.”
Frustrations That Boiled for Years
Paul Éluard, founded in 1965, was
named for a French writer whose
poem “Liberté” became a widely
read ode to freedom during World
War II.
Over time, the school bearing his name became synonymous with decline.
In May 2023, staff members created a social media account comparing the high school to the Titanic. Pictures and videos showed cracked and crumbling walls, leaking or collapsed ceilings, and flooded floors. Those conditions were also described in interviews with former and current students, who recalled rats scouring the hallways.
In late 2024, regional officials reported finding parts of the school in a state of disrepair, warning of fire doors that had been wedged shut, a blocked emergency exit and signs of vandalism.
Ms. Pécresse's office said that the regional government had tried to resolve the structural problems at the school, including by waterproofing its buildings, adding fire doors and providing more security, as well as investing the \$50 million, about 45 million euros, which would go toward “a comprehensive transformation of the entire site.”
But to the students and their supporters, those additions are too little too late and have left students cooped up in substandard temporary buildings while the renovation goes on.
Bally Bagayoko, a far-left local mayor, told journalists at a rally on Sunday that the regional council's response was “contemptuous.”
“They say, ‘We’re giving you 45 million,’” said Mr. Bagayoko, who has often joined demonstrations in solidarity with the students. “That means, ‘Be satisfied with what we’re giving you, be happy that we’re giving you anything at all,’” he added
Mr. Bagayoko, 53, grew up in the area and recalled studying in badly insulated buildings when he was a student himself.
"How many times did I sit in a classroom where there was so much construction going on?" he asked. "We were sitting there in our coats because we were freezing our butts off," he added. "That's why it's unbearable to see those who have the power to act pretending that they're just now discovering this."
Ms. Pécresse has dismissed Mr. Bagayoko as a rabble-rouser, pledging on social media to send
A protest outside Paul Éluard High School last week. A sign, left, says “Golden offices for you, dilapidated high schools for us.” At far left, Bally Bagayoko, a local mayor.
him “the bill for the 100,000-euro replacement of the gate at Paul Éluard High School.”
“Let the mayor take responsibility for his actions,” she added. “I’ve taken responsibility for mine: a complete renovation of the high school.”
For some at Paul Éluard, the conditions at the schools compound the perception that the national leaders care little for the area or its alienated and underprivileged residents, many of whose families come from France's former colonies in Africa.
“They simply don’t care about us,” said Zorah Adrachi, 19, who graduated from Paul Éluard in the summer hoping to study psychology or train as a teacher. Despite passing her senior exams, an achievement that generally guarantees entry to university, Ms. Adrachi is among thousands of young high school graduates who have not been offered a place in a higher education program, leaving her in limbo.
Mr. Narjissi, the student council member, who wore the French tricolor on the collar of his woolen coat, said he would not give up the fight for better learning conditions.
“Maybe our parents didn’t dare pursue executive careers or positions of responsibility,” he said. “But tomorrow we’ll be the members of Parliament, we’ll be the mayors, and we’ll keep going and we won’t give up.”
Rubio Dodges Diplomatic Flap in Iceland After Trump Posts Provocative Map
POOL PHOTO BY MARK SCHIEFELBEIN
Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Thorgerdur Katrin Gunnarsdottir, Iceland foreign affairs head.
By MICHAEL CROWLEY
REYKJAVIK, Iceland — One month after President Trump hinted that Iceland should belong to the United States, Secretary of State Marco Rubio needed to address the matter during a visit with the country's leaders, insisting afterward that “everything’s very positive in our relationship.”
Mr. Trump had posted a map on his Truth Social account in September depicting Iceland as part of U.S. territory.
The post unnerved and angered Icelandic officials, who had watched Mr. Trump threaten to annex neighboring Greenland by force before agreeing to a long-term security deal instead.
Mr. Rubio brushed off a question about the incident, saying he would not address social media posts. But it seemed clear that his counterpart, Foreign Minister Thorgerdur Katrin Gunnarsdottir, did not consider the matter trivial.
“We discussed that,” she said alongside Mr. Rubio at a Tuesday news conference in Reykjavik, the capital.
The chief Icelandic diplomat, who summoned the U.S. ambassador for an explanation after Mr. Trump's post, added that the issue had been dealt with “constructively” and that U.S.-Iceland relations remained strong.
Both Mr. Rubio and Ms. Gunnarsdottir sought to focus instead on what Mr. Rubio called the “critical” strategic relationship between their countries amid growing concerns about Russian military activity in the Arctic.
The diplomats had earlier met in Reykjavik's historic Hofdi
House, site of a 1986 nuclear arms reduction summit between President Ronald Reagan and Soviet premier Mikhail Gorbachev that helped lay the groundwork for the Cold War's end.
But a new sort of Cold War has since emerged. In recent years, Russian ships and submarines have sailed close to Iceland's shores in what Western officials call reconnaissance missions to gather information on NATO activities and to map vital undersea communications cables that could be severed to devastating effect.
Visiting a NATO air base outside the capital, Mr. Rubio toured an American P-8 Poseidon aircraft equipped to detect, monitor and destroy ships and submarines.
The United States built Naval Air Station Keflavik early in the Cold War as it established a permanent military presence meant to counter Soviet threats against the Arctic and northern Europe. With the Soviet threat gone, the United States turned the base over to NATO more than 20 years ago but has recently upgraded the facility and begun rotating forces through it on a regular basis.
“While the world’s focus drifted over the last 20 years, the reality is the geography is always important, and we’re seeing that come now to fruition,” Mr. Rubio said, noting that Iceland lies at a naval choke point between Europe and the United States.
At the same time, Mr. Rubio acknowledged that a U.S. military stretched thin by the seven-month conflict with Iran had contributed no ships or planes to NATO's “Northern Viking” military exercises held annually off Iceland’s coast. The United States did provide hundreds of personnel for the exercises, conducted from late August to early September
“Obviously, there’s things going on around the world,” Mr. Rubio said. “It requires us to allocate resources,” he added, saying that the protection of commercial shipping lines from Iran and “the need to backfill what’s happening in the Indo-Pacific as a result” has left fewer American forces available
for exercises.
He had less to say about the map, before flying on to Greece later in the day.
Mr. Rubio, who on his foreign travels often drops figurative ice cubes into the hot water of Mr. Trump's more provocative comments, dismissed a question on the topic.
“We’re not talking about social media posts,” he said, before celebrating U.S.-Iceland military and economic relations.
The map, which Mr. Trump posted with no comment, depicted all of North America — including Mexico, Canada, Greenland and the Caribbean islands, as well as Iceland — covered by the stars and stripes of the American flag.
"There is nothing funny or normal about making fun of the sovereignty of states, especially today when it is not a given," Iceland's prime minister, Kristrun Frostadottir, said in response to Mr. Trump's post.
Iceland, a small but wealthy Nordic nation with a population of about 400,000, is a NATO member but lacks a standing military.
Nor was the post an isolated incident. Iceland's public broadcaster, RÚV, reported last month that Mr. Trump, in an informal phone call soon after his November 2024 election, had urged Iceland's then-prime minister to consider U.S. statehood for his country. (Some of RÚV's sources cautioned that Mr. Trump may have been joking, though others insisted the idea took a serious turn.)
And Mr. Trump's ambassador to Iceland, the former U.S. Representative Billy Long, apologized in January for a comment of his own about Icelandic statehood.
Mr. Long, who had been nominated but not yet confirmed as ambassador at the time, said he was joking when he was overheard telling House colleagues that Iceland would follow Greenland into the United States and that he would become governor of the 52nd U.S. state.
Iceland's foreign ministry sought clarification from the U.S. Embassy in Reykjavik about the remarks.
Mr. Long, a former auctioneer and talk radio host who spent 12 years representing Missouri in the House, was narrowly confirmed as ambassador by the U.S. Senate in May.
The anger and worry in Iceland over Mr. Trump's intentions comes at a moment of strong nationalism for the country, which made a clear assertion of its independence last month when voters in a hotly debated referendum chose not to resume talks to join the European Union.
Shadow Economy in Asia Keeps Iran's Oil Flowing
PHOTOGRAPHS BY ORE HUIYING FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
A tanker used as floating storage near Malaysia last month. It is the kind of vessel used in ship-to-ship transfers that can include Iranian oil on its way to China — a practice drawing more U.S. scrutiny.
Just Off Malaysia, an Ecosystem Of Companies Servicing the Trade
'It's very easy to get into trouble, too easy to get exposed.'
JEFFREY SOH, whose company operates a storage tanker.
By MAX KIM
JOHOR STATE, Malaysia — Blacklisted Iranian oil has long been a source of perilous competition for Jeffrey Soh, whose job sometimes takes him on a super-tanker moored in a corner of the South China Sea.
His ship, the 1,264-foot-long Europe, is so cumbersome large that it is semipermanently anchored for use as floating storage off the southwestern coast of Malaysia. On a recent Wednesday, a tanker named the Dubai Beauty was parked against it, pumping in marine fuel from Oman via thick, black hoses.
“Up to 4,000 metric tons per hour,” Mr. Soh said. The sickly sweet smell of oil hung in the air. “But a transfer can take up to 72 hours.”
These ship-to-ship, or S.T.S., transfers are a common practice in the petroleum industry, and a routine part of business for Mr. Soh's firm, Contemporary Logistics, which has clients like Chevron. But in recent years, an Iranian shadow fleet has also used such transfers to illegally transport and sell millions of barrels of Iranian crude oil in the waters around Malaysia in evasion of American sanctions.
The shadow fleet's illicit cargo has flooded the global oil market at heavy discounts, suppressing prices for Mr. Soh's clients. Its vessels, which are often old and dubiously insured, threaten to raise premiums for the rest of the industry whenever they are involved in an accident. And a few years ago, one of its tankers used one of his company's storage units to deliver what turned out to be Iranian oil.
“It’s very easy to get into trouble, too easy to get exposed,” he said. “And these days, if you say S.T.S. transfer and Malaysia, people group you with the dodgy ones.”
This unsavory reputation has invited scrutiny from U.S. officials, who for decades have tried to starch the flow of Iranian oil by going after the dark fleet of tankers as well as their operators and financiers. Now, more than seven months into the war with Iran, Washington is increasingly taking aim at another target: maritime service providers in countries like Malaysia and Singapore, which it says are helping the Iranian vessels.
"The shadow fleets can't function without them," said Charlie Brown, a senior adviser to United Against Nuclear Iran, an advocacy group that tracks Iranian ships.
Millions of barrels of Iranian oil slipped through the Strait of Hormuz before the United States blockaded Iranian ports. In August, Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent announced sweeping new sanctions that also targeted the companies that enabled the Iranian tankers, such as vessel brokers, bunkering service providers and financial intermediaries.
"We are enforcing a zero-leak-age approach," Mr. Bessent said.
U.S. sanctions can be debilitating for foreign companies by ex-
Zunaira Saieed contributed reporting.
cluding them from dollar transactions, which can leave them unable to pay suppliers or retrieve dollar-denominated assets. Other businesses and even banks will shun them.
Still, Washington has been trying unsuccessfully to stop the flow of Iranian oil for decades, and analysts said it is far from clear whether the more extreme measures will do any better. "So far, those efforts do not appear to have had a significant impact on the flow of Iranian oil through these networks," said Dalga Khatinoglu, an Azerbaijan-based expert on Iran's oil trade.
Nearly all the Iranian oil that is exported today is bought by small Chinese refineries known as teapots. And to hand off their cargo to the vessels that will ship it there, Iranian tankers have increasingly congregated in the Malaysian Eastern Outer Port Limits, or E.O.P.L., a patch of ocean 45 miles off the eastern coast of the Malaysian state of Johor.
The trade in Iranian oil has continued to thrive in this area, which is outside Malaysia's territorial waters just past the Strait of Malacca, a critical shipping lane that connects Middle Eastern oil to East Asian buyers.
While it does lie within Malaysia's more expansive offshore Exclusive Economic Zone, the nation's authorities rarely clamp down on the trade, saying they face jurisdictional challenges and practical difficulties in policing the area.
To evade detection from the U.S. authorities tracking them, vessels that conduct ship-to-ship transfers often operate under false flags and manipulate their transponders, transmitters that large ships must use at all times under international maritime law to reveal their location. Some also paint over ship names and hide other visual identifiers.
But even Iran's dark fleet requires the same goods and services as other ships: crew supplies, repairs, fuel and fenders — gigantic floating bobbers that stop two tankers from bumping into each other during a fuel transfer. And Johor, which has two major ports and an extensive maritime industry, is home to a gray market that is happy to supply them.
The companies do it because the work commands a premium and is often paid in cash, according to the manager of a local ship chandler who spoke on condition of anonymity out of fear of drawing American reprisals. His company accepted work from known or suspected Iranian tankers only if they could ensure no record tying them to the transaction would remain, he said.
Local captains who are familiar with the Eastern Outer Port Limits' currents are in particularly high demand. Since many Iranian ships conduct ship-to-ship transfers while still moving in order to avoid detection, they are needed to serve as mooring masters, piloting the huge tankers as they maneuver into precise alignment.
“Malaysian, Singaporean and Indonesian master mariners are highly sought for these operations,” said Eddie Effendi, a mooring master for a company that specializes in these operations.
He said his company always turns down the requests it gets from Iranian ships, which are sent via their agents and sometimes come with offers of payment in cryptocurrency. But he is not surprised to see others enticed by the prospect of bigger profits.
"The E.O.P.L. has become a parallel economy," he said. "They're being offered good money for pilotage services."
It is not illegal for businesses to work with Iranian ships in Malaysia, which does not consider the U.S. sanctions to be legitimate. And though they have at times projected a tougher stance against Iranian tankers in response to pressure from the United States, the local authorities have largely turned a blind eye.
It is up to the individual businesses to decide whether to take the risk of being cut off from the dollar system, said a former official in the Ministry of Transport's maritime division, adding that operators of the ports where these companies do business also oppose more regulatory oversight. The former official, who now works in the private maritime sector, spoke on condition of anonymity out of fear of jeopardizing relationships with the ports.
Though it has critical economic ties with Washington, Malaysia also keeps friendly relations with Iran and China, the biggest buyer of Iranian oil. Malaysia, which is predominantly Muslim, has a longstanding policy of nonalignment, and has been one of the most vocal international critics of the war in Iran. Beijing is its biggest trading partner.
But as Washington increasingly demands that nations make such a choice, it is unlikely to find much support for its crackdown among Malaysians, said Joshua Kurlantzick, a senior fellow for Southeast
Asia and South Asia at the Council on Foreign Relations.
"The U.S. is extremely unpopular in Malaysia, and has been since the beginning of the war in Gaza," he said. "It has only gotten more unpopular in Malaysia since the Iran war."
Such sentiments are shared among maritime professionals like Mr. Effendi, the captain, who sees the crews of Iranian vessels
— who are often not Iranian themselves — as fellow mariners just trying to do their jobs. He questions whether it is moral to refuse them services like fresh water or food.
“Those seafarers onboard are just working to feed their families at home,” he said.
Unlike the oil tankers themselves, which are extensively monitored via satellite imagery, identifying the supporting companies is not so easy. For one, they use smaller boats to deliver supplies. "In satellite imagery, they're barely a smudge," said Mr. Brown of the group that tracks Iranian ships.
The companies also often hide themselves by using shell companies, said Mr. Soh of Contemporary Logistics. “They can just start another company,” he said. “Once you start sanctioning marine service providers, it will never end.”
On the bridge of the Europe, he watched distant oil tankers silently glide down the Strait of Malacca. The ocean was a vast place with plenty of space to escape watchful eyes, he said. Even if the United States does succeed in cracking down on the Eastern Outer Port Limits, the Iranian tankers can just relocate.
"They're moving elsewhere to Penang or Malacca. There are also transfers in Indonesian waters, wherever the eyes are not looking at them," he said. "They are, honestly, everywhere."
Illicit Oil, a Minor Player And U.S. Sanctions' Limits
By MAX KIM
JOHOR STATE, Malaysia — In early 2024, an aging tanker anchored off Malaysia's coast delivered more than half a million barrels of oil that were said to be from Oman, but were in fact from Iran.
The deception was intended to evade U.S. sanctions on Iranian oil, which have long been part of Washington's efforts to choke off revenue for Tehran's military and nuclear weapons program. The ship, the Palau-flagged Reneez, was not on the list of blacklisted entities that the U.S. government maintains online.
Shahul Hamid Ahmad, who owned a small Malaysian shipping agency, said he thought little of taking a job to coordinate repairs and an inspection of the ship. His company, Tefcas Marine, was one of many companies that specialize in arranging port services for ships passing by the state of Johor.
But halfway through the repairs, the tanker was placed under sanctions for ties to Sa'id al-Jamal, a Houthi financier who previously had been placed under sanction by the United States for leading a network that procured “tens of millions of dollars” by smuggling Iranian oil. In late 2024, Tefcas and two other Malaysian companies were hit with sanctions for having “materially assisted” Mr. al-Jamal.
The action was part of an expanding effort by Washington to crack down on foreign maritime service providers, which U.S. officials have said facilitate Iran's oil trade.
For Mr. Shahul, 62, the outcome felt staggeringly disproportionate. His company's bank closed his accounts, and Microsoft locked his company email, which holds records he needs to file taxes.
Tefcas made around \$2,500 from the 2024 engagement, according to invoices viewed by The New York Times. But at least nine other entities involved with the Reneez since it began shipping Iranian oil in 2023 went untouched, The Times has found. Among them was a major East Asian oil company that received the cargo.
“We always turned down sanctioned vessels,” Mr. Shahul said. “I would not jeopardize my company for that money.”
Tefcas's case, experts said, illustrated the limits of Washington's increasing crackdown.
"Sanctioning these small players is a warning shot, but I'm honestly not sure if that warning shot has been heard given this activity continues," said David Tannenbaum, a former official at the Treasury's Office of Foreign Assets Control and the director of Blackstone Compliance Services, a consulting firm.
Since Tefcas was sanctioned, the trade of Iranian oil near Malaysia has only grown, con-
Zunaira Saieed contributed reporting.
tributing to the 667 million barrels exported by Tehran last year, according to data from United Against Nuclear Iran, a nonprofit.
In Malaysia and Singapore, the buyers of Iranian oil have continued to operate with impunity, said Jeffrey Soh, the director of Contemporary Logistics, a Malaysian maritime services company.
Mr. Soh, whose company owned the floating storage unit into which the Reneez had deposited its Iranian cargo in 2024, said that both his company and the local port authority had failed to screen out the vessel. So did the apparent charterer of the oil, which was a major state-linked oil corporation in China, according to a contract viewed by The Times.
But all three avoided sanctions, Mr. Soh said, adding that his company had cut ties with that client, which he believed knew of the oil's Iranian origins. He spoke on the condition that the customer not be named, citing risks of legal retaliation.
"Some companies, it's an open secret that they trade Iranian barrels," he said. "The case with Tefcas was really an injustice."
U.S. sanctions, by design, do not necessarily point to the biggest or most culpable actors, said Erich C. Ferrari, the founder of Ferrari & Associates, a Washington law firm.
"The consequences of designating a large trading house or
a counterparty in a politically sensitive jurisdiction are weighed at the interagency level," he said. "OFAC
Shahul Hamid
Ahmad
OFAC
designates
to produce
an effect," he added, referring to the Office of Foreign Assets Control. "And the effect it wanted here was to deter the service ecosystem around these transfers, which you can do with small agents at very little diplomatic cost."
While Mr. Soh's company has spent thousands of dollars to upgrade its screening, he said not every business has “the financial ability to do that.”
Last year, Mr. Shahul asked the Office of Foreign Assets Control to reconsider his case. He has not yet heard back. A Treasury spokeswoman declined to comment on his case.
Because Mr. Shahul has been accused of collaborating with a terrorist, his former clients refuse to settle unpaid invoices, but he owes creditors \$240,000.
“I think I have under a year to solve this,” he said.
But the Reneez has continued to ship Iranian oil, according to satellite data from TankerTrackers.com. It was spotted near Malaysia as recently as May, under a new name and flag.
Nobel Prize in Chemistry Is Awarded for Solving a Century-Old Mystery
By K. R. CALLAWAY
Henri Kagan and Kenso Soai were awarded the Nobel Prize in Chemistry on Wednesday for solving a longstanding mystery about mirror images in molecules. Their work has led to advances in the pharmaceutical industry and in scientists' quest to understand the molecular origins of life.
Some molecules, such as water and carbon dioxide, are so symmetrical that if you lined up their mirror images they would match. However, chiral molecules — which include sugars, common medications and amino acids — are asymmetrical. Like our right and left hands, they look and act alike but if you lay one on top of the other they don't quite match.
Dr. Kagan and Dr. Soai worked to understand these chiral molecules, and how chirality can change the result of chemical reactions.
The Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences called their discoveries “decisive for chemists who design reactions for the manufacture of pharmaceuticals.”
"While we certainly haven't fully unraveled the mystery yet — and there are undoubtedly more fascinating discoveries to be made," Dr. Soai said during a news conference in Tokyo after the Nobel ceremony, "I intend to do my utmost, however humbly, to help advance this research in the future."
---
Who are the winners?
Dr. Kagan, 95, is French and a professor emeritus at Université Paris-Sud in France. He has been working on the issues of chirality since the 1960s. In 2001, when colleagues were awarded the Nobel Prize in Chemistry for their work on asymmetric chemical reactions, several French scientists and officials voiced surprise that Kagan had been overlooked.
Dr. Soai was born in 1950 in Hiroshima, Japan, and is a professor emeritus at the Tokyo University of Science. He established his research group at the university in 1981 and first performed the “Soai reaction” celebrated by this year’s Nobel in 1995.
---
Why did the committee say they received the prize?
The Nobel Committee credited the men with solving a mystery that had long puzzled scientists. Some molecules, such as amino acids, can exist as two variants that are each other's mirror images. But the proteins in living organisms are made from only one of those mirror images. This property, called homochirality, is fundamental to life as we know it. And yet chemists long struggled to find reactions that would produce only one mirror molecule.
Dr. Kagan and Dr. Soai helped solve this conundrum, leading the way for scientists to choose molecules' chirality by manipulating the inputs of a chemical reaction.
“Henri Kagan and Kenso Soai have provided a solution to a chemical mystery that is over a century old,” Heiner Linke, chair of the Nobel Committee for Chemistry, said in a statement.
"The chemical reactions they have developed are spectacular," he added.
Chiral molecules were discovered in 1848 by the French chemist Louis Pasteur. While looking through a microscope at acid crystals inside dregs of wine, Pasteur noticed that the crystals weren't all alike despite being created in the same reaction; some were mirror images of the others. Still, the road to understanding why these mirror images exist and how they change a molecule's properties was a long one.
Dr. Kagan took the “first decisive step in 1986,” the committee said, when he discovered a new way of manipulating chemical reactions that “allowed him to create a greater excess of one of the mirror images than had previously been thought possible.”
Dr. Soai took the next step, designing “the first ever chemical reaction that had the potential to be homochiral” — which he finally succeeded in doing in 2003, the committee added.
"Ladies and gentlemen, you have to be aware this is probably the coolest experiment in organic chemistry," Peter Somfai, who serves on the Nobel Committee for Chemistry, said during the award ceremony in Stockholm. "Taken together, the groundbreaking discoveries by Henri Kagan and Kenso Soai have reshaped our understanding of molecular chirality, how it is created, amplified and transmitted."
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How do their colleagues describe their work?
Many chemists are interested in the effects of chirality on medical treatments. Because the amino acids in our body all have the same chirality, molecules of that same-handedness can become integrated into our tissues easily while the mirror image version might be less effective — or come with unwanted side effects.
This “has major implications, for instance in biomedical applications, from drug development to medical diagnosis,” said David Ayuso, a chemist at Imperial College London.
For example, the drug thalidomide — which was prescribed to prevent morning sickness in pregnancy before being found to cause birth defects — is made up of a chiral molecule. Some researchers suggested that only one “hand” of the molecule is responsible for the drug’s harmful effects.
“We are very sensitive to the symmetry of a molecule,” said Rigoberto Advincula, an organic chemist at Oak Ridge National Laboratory in Tennessee. “It can harm you or it can help you.”
Dr. Kagan and Dr. Soai's work on controlling the handedness of molecules has added another tool for chemists seeking to create new or better versions of drugs and other therapeutics.
“By choosing which molecule you ingest, you can control how it affects your body,” explained Rigoberto Hernandez, a chemist at Johns Hopkins University and the president of the American
BRIGITTE EYMANN/ACADÉMIE DES SCIENCES, VIA ASSOCIATED PRESS
Kenso Soai, left, and Henri Kagan, above, were awarded the Nobel Prize in Chemistry on Wednesday for work with mirror images in molecules.
KIM KYUNG-HOON/REUTERS
Chemical Society in Washington, D.C.
Dr. Hernandez compares chiral molecules to dance partners. Two can mirror each other in a waltz or do the same moves in a line dance. Both interactions might be good to watch, or scientifically helpful in the molecules' case, but Dr. Kagan and Dr. Soai's work means that you can choose which "dance" you are getting.
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What did the laureates say about winning the prize?
Dr. Soai was out grocery shopping near his home when he got the call from the Nobel Committee.
"Of course this is one of the most exciting days in my life," Dr. Soai told reporters when he called in during the ceremony. "I'm very glad to share the prize with Professor Henri Kagan, such a famous organic chemist."
He added that chirality was “fundamental and essential” for understanding the development of amino acids, and by extension, the development of life itself.
Dr. Kagan could not be reached for comment. In an earlier interview with the Franklin Institute in Philadelphia, he said that he had been interested in chemistry since childhood and was driven by the hope of discovering something both unexpected and practical.
"When it is a new area, you never know if you will succeed — it's risky," Dr. Kagan said in the interview.
Who won the Nobel Prize in Chemistry in 2025?
The prize went to Susumu Kitagawa, Richard Robson and Omar Yaghi for the development of molecular building blocks with spaces large enough for gases and other chemicals to flow through them.
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Who else has won a Nobel Prize this year?
Karl Deisseroth, Peter Hegemann and Georg Nagel were awarded the Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine on Monday for their discovery of a transformative neuroscience tool that may one day lead to a treatment for blindness.
Francis Halzen was awarded the Nobel Prize in Physics on Tuesday for pioneering a telescope that paved the way for a new kind of astronomy.
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When will the other Nobel Prizes be announced?
The prize for chemistry was the third of six Nobel Prizes awarded this year. Each award recognizes groundbreaking contributions by an individual or organization in a specific field.
■ The Nobel Prize in Literature will be awarded on Thursday by the Swedish Academy in Stockholm. Last year, Laszlo Krasznahorkai, a Hungarian novelist known for his dystopian themes and relentless prose, received the award.
■ The Nobel Peace Prize will be awarded on Friday by the Norwegian Nobel Institute in Oslo. Last year, María Corina Machado, who built a powerful social movement in Venezuela challenging the nation's authoritarian president, won the award.
■ Next week, the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences will be awarded on Monday by the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences in Stockholm. Last year, Joel Mokyr, Philippe Aghion and Peter Howitt were honored for research explaining the relationship between technological progress and sustained economic growth.
All of the prize announcements are streamed live by the Nobel Prize organization.
Cassandra Vinograd and Kiuko Notoya contributed reporting.
Royal Canin, which has its headquarters in Aimargues, France, is pouring money into research to understand the palates of cats and dogs. A team of nutritionists monitors the animals' behavior after breakfast and dinner. Studies have shown that people will cut back on spending for themselves before their pets.
Adorable Tongues Steer A Billion-Dollar Industry
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president of Royal Canin. The company's senior cat food line includes extra-soft mousse for cats ages 11 and up and easy-to-eat kibble for cats 15 and up. Many companies sell supplements for cats with dementia and to support healthy brain aging.
Inflation has driven up the prices of conventional kibble (“croquettes” in French). And yet options in the dog and cat food aisles have become pricey and specialized, with brands selling fresh, human-grade food. Studies have shown that people will cut back on spending for themselves before their pets. Purina last year debuted a “tender cuts in elegant jelly” dish in a pyramid shape to encourage cats to take wide bites.
More than \$17 billion was spent on cat food in the United States over the last year, up 14 percent from the same period two years ago, according to NielsenIQ, a consumer research firm. (Dog food sales were roughly even.) In contrast to previous generations, when parents took in pets at the request of their children, people today often have pets before they have children, if they have children, Ms. Coutens said.
PHOTOGRAPHS BY MATHIAS DEPARDON FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
Companies are investing in premium pet food lines that cater to wealthier people, as the K-shaped economy — shorthand for the widening gap between the rich and poor — persists.
When the dogs at the Royal Canin headquarters aren't eating, they are often swimming. The company also has a pet center in Ohio.
While in some ways cats are lower maintenance than dogs, cats tend to require some human ingenuity when it comes to food.
“We like cats a lot because cats are also pickier eaters, in a sense, so you need more science technology to actually cater to that successfully,” Philipp Navratil, the chief executive of Nestlé, said at a conference in June. Cats have in recent years been adopted at higher rates than dogs, as people spend more time in the office.
Like Nestlé, which has two centers where researchers study cat and dog behavior, Royal Canin has an extensive research program dedicated to dogs and cats. At Royal Canin's pet center in Aimargues, only the most discerning eaters of the 377 dogs and cats that live on campus participate in taste tests. The company's other pet center is in Ohio. As part of training, kittens are offered food of different textures and flavors to develop their senses. At 7 months, they are taught to eat from designated feeders.
Dogs that eat almost anything, such as Labradors, do not make the cut, said Silvia Miret-Catalan, vice president of research and development at Royal Canin.
At the Royal Canin center, a team monitors behavior after breakfast and dinner. Do the cats and dogs seem more lethargic than usual? Playful? What's the quality of their stool, on a scale from one to 10?
"The lowest score will be diarrhea," said Yannick Soulard, who works in innovation. The feces are then dried and analyzed to determine how the food is digested, he said. Once the dogs and cats turn 7, employees can adopt them. There's a long waiting list, and employees who have developed a bond with particular animals get priority.
Taste is a big focus. Scott McGrane, a feline expert at Mars's Waltham Petcare Science Institute in England, said his team was especially interested in understanding the senses and tastes of cats, including senior cats. Why didn't they have a preference for sweet foods? Why do they love tuna so much? He said researchers determined that cats had the umami taste receptor, which enables them to taste and detect umami compounds. Tuna has a unique combination of compounds that is akin to “super umami” for cats, he said.
As cats age, some of their taste buds fade, but they retain their perception of bitterness, causing certain foods to become less appealing, Ms. Miret-Catalan said. Her team designs food for senior cats that masks bitterness and enhances attractive aromas to keep cats interested in their food as they age, she said.
Mars is probably better known for making Snickers, M&Ms and Skittles than for pet care. Though it acquired Royal Canin in 2002, the company got into the pet food business almost a century ago. At the time, people were feeding their dogs mostly table scraps.
In recent decades, Mars has acquired thousands of pet hospitals and clinics. It owns 6 percent of all U.S. practices, according to KPMG. The company is the largeest pet food provider in the United States and globally.
Cathy Bedrick, a partner at KPMG who advises private equity clients, said companies that own veterinary practices are expecting more business in the coming years as the world's pet population rapidly ages. Ms. Bedrick's dog gets weekly acupuncture for tightness in his spine.
Inside the Royal Canin factory, past a wall of framed pictures of giant kibble pieces, are enormous steel barrels where corn, chicken, wheat and other ingredients are mixed. The factory produces 146 types of kibble that pet owners can choose from.
On a recent afternoon, Royal Canin recreated a test for me and my photographer colleague in a sunny spot under a tree. I watched Willow, a 2-year-old ragdoll cat, eat from Tray A, Tray B, then Tray A again. What did her indecision mean? A Royal Canin official conceded it wasn't a true A/B test; the trays had the same food, a departure from the usual practice. Willow was unfazed. She finished both and walked away.
Trump's Push to War Turns From a Show of Force Into a Retreat
The R.A.F. Fairford air base in Britain, from which U.S. B-1 bombers were withdrawn, has been a mainstay of military cooperation.
@CRAIGYOUNGMEDIA, VIA REUTERS
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forces on their terms and their schedule. In the Middle East and Britain, their hand was forced.
American and British officials said on Monday that the bombers were rushed out of the British base after commanders received specific, credible information that Iran-backed operatives were planning to launch drone strikes against the aircraft and U.S. troops from right outside the fence.
The possible plotters may have been inspired in part by an audacious attack that Ukraine made against Russia last year, when it smuggled drones deep into the Russian heartland and launched them from semi trucks. The strikes damaged or destroyed at least a dozen aircraft.
That and other attacks have recalibrated the Pentagon's understanding of military vulnerabilities. Suddenly, keeping forces out of missile range is not enough. Drones and cyber-weapons have reshaped the battlefield.
The president rightly says that Iran's entire navy was sunk in the initial military action, and that its decrepit air force is out of business. And the country is teetering on the economic edge, crippled by a naval blockade that has brought its oil exports to a trickle.
But that has not stopped the Iranians from forcing American aircraft and personnel to flee their once-secure bases — farther and farther from Iran. American personnel were evacuated from bases in Bahrain, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates and Qatar, all of which were within Iranian missile and drone range. Some of those bases were so badly damaged that inside the Pentagon there is little interest in rebuilding them; they will be moved farther away, if Congress grants the funding.
The waterways are a more complex story. But the United States has been unable to guarantee freedom of navigation through the Strait of Hormuz or parts of the Red Sea. And for the past half-century, that was one central American justification for a continued presence in the Middle East.
Dana Stroul, the Pentagon's top Mideast policy official during the Biden administration, said the abrupt transfer of the dozen bombers back to the United States could have internal and external ramifications.
“Such a hasty decision is intensely disruptive to operational planning and force morale," said Ms. Stroul, now at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy.
"The more concerning issue is at the strategic level, the Iranians are likely to internalize a dangerous lesson — that by demonstrating the ability to get close to U.S. military bases far beyond the Middle East, Trump can be pushed around," she said.
Mr. Trump and his defenders have a very different narrative of events. On the campaign trail for the midterm elections, he has portrayed Iran as on the brink of collapse, its currency plummeting. The naval blockade on all shipments in and out of Iran, he insists, is choking the country, and will force it to make a deal. Any description of Iranian progress, he insists, is “fake news,” promulgated by news organizations that are writing about munitions shortages and other setbacks because they are disloyal to the country.
For the first time, Iranian officials have acknowledged the economic pain. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent noted this week that Iran has a new oil minister, and then asked on social media, “Considering Iran has not loaded a single barrel of crude onto a vessel since August 25th, what is the oil minister managing?”
Moreover, administration officials describe the evacuations as prudent, short-term measures. And it is possible that the rushed-away B-1 bombers may return to the R.A.F. Fairford air base, which has been a mainstay of U.S.-British military cooperation since it was built in preparation for the D-Day invasion in 1944. Even if the threat precludes return, Air Force officials insist they can carry out their long-range missions from bases in the United States.
The Pentagon wants to think about new bases in Israel and Jordan, but those would require congressional approval and take years to upgrade or build. When Mr. Hegseth spoke to troops last week, he did not mention the destruction at the Mideast bases. Instead, he talked about putting American states in competition for a new, vast base inside the United States.
This was not the plan when Mr. Trump announced the attack on Iran on Feb. 28. Mr. Trump was looking for a victory in a few days, then five or six weeks. Mr. Trump demanded “unconditional surrender,” and three weeks into
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Iran learns a lesson that it can chase out a superpower.
the conflict declared Iran's total defeat. Last Thursday, he said Iran would fold “right after the election.”
Iran's bombing of U.S. bases across the Middle East forced many American troops to relocate to hotels and office spaces throughout the region, raising questions about the Trump administration's preparations for the war.
Iran figured out where many of the troops were staying, some in unprotected hotels, and began to target them as well. It wasn't only military targets: the C.I.A. station in Saudi Arabia was also hit, though it is still unclear whether the Iranians targeted it, or got lucky striking a diplomatic compound.
Many of the 13 main military bases in the region used by American troops were quickly rendered uninhabitable, with the ones in Kuwait, which is next door to Iran, suffering perhaps the most damage.
Six U.S. service members were killed in a strike on Port Shuaiba that destroyed an Army tactical operations center. Iranian drones and missiles also targeted Ali Al Salem Air Base, damaging aircraft structures and injuring personnel, and Camp Buehring, damaging maintenance and fuel facilities.
In Qatar, Iran struck Al Udeid Air Base, the regional air headquarters of U.S. Central Command, damaging an early-warning radar system. In Bahrain, a one-way Iranian attack drone struck communications equip-
ment at the headquarters of the U.S. Fifth Fleet. At Prince Sultan Air Base in Saudi Arabia, Iranian missiles and drones damaged communications equipment and several refueling tankers.
Now Iran “is adopting a strategy toward the United States defined by escalation and continuous offense,” Mohammad Aya-tollahi Tabaar, an associate professor of international affairs at Texas A&M’s Bush School of Government and Public Service, wrote in Foreign Affairs this month.
“That means it will neither stay the course nor compromise with Washington,” he added. “Instead, it will start doing even more to hurt the economies of the United States’ regional partners and to decimate global energy markets, as well as expand its attacks on U.S. military infrastructure.”
He predicted Iran could attempt to seize some of the largely abandoned U.S. bases in Gulf Arab countries, though so far it has avoided any such ground actions.
Senator Christopher S. Murphy, Democrat of Connecticut and a member of the Foreign Relations Committee, visited the Persian Gulf region this week to see the damage and said on social media that he had been denied entry to the Al Udeid base.
A Pentagon spokesperson said Mr. Murphy had been warned before his trip that he would not have access to the base, under restrictions Mr. Hegseth had imposed at the start of the war.
The subject of the bases is such a sore one for the Pentagon that it has refused to provide Congress with cost estimates to repair or rebuild the facilities, which lawmakers said could run tens of billions of dollars. It is unclear what is motivating the refusal to discuss the topic, though a price tag that big could become political fodder for candidates opposing the war.
Instead, there is now serious planning at Central Command, which oversees military operations in the Middle East, to reposition and reshape its facilities in the region.
"The financial costs have continued to climb by billions each month, even as the administration refuses to acknowledge the munitions crisis we face or admit the costs to rebuild bases heavily damaged by Iran," Senator Jack Reed of Rhode Island, the ranking Democrat on the Armed Services Committee, said last month.
Trump Advisers Helped Pro-Russia Government
MARKO DJURICA/REUTERS
HAIYUN JIANG FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
HAIYUN JIANG FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
Two of President Trump's top political allies, Chris LaCivita, left, and James Blair, right, flew to the Balkans during the busy U.S. midterms to provide political counsel to the Russia-aligned government of Milorad Dodik, top, according to four people familiar with their travels.
By KENNETH P. VOGEL
WASHINGTON — As President Trump crisscrossed the country last week trying to help his party avoid a blowout in next month's midterm elections, two of his top political advisers were in the Balkans helping a pro-Russian government looking to tighten its grip on power.
James Blair and Chris LaCivita, who are leading a big-money midterm advertising campaign for the Trump political operation, spent some of the past few days in a small self-governing territory in Bosnia and Herzegovina called Republika Srpska ahead of its elections last Sunday, according to four people familiar with their travels who requested anonymity because they were not authorized to discuss the Balkan work.
The engagement is the latest example of Trump advisers profiting from far-right politicians abroad seeking favor from the U.S. president while bucking the international community.
Mr. Blair and Mr. LaCivita were paid hundreds of thousands of dollars each through a Washington-based law firm that was retained by Republika Srpska's government to provide counsel on voting issues, according to two of the people familiar with the engagement. They said the work was for the government and not the nationalist party that controls it, though they are essentially one and the same.
Under that party, Republika Srpska has aligned with President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia, while spending heavily to court Mr. Trump and his supporters.
Mr. Trump distanced himself on Wednesday from the advisers' work, writing on social media that Mr. LaCivita and Mr. Blair were "outside consultants" for his political operation. He said he did "not have any idea who else they work for but will, on reflection, ask them and, if there's a conflict, I will terminate them, immediately!"
Mr. Trump's allies have promoted the party's embrace of Christian conservatism and its resistance to joining the European Union. In the run-up to Sunday's elections, the party had warned that its hold on power could have been threatened by the debut of voting machines like those that Mr. Trump and his allies continue to falsely blame for his loss in the 2020 U.S. presidential election.
Some delays and technical issues were reported during voting on Sunday. But the nationalist party won convincingly.
In a victory speech Sunday, Milorad Dodik, the party's leader and until recently the autocratic president of Republika Srpska, thanked Mr. Putin for his support and credited Mr. Trump's 2024 victory with creating a favorable political environment.
The Republika Srpska government did not respond to requests for comment about the work or payments for it.
It is not uncommon for political consultants, lawyers and lobbyists with ties to U.S. presidents to offer their services to foreign governments and campaigns.
But it is notable that the trip to Republika Srpska, from which Mr. Blair and Mr. LaCivita returned on Monday, came as they were playing key roles in the Trump team's efforts to limit Democratic gains and preserve Republican control of Congress.
Mr. Blair, who was the political director of Mr. Trump's 2024 campaign, left his role as a deputy chief of staff at the White House in the spring to run MAGA Inc., the Trump-backed super PAC. Mr. LaCivita, the co-manager of Mr. Trump's 2024 campaign, is a senior adviser to MAGA Inc.
Alex Pfeiffer, a spokesman for MAGA Inc., declined to comment on the trip to the Balkans. But he said that during the travel, Mr. Blair and Mr. LaCivita remained fully engaged in the midterm effort of the PAC.
“James and Chris hosted a team call with race captains on Saturday morning to go over recent survey data,” Mr. Pfeiffer said in a text message.
The two men are not the only Trump allies who have accepted payment to help the Srpska government.
Lobbyists and operatives with connections to Mr. Trump and his Republican allies have been paid more than \$4 million by the government of Republika Srpska since the beginning of last year, according to records filed with the
Justice Department. The influence campaign scored a major victory late last year when the Trump administration lifted sanctions on Mr. Dodik, his family and his aides.
The sanctions were first imposed on Mr. Dodik in the final days of the Obama administration. They remained in effect during the first Trump administration and were supplemented during the Biden administration.
They were punishment for Mr.
Dodik having undermined the U.S.-backed Dayton Accords peace agreement. Signed in 1995, it ended bloody sectarian fighting in the 1990s between Bosnian Muslims, Serbs and Croats in the former Yugoslavia. It enshrined Republika Srpska, which is overwhelmingly Serbian and Christian, as one of two political divisions in Bosnia and Herzegovina. And it created a tripartite presidency that governs Bosnia. It consists of a Serb seat, which Mr.
Dodik's party retained during Sunday's elections, as well as a seat for Muslims, who are known as Bosniaks, and Croats.
Mr. Dodik has been the dominant political figure in Srpska for decades. Once considered a moderate who would de-escalate sectarian tensions, he largely fell out of favor in the international community as he increasingly embraced Serbian nationalism and Moscow.
Mr. Dodik's allies have sought to cast him as a sort of Trump of the Balkans. They present him as the victim of the same sort of political prosecutions that Mr. Trump claims he and his allies have faced, and as someone willing to cut lucrative deals with Washington.
Mr. Dodik also was convicted by the Bosnian court system for disobeying the international entity overseeing the Dayton agreement, resulting in his removal as president last year and a ban from holding office.
But the support of Trump allies and the lifting of the sanctions has helped Mr. Dodik and his party weather domestic and international pressures that could have weakened him, said Adnan Cerimagic, an analyst at the European Stability Initiative, a Berlin-based think tank.
"Not only did it provide him legitimacy with the voters of his party — it has also strengthened him politically against both inside and outside critics," said Mr. Cerimagic.
He noted that Mr. Trump's eldest son, Donald Trump Jr., visited Srpska in April as the guest of Mr. Dodik's son, a trip that was viewed as a sign of support. And Zeljka Cvijanovic, a member of Mr. Dodik's party whose hold on the Serb seat in the Bosnian presidency was affirmed by Sunday's election, met last month at the White House with Susie Wiles, Mr. Trump's chief of staff.
The meeting was arranged by Alex Garcia, a lobbyist who worked on Mr. Trump's 2024 presidential campaign under Mr. Blair, according to two people with knowledge of the circumstances behind the meeting.
Mr. Garcia, whose firm registered to represent Srpska in February for \$35,000 a month, according to a contract filed with the Justice Department, was in the region for the election, according to two people familiar with the trip. He declined to comment through a spokeswoman.
Any affiliation with Mr. Trump is politically potent in Srpska, said Rod Blagojevich, the former governor of Illinois, whose family is of Serbian descent and whose firm has been paid \$1.325 million by Republika Srpska since last March, according to lobbying filings.
“They love Trump in Serbia and Srpska,” Mr. Blagojevich said in an interview. “Being pro-Trump in the Republic of Srpska is a huge political plus.”
Russia Says It Found No ‘Emergency’ in Lab Studying Plague
The entrance to the infectious diseases hospital where an employee of the anti-plague institute in Irkutsk, Russia, died on Oct. 2.
BERLIN — The Russian authorities said on Wednesday that a researcher at a Siberian anti-plague institute who died from a mysterious pneumonia had been vaccinated against the pathogens she worked with and that no “emergency situations” had occurred at the lab.
Rospotrebnadzor, the Russian health regulator, issued the statement after the United States urged Moscow to be more forthcoming about the possible public health incident and the World Health Organization asked for more information to make an accurate assessment of any threat.
The paucity of details in Russian official statements and the absence of international health officials on the scene have led to questions about the Russian government's insistence that it has the situation under control. The world has remained on high alert about public health threats in the aftermath of the Covid-19 pandemic.
On Oct. 2, Darya Shipilova, a 28-year-old researcher at the Anti-Plague Institute of Siberia and the Far East in Irkutsk, died from pneumonia of an unknown origin at a hospital in Shelekhov, the town where she lived, prompting fears of a pneumonic plague outbreak.
Ms. Shipilova had been vaccinated and therefore “had immunity to the dangerous infections she worked with,” the Russian health regulator said on Wednesday. The statement implied that Ms. Shipilova had a lower risk of contracting the plague, though vaccination would not definitively rule out becoming ill with the disease.
Rospotrebnadzor also said that two commissions monitoring biological safety had inspected the institute. “No emergency situations were identified during work with pathogenic microorganisms,” the health regulator said.
Tests on Ms. Shipilova's remains, the regulator previously said, had not found evidence of any of the microorganisms she worked with at the institute.
Medical observation has been completed for more than 90 percent of the people Ms. Shipilova had been in contact with, and “no health impairments related to infectious pathology were detected,” the Russian regulator added. Nearly 5,000 laboratory tests revealed no hazardous pathogenic microorganisms, its statement said.
“Preventive and anti-epidemic measures have been organized to an exhaustive extent,” it said in the statement. “There are no epidemiological risks for the population of Irkutsk and the Irkutsk region.”
The Russian authorities released the additional information after the State Department sent a formal diplomatic note, known as a démarche, asking for more detail about what happened.
Secretary of State Marco Rubio also voiced the request publicly on Tuesday during a trip to Iceland, noting that the United States was monitoring the situation.
"I think it's incumbent upon
Reporting was contributed by Edward Wong, Chris Buckley, Oleg Matsnev, Milana Mazaeva and Alina Lobzina.
Russia to obviously share more information with the world," he said. "We're watching it very closely, hour by hour."
Ms. Shipilova's unexplained death prompted the Russian authorities to quarantine part of the hospital where she was taken, as well as the institute's staff and other people whom she had come into contact with in her final days. Other facilities in and around Irkutsk also implemented restrictive measures, in some cases as a precaution.
In the immediate aftermath of Ms. Shipilova's death, the Russian authorities gave only sparing public statements, failing to clarify the researcher's whereabouts before her death or to address questions about whether an accident had taken place at the institute.
Aleksei Tsydenov, the governor of the Buryatia region, which borders Irkutsk, initially said that Ms. Shipilova had died of the plague, without naming her, and then edited his statement to say that she had “possibly” died from the illness.
The Russian health regulator also waited five days after Ms. Shipilova's death to reveal her vaccination status. An independent Russian publication, People of Baikal, cited a former intern at the institute who said all employees were vaccinated against the plague as a precaution.
The Kremlin spokesman, Dmitri S. Peskov, has regularly referred questions to Rospotrebnadzor, which has not held any news conference on the matter. President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia has not publicly commented.
The existence of an active biological weapons program in Russia, which has historically sourced strains from anti-plague institutes, has added to global concerns.
In an annual threat assessment this year, U.S. intelligence agencies said Russian scientists were continuing to develop new chemical and biological weapons capabilities. The State Department, in its arms control compliance report last year, said Russia maintained an offensive biological warfare program in violation of the Bi-
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U.S. and W.H.O. officials have requested more data.
ological Weapons Convention.
The relatively thin details from the Russian authorities have unnerved U.S. officials and others around the world who remain scarred by the coronavirus pandemic and efforts by the authoritarian government in China, where the virus originated, to cover up information.
The Chinese government has so far offered a muted response to the reports from Russia.
“China and Russia maintain close exchanges and cooperation in the field of infectious disease prevention and control, including the plague,” Guo Jiakun, a spokesman for the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, said on Tuesday in a brief response to a question about whether Moscow had notified Beijing about the possible plague case.
Pneumonic plague causes a severe, rapid-onset lung infection and is considered the most virulent form of the plague. It results from the same bacteria that cause the bubonic and septicemic plagues.
Unlike Covid-19, the disease can be treated effectively with antibiotics, but it must be caught very quickly.
Plague is endemic to Siberia and Russia's Far East, where the bacteria that causes the disease circulates in wild rodents and their fleas. One of the tasks of institutes like the one in Irkutsk is epidemiological surveillance of such threats.
Experts have said that even if plague were confirmed in the Russian case, the risk of widespread contagion could be limited.
In a statement on Monday, the W.H.O. said that based on available information, “the public health risk to the general population appears to be low.” But on Wednesday, the organization said it had not received sufficient information from Russia to complete a full risk assessment.
The organization's leader, Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, said in a statement that the Russian health authorities had informed the W.H.O. that the Irkutsk region had not registered any confirmed cases of the plague. Russia told the agency that an epidemiological investigation had been conducted, with contacts of the deceased observed and tested, and “no high-threat pathogens had been detected.”
Mr. Ghebreyesus said the W.H.O. had requested further information to clarify the cause of the severe pneumonia, the pathogen that prompted the public health measures, and media reports of a second employee with pneumonia of undetermined cause.
The New York Times was not immediately able to identify any credible media reports of a second employee from the Siberian institute coming down with pneumonia. In a news conference on Wednesday, Mr. Ghebreyesus said the W.H.O. did not assess whether such reports were credible and could ask for information even based on unverified social media posts.
“We have asked Russia to respond to this,” he said. “Any reporting that comes, we cannot ignore it. And credibility of the media is not our mandate.”
W.H.O. officials said they wanted to establish what caused the pneumonia in Ms. Shipilova and could offer Russia help with additional testing.
Her mother, Svetlana Shipilova, said in an interview with a local Russian news outlet, Glubina, that she was upset about friends believing “nasty stuff” about her child, including an unverified report that suggested her daughter had become ill after breaking a test tube.
"Not all doctors even realize that a test tube is impossible to break. Even if you throw it against a wall," she said from quarantine. "Only an amateur could say that."
Outcry Grows in Japan After U.S. Marine Arrest
By JAVIER C. HERNÁNDEZ and KIUKO NOTOYA
For days, the people of Okinawa, a Japanese prefecture that hosts a large American military presence, have expressed outrage over the death of a local woman, who the authorities say was killed by an American Marine.
On Wednesday, the anger reached the doorstep of Japan's prime minister, Sanae Takaichi, a close American ally who has sought to accelerate a military buildup in Okinawa.
Genta Koja, the prefecture's governor, had traveled to the capital to meet Ms. Takaichi and her advisers. He told Ms. Takaichi that the killing of the woman, Anna Yagi, "has caused great anxiety among the prefecture's residents and is absolutely unforgivable," according to a video of the meeting posted by the Prime Minister's office. Mr. Koja also expressed concern about the American military, telling Ms. Takaichi that efforts by the United States to strengthen discipline among personnel in Okinawa "are not working."
Ms. Takaichi reiterated at the meeting that Japan had lodged a protest with the American government.
“It is extremely regrettable that such a brutal and heinous incident has occurred,” she said. “I feel strong indignation.”
Mr. Koja is an ally of Ms. Takaichi and won office last month promising to uphold the central government's defense
Hisako Ueno contributed reporting.
policies. But he has faced pressure from Okinawans in recent days to deliver a forceful response to Tokyo and Washington. Japan has worked to turn Okinawa into a bulwark in its efforts to counter Chinese military aggression, in concert with the United States, which has about 30,000 active-duty personnel stationed there.
At the meeting, he handed Ms. Takaichi a request that called on the central government to help promote economic growth to “alleviate the excessive burden of military bases.” In the case of Ms. Yagi, he asked for “full cooperation with the investigation, the enforcement of discipline among U.S. military personnel, the implementation of measures to prevent recurrence, and effective, fundamental countermeasures.”
The Marine, Devin J. Ballard, a 20-year-old lance corporal assigned to the Third Marine Expeditionary Force in Okinawa, was arrested on Sunday. He is accused of robbing and killing Ms. Yagi, 39, who was found in a hotel room in Naha, Okinawa's capital, on Saturday. Okinawan news outlets have reported that he told the police he denied the charges.
American military officials in Japan announced on Tuesday that they would pause operations for two days and impose a ban on alcohol during that period. They also plan to implement a month-long curfew on Okinawan bases.
“Every interaction with our neighbors either builds or undermines the trust that is essential to our team,” Lt. Gen. Benjamin Watson wrote in a letter to U.S. military personnel in Okinawa announcing the measures. “When
A protest after a U.S. Marine was arrested on suspicion of murdering a local woman in Okinawa.
that trust is damaged, it affects the strength of our alliance and the security of this region."
Mr. Koja told reporters after his meeting with Ms. Takaichi that the steps taken by the American military show that the United States “takes this incident seriously.” But he added that the “crucial question is whether these measures will actually prevent a recurrence.”
Crimes committed by American service members in Okinawa have been a source of tension between the United States and Japan for decades. Okinawa, with a population of about 1.5 million, hosts 70 percent of the U.S. bases in Japan, despite accounting for only 0.6 percent of the country's landmass. The United States seized Okinawa from Japan after World War II; it returned the island in 1972 but has continued to operate bases there.
Okinawans have taken to the streets in recent days to protest the killing, shouting slogans like “violence will not be tolerated” and “the American bases are a human rights issue.” There have also been scattered demonstrations in Tokyo.
The incident poses a test for Ms. Takaichi, who only a few weeks ago was celebrating Mr. Koja's win. Her supporters thought his victory might make it easier for Tokyo to advance plans to deepen cooperation with the Americans and to add more Japanese troops, missiles and radar towers to Okinawan islands.
Mr. Koja ousted an incumbent last month who had criticized Ms. Takaichi's defense policies and had opposed the construction of new U.S. armed forces facilities in Okinawa.
Some analysts were skeptical that the outrage over the killing of Ms. Yagi would have much impact.
Manabu Sato, a professor emeritus at Okinawa International University, said Ms. Takaichi seemed to recognize the importance of managing the swelling anger in Okinawa. But he said much of the reaction from top leaders was “theater.”
“They make strong demands or put on a show of anger,” he said, “but they never take substantive action beyond that.”
This article is by Pranav Baskar, Eric Schmitt and Salman Masood.
Houthis Hit Saudi Arabia At 2 Airports, Killing Three
Saudi Arabia said on Wednesday that Houthi strikes on two major airports killed three people and injured dozens more, in attacks that intensified the kingdom's renewed war against the Iranian-backed militia in Yemen.
The Saudi government said the attacks hit the King Khalid International Airport in Riyadh and the Abha International Airport in southern Saudi Arabia. Yahya Saree, a Houthi military spokesman, said on Wednesday that the militia had attacked both airports with missiles or drones.
The Saudi-led military coalition battling the Houthis said on Wednesday that it retaliated for the airport strikes by attacking dozens of Houthis military sites in Yemen, including missile storage sites and command centers. The Houthis did not immediately respond to that claim.
The Houthis have managed to inflict few known fatalities on Saudi territory in recent years, and the kingdom's toll would be first confirmed at an airport in the capital, Riyadh. The attacks could presage worse fighting on both sides of the border, just as the Saudi-backed Yemeni government has declared war against the Houthis and presses a military operation to retake strategically important territory from the group.
"I think we will see the Saudis react even more aggressively than they have been doing," said Farea Al-Muslimi, a Yemen specialist at Chatham House, a London-based research group, after the latest attacks.
Saudi Arabia's Civil Aviation Authority said the airport attacks occurred on Tuesday and Wednesday but did not specify when each was hit. Two women died and 28 people were injured at Abha, and a Sudanese man was killed and eight people injured at King Khalid, the statement said.
The renewed fighting has put Saudi Arabia and the Houthis back in outright war. In 2015, a Saudi-led intervention in Yemen devolved into a grinding war that contributed to the deaths of hundreds of thousands of people from violence, hunger and disease, and failed to defeat the Houthis. A truce in 2022 established a fragile peace agreement until the conflict reignited.
The government of Yemen, backed by Saudi warplanes, began a military offensive this week to retake strategically important territory along the Red Sea from the Houthi militia, which is backed by Iran. A United Nations agency said Wednesday that nearly 200,000 people have been displaced in Yemen since early September, when fighting intensified. Now, the fighting could entangle more parties, after Pakistan and Turkey this week activated a defense pact to provide military support to Saudi Arabia.
A senior Pakistani military official, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss operational matters, said that Pakistan Air Force fighter jets were being used in strikes against the Houthis.
Col. David O. Smith, a former U.S. Army attaché in Pakistan and a former top analyst for the Defense Intelligence Agency, said on Wednesday that, while he does not have access to classified figures, the consensus among analysts is that about 8,000 Pakistani troops have been deployed to Saudi Arabia.
He said the troops include a contingent from the Pakistan Air Force and the Army Air Defense, and that they would likely be used to help secure oil infrastructure.
A second Pakistani official who also spoke on condition of anonymity said Pakistan's role is expected to focus on degrading Houthi drone and missile threats through air support, rather than a ground offensive in Yemen.
Pakistan's military declined to comment.
On Wednesday, the Houthis fired missiles and drones at an airport in Aden, a government-controlled city in southern Yemen, and a spokesman for the Saudi-led military coalition said it had intercepted a missile north of Saudi Arabia's capital.
As the U.S.-Israeli war against Iran transformed into an economic contest over control of critical waterways like the Strait of Hormuz, the Houthis began their own push into the Red Sea.
The militia, which controls much of northern Yemen, took aim at the Red Sea as an alternate shipping route for Saudi oil in July, declaring a blockade and attacking vessels. Last month, the Houthis gained more sway over the waterway by capturing Yemen's Red Sea coast in a lightning offensive, trouncing the forces of the Saudi-backed government.
That Houthi triumph was a significant blow to Saudi Arabia, and it appears to have tipped the scales for Saudi decision makers, as they considered returning to all-out war with the Houthis.
Health workers preparing to remove protective clothing at the hospital in Mangala. The gear is then burned.
“Everywhere is a red zone here,” said Dr. Jacques Savo Bamuhiga, the medical director in Mangala.
Patients suspected of having Ebola sat in an ambulance waiting to be taken to a hospital for treatment.
While Ebola Raged, Aid Crawled and People Died
Mourning the death of Josué Ddirokpa, 7, last month in Ituri Province, epicenter of the Ebola outbreak that has killed over 4,000 in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
Cuts, Instability and Bad Roads Hindered a Congolese Town
By MATTHEW MPOKE BIGG
Photographs by ARLETTE BASHIZI
MANGALA, Democratic Republic of Congo — On a hilltop town in eastern Congo, work has started on a new Ebola center. When completed, it will anchor an effort to contain the virus in the town and its surrounding villages.
Local health workers here say the center is too late.
Many lives could have been saved, the health workers say, if a sustained effort to combat the virus had started in the town of Mangala in June.
In other towns in Ituri Province, the epicenter of the outbreak, Ebola treatment centers were set up weeks after the World Health Organization declared a health emergency in May. In Mangala, the Ebola response did not start ramping up until August.
This outbreak, already the second largest on record, has reached seven provinces in the Democratic Republic of Congo and probably began spreading as early as January. More than 4,000 people have died of Ebola in Congo since May, according to the latest data from the government.
There is tentative evidence to suggest that the response is making progress. The number of new cases reported each week appears to have reached a peak in August, according to recent figures from Africa Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Outside aid organizations typically play a major role in African Ebola outbreaks, supplementing often weak government capacity.
But health workers in Mangala say fewer lives would have been lost if help had arrived here sooner.
"There was no help, not even a bit," said Godefroy Banzani, a senior nurse in Mangala, recalling how the town felt abandoned in the early weeks of the outbreak.
Experts say that what happened in Mangala underscores how this Ebola outbreak became the largest and fastest-growing that Congo has ever seen.
"With an epidemic, the slower the response, the bigger it grows," said Julien Harneis, a senior Ebola response coordinator for the United Nations.
Health workers here offered several explanations as to why the response lagged in Mangala. One issue: The town has few hotels, forcing aid workers to make a three-hour trip each day from Bunia, the regional capital. The rutted road is so dusty that drivers sometimes have to stop because they cannot see, while after rains it can become too muddy to navigate.
Violent insurgents sometimes impose checkpoints along the dirt road leading into town. Foreign aid cuts have forced health workers to make painful choices about already-scarce resources, including where to build Ebola centers, said Luca Fontana, a senior W.H.O. official with years of experience fighting the virus.
Privately, however, some international health workers said that Mangala was simply overlooked. Dr. Wessam Mankoula, head of emergencies at Africa C.D.C., acknowledged the concern in Mangala and said that it was difficult to establish treatment centers in every health zone affected by the virus.
When the W.H.O. declared an outbreak in mid-May, there were already hundreds of Ebola cases in Ituri Province, setting the overall response on the back foot from the start. But health teams in towns such as Mongbwalu, Bunia and Nizi were quickly mobilized to educate communities on infection.
As those efforts were underway, Mangala remained on its own, officials here say.
When The New York Times visited the town in September, signs of the struggle to contain the virus were everywhere. The coming treatment center, which will be run by the international humanitarian medical charity Alima, was just a patch of flattened red earth.
In the meantime, Mangala relies on the district hospital, where in the early months of the outbreak, Ebola patients were treated in a mud house with no windows, an earthen floor and little ventilation.
One afternoon in September, health workers set fire to their protective clothing after use, sending dark smoke skyward as the synthetic material burst into flames.
The fire burned yards from an area accessible to villagers.
Most treatment centers in Ituri Province are strictly divided into green and red zones. Patients and suspected Ebola cases are kept in the red zone, and anyone entering must wear protective clothing. In the separate green zone, medical staff members and visitors can enter safely, talking with patients at a distance or through plastic screens.
But at the regional hospital in Mangala, staff members said people with signs of the virus circulated freely across a central, grassy courtyard.
Mave Liripa, 26, came to the hospital with her mother and 1-year-old daughter, Justine Ngabusi, in September. All three showed signs of Ebola, including fever and vomiting, Ms. Liripa said.
Ms. Liripa's 8-year-old son had died with Ebola symptoms the previous week, and the family buried him at home,
she said.
Nurses wearing protective gear took blood samples from the family to be sent for testing. Nurses told the family to sit on a bench, which was near patients with unrelated illnesses.
“Everywhere is a red zone here,” said Dr. Jacques Savo Bamuhiga, the medical director in Mangala. Five nurses and a doctor have contracted Ebola at the hospital already, and one nurse has died, Dr. Bamuhiga said.
The government stopped paying Mangala's hospital staff at the start of the crisis. It gave no reason for the suspension, but the decision damaged morale and hindered efforts to organize a response, doctors said.
Some health workers quit, while others staged a brief strike. Though they have since returned to work, some said that they had still not received their salaries. Dr. Bamuhiga praised the staff members who had worked unpaid through the crisis.
Congo's health minister, Roger Kamba, acknowledged that some health workers had not been paid. The government was working to resolve the problem quickly and would add a bonus to health workers' salaries, he said.
Mave Liripa holding her baby daughter outside the hospital. A son, 8, died with Ebola symptoms last month.
Hospital treatment increases the chances of patient recovery, which helps to convince residents of the benefits of disclosing to medical workers when someone is ill. Ebola patients are most infectious in the final days of the illness and just after death, making safe burials essential.
All this reduces community transmission. But people must first be persuaded to allow sick relatives to be treated in hospitals rather than at home.
In Mangala, a fledgling outreach team was not established until August. As a result, fears spread unchecked through the town that the hospital was injecting its patients with Ebola, staff members said.
Residents boycotted the hospital and, even as late as early September, treatment rooms that were usually packed with patients before the outbreak remained empty.
On top of the elevated community transmission caused by home treatment and unsafe burials, more people have died of conditions unrelated to the virus because they were too afraid to go to the hospital, Dr. Bamuhiga said.
A single ambulance was recently assigned to the Ebola response team in Mangala and nearby villages, but several residents said they have sometimes waited days for its arrival.
The ambulance, a four-wheel drive, picked up six patients on a recent afternoon. The patients scrambled into the car's bench seats. Nurses had no choice but to cram three suspected Ebola patients next to patients with unrelated illnesses.
How many people could have been saved in Mangala had help arrived sooner is difficult to determine. Dr. Bamuhiga put the official Ebola death toll in the town at 165, but said that number failed to reflect the many deaths at home.
At least 200 people have died in nine villages near Mangala, said Josephat Pilo Mandje, a government representative in the area.
The fate of Bonheur Njabu, 22, reflects that of many others.
When he fell ill with Ebola symptoms, he initially kept it secret, according to his mother, Jeanne Ngawey. When he finally told her he was sick, she hurried to the village, but no ambulance was available to take him to the hospital. Motorbike taxis refused to take him, fearing infection, she said.
The only drugs Ms. Ngawey could get were from a tiny local pharmacy. Despite her efforts, her son died, she said. One day later, a team of health workers laid him to rest in the town's red earth. Dozens of people gathered at the gravesite, singing hymns and wailing.
Among the mourners was the president of the local youth council, Olivier Alike, 25. He had witnessed the outbreak as it tore through Mangala.
"I would like everything to go back to how it was before," he said.
"I want to do this for the rest of my life, but when every election cycle treats us like villains, you start to wonder what kind of future is actually left," Jake Everich said.
The New York Times
Senator Dan Sullivan, a Republican, and former Representative Mary Peltola, a Democrat, answered questions at the Fisheries Debate in Kodiak, Alaska, last month.
“None of the political debates capture the nuance, what it’s really like to try to make a living catching a wild animal in the 21st century,” Toby Sullivan said.
In Alaska, Fish Take Center Stage in Midterms
Declining Fisheries Loom Large, but No One Wants to Look at the Biggest Culprit: Climate Change
PHOTOGRAPHS BY KERRY TASKER FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
Alaska accounts for roughly 60 percent of wild seafood harvested in the United States, from wild-caught Chinook salmon to McDonald's Filet-o-Fish.
By ANNA GRIFFIN
KODIAK ISLAND, Alaska — Like corn in Iowa and cattle in Oklahoma, fish are always a hot topic in Alaska. This year, they could help determine which party controls the Senate.
Former Representative Mary Peltola ended a nearly half-century Republican hold on Alaska's lone House seat four years ago campaigning on “fish, family and freedom,” a phrase that was treated as something of a cute joke in Washington but was deadly serious back home. As politicians of all parties know, Alaska's fisheries are central to the state's fragile economy and facing an extraordinary convergence of threats.
In Alaska's Senate race, Ms. Peltola has accused Senator Dan Sullivan, the Republican incumbent, of putting “Seattle-based factory trawlers ahead of Alaskan families and our rivers.” She has doubled down on her fishing-first platform with a proposal to ban out-of-state trawlers, massive vessels that sweep the Bering Sea with funnel-shaped nets and process their catch onboard.
Mr. Sullivan has promoted his work to reduce the accidental catch of juvenile salmon and halibut, and has targeted Russian and Chinese fishing fleets that he says undercut Alaska fishermen.
“We are both talking about our fisheries in this campaign, but the difference is, I’ve actually done things to help protect them,” Mr. Sullivan said at a September Kodiak Chamber of Commerce debate focused entirely on fisheries.
A chorus of candidates for other offices, including governor and the House, has joined the fight — though few in oil-dependent Alaska are as eager with ideas for combating what scientists say is the broader threat, climate change and warming waters.
To those in the Lower 48, the fish fight might seem provincial, but it has real meaning. Alaska accounts for roughly 60 percent of wild seafood harvested in the United States, from high-end wild-caught Chinook salmon to frozen fish sticks and McDonald's Filet-o-Fish. The industry includes 370-foot factory trawlers that scoop up Bering Sea fish by the billions of pounds and Indigenous subsistence fishermen who feed their communities on a few hundred salmon a year.
Increasingly, it feels to many Alaskans as if only the biggest operators are doing well.
And fishermen in Alaska share other concerns with their brethren across the country. Those include the rising cost of diesel fuel and the Trump administration's cuts to the National Ocean and Atmospheric Administration, which regulates and provides important data on fishing stocks and weather patterns key to planning every boat's season.
All the talk persuaded Jake Everich last month to do something once unthinkable in the middle of the two-month fall pollock season, when he must maximize his catch to service the debt on his 73-foot boat, pay his four-person crew and keep Kodiak's processing plants busy; he stayed in port to listen to candidates talk.
“I don’t have time for politics,” said Mr. Everich, who attended the Kodiak debate for governor. But in this case, he added, “I have to pay attention.”
The politicians' preferred targets make sense in an election year. A recent poll by the progressive firm Data for Progress showed that almost three-quarters of Alaskans support a trawling ban, echoing a suspicion that predates statehood: that outside interests want to profit from Alaska's natural resources at the expense of the people who live there.
Alaskans, angry over out-of-state salmon traps and federal fisheries management, joined the Union 67 years ago “because people were tired of being a colony,” said David Kubiak, a retired salmon fisherman and high school English teacher in Kodiak. “Now it feels like there are all these outside interests trying to take what belongs to Alaskans again.”
Trawlers targeting pollock net other species, including juvenile salmon bound for western Alaska rivers. That accidental haul, known as bycatch, has become particularly contentious. Salmon runs have collapsed so precipitously that fishing along the Yukon and Kuskokwim Rivers has been severely limited or banned, devastating communities that rely on salmon for food, income and traditions stretching back generations. On the Kuskokwim, residents historically harvested between 67,000 and 110,000 Chinook salmon a year for subsistence. In 2024, they caught 32,500.
Ms. Peltola, who is Yup'ik, grew up fishing on the Kuskokwim River and has made trawling controls a campaign centerpiece. Her website even features an arcade-style game in which salmon dodge predators and nets while players learn about the damage trawling can do.
But trawling, like fishing more broadly, comes in a variety of flavors. The largest commercial boats are based in Washington or Oregon, and some can process and flash freeze fish onboard, meaning their crews may never dock — or spend money — in Alaska.
Owners of smaller trawl boats, like those based in Kodiak, say politicians are casting too broad a net. “The impact of trawling is getting blown way out of proportion and being used as political ammunition,” said Jason Chandler, a second-generation trawler. “It stings a bit to have your livelihood treated that way.”
Unlike factory fleets in the Bering Sea, Mr. Chandler's 77-foot boat, the F/V Topaz, delivers pollock and rockfish from the Gulf of Alaska to processing plants along Kodiak's harbor.
Banning or severely restricting trawling, he warned, would kill seafood-dependent communities like Kodiak “when we should be working together to improve all fisheries.”
Science does complicate the politics.
Studies have shown that eliminating trawling bycatch would return a single-digit share of salmon to western Alaska rivers. Curry Cunningham, a quantitative ecologist at the University of Alaska Fairbanks, said trawling was “just one piece of the puzzle.”
Mr. Sullivan has focused his criticism on illegal, unreported and unregulated foreign fishing, particularly by Russian and Chinese fleets. He has backed legislation to blacklist offending vessels and strengthen Coast Guard enforcement, while pushing to keep Russian seafood — including fish routed through China — out of U.S. markets.
Mr. Sullivan also wrote a bill, approved by the Senate Commerce Committee last month, to require pollock trawlers to use nets designed to let salmon escape, expand monitoring of bycatch and fund research on gear designed to reduce unintended catches.
'Now it feels like there are all these outside interests trying to take what belongs to Alaskans again.' DAVID KUBIAK, a retired salmon fisherman and high school English teacher in Kodiak.
The quick brown fox jumps over the lazy dog.
Neither Senate candidate has focused nearly as much on the role of climate change, a fraught subject in a state that relies on oil revenue to help pay for public services, even as the melting permafrost turns rivers red and swamps its villages.
“Let’s control what we can,” Ms. Pel-tola said at the fish debate.
The trawling fight comes as Alaska's fishing industry suffers through fluctuating wholesale prices, rising fuel costs and competition from farm-raised salmon. The federal government, Mr. Sullivan and Ms. Peltola both say, has moved too slowly to provide financial support in years when fish runs have collapsed.
Processing plants have closed or struggled to find employees as federal visas for seasonal foreign workers dry up, while increasingly sophisticated equipment and regulatory requirements have made fishing more expensive.
“None of the political debates capture the nuance, what it’s really like to try to make a living catching a wild animal in the 21st century,” said Toby Sullivan, a fisherman and executive director of the Kodiak Maritime Museum.
The worry in places like Kodiak, which has already seen shrimp and king crab stocks disappear, is that the financial challenges of fishing will drive younger Alaskans out of the business, ceding the seas to those out-of-state corporations cast as the bad guys.
Mr. Everich, 36, moved to Alaska from Rhode Island out of high school because he believed there were fewer barriers to being an independent boat owner here. He bought his vessel, the F/V Alaskan, in 2019 and diversified so that he can fish 10 months out of the year.
On a recent fall afternoon, as his crew prepared nets for evening departure and his dog, Pickles, kept watch over a pair of circling sea lions, he said the politicians didn't seem to understand the businesses they were criticizing.
"I didn't spend millions of dollars on a boat and improvements just to go out there and destroy the ocean," he said. "I want to do this for the rest of my life, but when every election cycle treats us like villains, you start to wonder what kind of future is actually left."
TIERNEY L. CROSS FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
How many seats Democrats win would affect Representative Hakeem Jeffries's ability to govern his party if he becomes speaker.
Democrats Try to Make Most of Limited War Chest
By SHANE GOLDMACHER
LANGHORNE, Pa. — The House battleground map is increasingly filled with alluring possibilities for Democrats as President Trump's support has cratered. But with their financial resources limited, one question keeps coming up as Democratic strategists puzzle over where to invest during the crucial final four weeks of the campaign.
Do they seek to rent — or own?
Do they seek to rent — or own? Democrats are trying to figure out where their money goes furthest. Are they better off seeking to run up their numbers by competing in less expensive races and for open seats in Republican areas? If they do, they might struggle to hold onto many of those seats in a couple of years, when there is less likelihood of a blue wave.
Or is it a better bet to spend more and go all-in to try to oust a handful of entrenched Republican incumbents who represent more Democratic areas? That path would be difficult, but if it succeeds, it could put those seats in the Democratic column for a longer time.
For all the party's current bullishness, Democrats hold zero seats in districts that Mr. Trump won by double digits in 2024.
“Obviously we want the strongest majority possible in 2026,” Representative Suzan DelBene of Washington, the chair of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, said in an interview. “But also with an eye toward 2028.”
Exhibit A of the Democratic conundrum is Pennsylvania's First District, where Representative Brian Fitzpatrick is the only Republican in the House seeking re-election who was able to win in a district that Mr. Trump lost all three times he ran, in 2016, 2020 and 2024.
In recent elections, Democrats did not fully try to vanquish Mr. Fitzpatrick, whose district includes Bucks County, the swingy Philadelphia suburban area, and a slice of Montgomery County. The Philadelphia media market was too expensive, and Mr. Fitzpatrick was seen as too hard to unseat.
But the party is making its biggest play there in years in the campaign's final sprint.
Bob Harvie, the Democrat who is challenging Mr. Fitzpatrick, said in an interview that he got a call from the Democratic Party's campaign arm last week informing him the group was planning to plunge \$900,000 into his race. The top Democratic super PAC, the House Majority PAC, has reserved more than \$6 million in television time on top of that, according to the ad-tracking service AdImpact.
The decisions on where to spend are being made day by day and district by district, according to interviews with a more than a half dozen Democratic strategists involved in the discussions, most of whom spoke on the condition of anonymity to describe private strategy.
Winning the majority of House seats remains the most vital task, they said — even if doing so risks seeming to waste money in some must-win seats. But there are different ideas about which races, beyond the core battlegrounds, provide the most return on their investment.
"The map is larger than the bank account can sustain," said Ian Russell, who previously served as national political director at the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee.
How many seats Democrats ultimately win will have repercussions for the ability of Representative Hakeem Jeffries of New York to govern his party if he becomes speaker next year. But the types of seats that Democrats carry will also shape the party's political strategy into the future.
---
Battling a G.O.P. Centrist
Mr. Fitzpatrick, a former F.B.I. agent, is a throwback to a disappearing brand of moderate Northeastern Republicans. He has the support of top labor unions, gun-control groups and environmental organizations that typically support Democrats — and signs promoting them at intersections throughout Bucks County.
Mr. Fitzpatrick's latest ad hails
G.O.P. lawmakers Democrats may target: Brian Fitzpatrick of Pennsylvania, top left; Mike Carey, top right, and Mike Turner, left, both of Ohio; Bill Huizenga of Michigan, right.
him as the “most independent” lawmaker in the nation and features a carousel of rare-for-a-Republican endorsements, from groups including the LGBT Unity Fund and an arm of the Humane Society.
"The parties are the worst thing that our country has right now," Mr. Fitzpatrick said in an interview at a Jewish deli in Langhorne on Monday. Mr. Fitzpatrick said that he hadn't been to a House Republican conference meeting this entire Congress and that his family's bipartisan brand — his brother served in the House before him — runs deep.
“People know us around here,” he said. “There’s no poll that has us down.”
Yet he has already had to spend more than \$3 million on ads — far more than Mr. Harvie and his allies to date — and the race remains tight. National Republicans have not spent big or reserved air-time in the closing weeks.
“I think that they think that we’re OK here,” he said. “I think they think that, but that’s a gamble on their part.”
He acknowledged the headwinds of running under the Republican banner when Mr. Trump is deeply unpopular. But he said he had done it before.
"There is not a single person in this district that is not seeing an ad where they're trying to tie us to the president," Mr. Fitzpatrick said. "I just don't see it working."
As he stood up to leave, he watched as an anti-Fitzpatrick ad played on the television in the corner. He asked the cashier whether the television was tuned to cable or streaming.
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A Late Infusion of Cash
Democratic strategists believe that if they can dislodge Mr. Fitzpatrick now, the seat will lean Democratic into the future.
After all, Mr. Trump lost only three seats in 2024 that were held by Republicans at the beginning of the 2026 cycle, including Mr. Fitzpatrick's. This fall, Democrats are aiming to flip all three, and on Monday, one of them, in Nebraska, seemed safe enough in hand that a Democratic group began to pull its advertising.
Pennsylvania's First, however, remains a battleground.
“Where we’re at is very, very, very, very hard to flip,” Sharon Ba-stone, 47, a Democratic activist in Upper Hanover Township, said while attending a Democratic barbecue on Sunday that was attended by Mr. Harvie. “But I think this is our year to do it. If we don’t do it this year, it’s not going to happen.”
At the barbecue, one attendee passed along the good news to Mr. Harvie that a big endorsement sign from the A.F.L.-C.I.O. for his rival, Mr. Fitzpatrick, had been wrapped around a truck so tightly that it was illegible.
At a moment when many Democrats are creating an image independent of the national Democratic brand, Mr. Harvie, a Bucks County commissioner, seemed unconcerned about being aligned with the party. He told one voter on Sunday that he would support statehood for Puerto Rico and Washington, D.C., if they wanted it. And he invoked both Barbra Streisand, the songwriter and Democratic activist, and Representative Jamie Raskin, Democrat of Maryland, in his remarks at the barbecue.
The Harvie campaign is running a new ad saying that “Congress changed Fitzpatrick” and highlighting key recent votes on which he was aligned with Mr. Trump. The Philadelphia Inquirer endorsed Mr. Harvie this weekend after backing Mr. Fitzpatrick in 2018 and 2020.
“Brian is an independent when his party tells him he's allowed to be,” Mr. Harvie said in an interview.
The argument has resonated with some past Fitzpatrick voters in the second Trump term.
Rich Fain, 74, who lives in Upper Hanover Township, said he figured he was the lone Republican voter at Sunday's Democratic barbecue. He has never been a Trump voter. But he has previously voted for his local Republican congressman — until now.
"I just can't stomach what the administration is doing and how all the Republican Congress people have gone along with Donald knowing it's wrong," Mr. Fain said. "I am switching this year."
---
Vulnerable Democrats
Now is decision time for national Democrats.
Party strategists are eyeing potential new spending to take out two Republicans in Ohio, Representative Mike Turner and Representative Mike Carey, and one in Michigan, Representative Bill Huizenga, and are spending more heavily in Wisconsin against Representative Bryan Steil.
All four represent seats Mr. Trump won by single digits in 2024.
Meanwhile, in Florida, private polls show a dead heat in the Miami district of Representative Maria Elvira Salazar — a seat that Mr. Trump carried by 15 percentage points just two years ago — but the cost of advertising in the Miami media market could prove prohibitive.
At the same time, some Democrats are worried that Republicans could do the same thing to Democratic incumbents in swing seats.
G.O.P. groups are spending millions of dollars to target lawmakers such as Representative Tom Suozzi of New York and Marie Gluesenkamp Perez of Washington in a push that has been mostly unanswered by national Democratic groups.
Mr. Suozzi, for instance, has been opposed by \$6.9 million in outside spending, with only about \$340,000 in support. Mr. Jeffries referred to the deluge over the weekend, calling it a “wild” waste of millions of dollars.
“Democrats need to make sure our eyes aren’t bigger than our stomachs and our aspirations aren’t bigger than our campaign accounts,” warned Phil Gardner, senior adviser at Blue Dog Action, a super PAC aligned with the moderate Blue Dog caucus, whose members Republicans are targeting.
He feared the party's spending on far-afield races in the final weeks. On Monday, the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee added six new candidates to the “red-to-blue” program — the designation for top races — including two in districts that Mr. Trump carried by more than 20 percentage points in 2024.
"Odds-wise, it's better at this point to shore up a truly vulnerable incumbent with a proven ability to win, or reinforce a Democratic challenger who's spent the last year building a strong campaign," Mr. Gardner said, "rather than risk resources on too many late-breaking untested candidates."
Mr. Russell, the former D.C.C.C. strategist still involved in congressional races, said the climate could shift quickly this month, recalling the late convulsions of the 2016 campaign.
"Now is the fun part of the cycle where you decide where can you make a last-minute play to snatch a few extra seats," he said. "But you also have to be conscious that the political environment can change."
Democrats Trying to Parry G.O.P. Jabs on Trans Issues
en's sports.
From Page A1
drawn criticism from other Democrats.
The strategies show how the party has shifted on the issue since the last nationwide election
— a pivot that has played out in various ways since early 2025, when Gov. Gavin Newsom, a Democrat from California considering a run for president, suggested that the participation of transgender athletes in women's sports was “deeply unfair.”
Democrats remain divided on the issue. Many of the party's candidates are wary of either angering the base by taking a position that would limit transgender rights, or taking a position at odds with most voters, who polls show overwhelmingly agree with Republicans on the issue of transgender athletes' participation in women's sports.
But a number of Democrats are trying to actively parry G.O.P. attacks, which haunted them in 2024, when Kamala Harris largely elected not to address a torrent of ads from Donald J. Trump that declared: “Kamala is for they/them. President Trump is for you.” Democratic strategists judged the ads to have been highly effective.
In the midterms, Republicans have again put the issue at the center of their message, part of a broader effort to cast Democrats as outside the mainstream. One ad, targeting Mr. Davis, said that the congressman was “fighting for they/them, not us.”
This time, Democrats are not
KENT NISHIMURA/GETTY IMAGES
SUE OGROCKI/ASSOCIATED PRESS
In Ohio, Democrats Marcy Kaptur and Sherrod Brown have had different ways of addressing transgender issues.
letting the attacks go unanswered.
“For the first time ever, Democrats are strongly on offense on this,” said Christina Freundlich, a Democratic strategist. She added that, while approaches varied across the country, Democrats were broadly focusing on “clarifying the record — but then moving onto groceries.”
Republicans are still directing far more focus and resources to the issue. AdImpact, a media tracking firm, said on Friday that it had observed more than eight times as much Republican spending as Democratic spending on midterm ads focused on L.G.B.T.Q. and transgender issues. Mr. Trump, in a video about the midterms, said that “We’re not going back to transgender for everybody.”
But Republicans have been unable to move the topic to the center of voters' attention. A CNN poll last month found that “policies regarding gender identity and trans people” did not make the top 10 issues that were most important to voters. (The issue ranked last out of 11 that CNN tested.) A Supreme Court decision in late June upholding restrictions on transgender female athletes prompted celebratory statements from Republicans, but scant expressions of disappointment from leading Democrats, depriving the G.O.P. of a chance to highlight a contrast.
“Democrats have figured out how to navigate this,” said C. Stewart Verdery Jr., a Republican consultant, though he added that the issue had not fully lost its salience, pointing to polling showing that roughly 80 percent of Americans opposed allowing transgender athletes to participate in wom-
Evan Gorelick contributed reporting.
At a moment when Democrats have advantages on many of the other core issues animating the midterms, Republicans have seized on the topic as a way to put Democrats on the defensive. They have framed the issue as one of basic fairness, and say that Democrats want to ignore it.
In some of the country's most high-profile races, Democrats have sought to take center-ground positions. When Representative Ashley Hinson, the Republican Senate nominee in Iowa, said on the day of the primary that her Democratic opponent, Josh Turek, was “extreme on gender ideology,” his campaign rushed to release a statement saying that he did not believe that “males should be playing female sports.”
In Texas, the Democratic Senate nominee, James Talarico, who has faced a drumbeat of Republican attacks over his past support for allowing transgender athletes in girls' sports, told Fox News in September: "I oppose trans athletes playing in girls' sports if it endangers safety or fairness."
The pivot has been sharpest among Democrats trying to compete in historically G.O.P. territory — like Iowa, Texas or Mr. Davis's district, a freshly gerrymandered swath of North Carolina that Mr. Trump won by nearly 12 percentage points in 2024.
In Ohio, Ms. Kaptur, a 22nd-term Toledo Democrat, faced local Democratic backlash over the ad in which she says that “boys should not play in girls’ sports.”
“We wanted her to take it down,” said Schuyler Beckwith, the chair of the Democratic Party in Lucas County.
Ms. Beckwith said that Ms. Kaptur was “stooping to the level” of Republicans’ “disturbing” rhetoric on the issue. Still, she added that Ms. Kaptur was in a “really tough race” and that she remained focused on helping the congress-woman’s re-election effort.
(On Saturday night, the Republican challenging Ms. Kaptur, Derek Merrin, assailed Ms. Kaptur over the issue at a rally with Mr. Trump, saying she was running from her record. A spokeswoman for Ms. Kaptur, Kylie Blitzer, said in a statement that Mr. Merrin was “desperate to change the subject” and that politicians should not set the rules for girls’ sports.)
In bluer areas, Democratic voters have seemed less forgiving. Representative Seth Moulton, a Democrat who said after the 2024 election that he did not want his daughters “getting run over on a playing field by a male or formerly male athlete,” lost last month in a primary against Senator Edward J. Markey. The senator focused heavily on the issue.
The Transgender Freedom Alliance, a research group advising Democratic candidates, has both urged candidates to respond to the attacks and frowned on the idea of Democrats fully embracing Republicans' positions on the issue. The group says its research has found that the most effective Democratic answer is to argue that Republicans are fixating on transgender issues at the expense of economic ones.
Adrienne Kimmell, who is leading the group's research, said Democrats did not need to say that “boys should not play in girls’ sports.”
“It’s just not necessary,” Ms. Kimmell said.
She said she favored the approach of former Senator Sherrod Brown of Ohio, a Democrat running to return to the chamber, who has run an ad featuring a voter who asks, "With everything going on, that's what they're talking about?" Another speaker in the ad points to existing restrictions in Ohio on minors seeking gender transitions, and a third blames Mr. Brown's opponent for rising grocery prices.
Kelley Robinson, the president of the Human Rights Campaign, a prominent L.G.B.T.Q. advocacy group, praised Mr. Brown's ad. But in a Substack post last month, she expressed concern about the way many Democrats were handling the issue.
“Turning on a vulnerable community is not a winning political strategy,” Ms. Robinson wrote. Addressing Democrats, she added: “It legitimizes their side and weakens ours. And it harms transgender people.”
Representative Vicente Gonzalez, a Texas Democrat who has joined Republicans in voting to criminalize providing gender transition treatments to minors, said it would be “really foolish” for Democrats running in tough races to stake out progressive positions on the issue.
He ran an ad in 2024 in his swing district highlighting his position on gender transition procedures.
“I was the only one who addressed it head-on last cycle,” Mr. Gonzalez said. “I know some folks were critical of it. But the fact is it played well in my district.”
MATT ROURKE/ASSOCIATED PRESS
Bob Harvie, the Democrat facing Mr. Fitzpatrick, said the Democratic Party campaign arm planned to put \$900,000 in his race.
2026 Election
Short on Evidence, Trump's Quest for Vast Vote Fraud Widens
Democrats worry that Republicans could use false claims of rampant illegal voting to challenge midterm results. Heather Honey, left, in 2024. Now a Homeland Security election integrity official, she is known for promoting false election information.
WILL WARASILA FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
MARK SCOLFORO/ASSOCIATED PRESS
This article is by Madeleine Ngo, Richard Fausset and Alexandra Berzon.
As the Trump administration promotes doubts about the integrity of the voting system ahead of the midterm elections, homeland security officials have investigated more than 150 organizations as part of their effort to scrutinize nonprofits that they say may be helping noncitizens illegally register to vote, according to internal government documents reviewed by The New York Times.
The documents also reveal that the department has considered deploying undercover agents to investigate the organizations. If they were found to be actively recruiting noncitizens for voter registration, the agents could gather evidence and “disrupt activities,” the documents said. The findings could then be used to initiate prosecutions and “dismantle illicit facilitation networks,” according to the documents, which were shared with The Times by Democracy Forward, a legal advocacy organization that received them through a public records request.
The details were included in a June memo providing status updates on the Department of Homeland Security's “election integrity investigations,” an effort by the Trump administration to find and root out noncitizens who illegally voted or registered to vote.
The problem of noncitizens' voting in the United States is a rare one, and there is no credible evidence that it has swayed an election. But the administration and its allies have been aggressively seeking data to back up assertions that Democrats could benefit from the support of noncitizens in the Nov. 3 midterm elections, in which Republicans are at risk of losing control of one or both chambers of Congress.
With control of Congress and the future of President Trump's agenda at stake, Democrats are concerned that false claims about rampant illegal voting could be used by Republicans to challenge the results.
Officials have made it clear that they will target for prosecution and removal any noncitizen discovered to have voted or even registered to vote in violation of federal laws. But the investigations into nonprofits underscore how far-reaching the administration's pursuit of noncitizens on the voter rolls has become. The investigations have stretched beyond individuals to include organizations that help and encourage people to register to vote, a tactic that critics have denounced as an attempt to intimidate voting rights groups.
The Homeland Security Department declined to comment on ongoing investigations but said it was focused on “actively rooting out and investigating election fraud wherever it can be found” and “ensuring that American citizens and only American citizens are electing American leaders.”
"Our message to aliens who vote in American elections is clear: We will find you, arrest you, and you will face the consequences — including criminal charges and deportation," the department said in a statement.
According to the memo, the investigations into nonprofits have heavily focused on Pennsylvania and New Jersey. The Homeland Security Department reviewed 82 organizations in Pennsylvania, including the Pennsylvania chapter of CAIR, one of the largest Muslim civil rights groups in the country. Ahmet Tekelioglu, the executive director of the Philadelphia chapter, said its “voter registration program follows all applicable voter registration rules and requirements.”
Federal officials also investigated about 44 groups in New Jersey, but no “derogatory information” had been found based on a review using internal tools, the memo said.
About 26 more groups were under review after they were flagged through a tip line, the documents said. Federal officials were also investigating Black Fork Strategies, an Ohio-based firm that focuses on voter engagement, and several other organizations tied to the firm, according to the documents. The firm declined to comment.
The documents also reveal that Heather Honey, a prominent 2020 election denier who now serves as the department's point person on “election integrity,” provided 48.4 million records of unknown provenance to federal investigators who are trying to find noncitizens on the voter rolls.
The revelation raises new questions about the quality of records that the Trump administration is relying on as it seeks to scrub non-citizens from the voter rolls before the midterm elections. Ms. Honey is known to come up with and promote false information about American elections, including claims that there were more votes cast in Pennsylvania than there were voters on the state rolls in 2020.
The documents do not indicate where the records from Ms. Honey originated from, other than to note that she obtained them “through independent sources of information.” The documents do not offer any further description of Ms. Honey’s records. But the documents note that these and other records, including more than 50 million that the Homeland Security Department obtained from the Justice Department, were sent to “iLab,” which appears to refer to the Innovation Lab within Homeland Security Investigations, an arm of Immigration and Customs Enforcement.
Ms. Honey did not respond to attempts to reach her by phone or email.
Before the 2020 election, Ms. Honey was a private investigator working on counterfeit-goods investigations with no experience in researching complex election systems. In the wake of that election, she connected with close allies of Mr. Trump's and provided them with theories that sowed doubt in the election results.
On Jan. 6, 2021, in a speech at the Ellipse in Washington just before a pro-Trump mob stormed the Capitol, Mr. Trump repeated Ms. Honey's false notion that more votes had been cast in Pennsylvania than there were voters on the state rolls.
The claim has been repeatedly disputed by election officials who said she was misinterpreting and misusing a state database that tracks registered voters and whether or not they voted in previous elections, but it continued to be repeated by Mr. Trump and others for years afterward.
She also came up with misleading claims that proved influential over the years that were used to raise concerns about voter registration systems; overseas voters, who tend to vote heavily Democratic; and noncitizen voters. Her claims were amplified through an influential network of election denial activists called the Election Integrity Network, run by Cleta Mitchell, a close ally of Mr. Trump's. Ms. Honey ran the Pennsylvania chapter of the network before her appointment at the Homeland Security Department.
Trump administration officials have repeatedly made unsubstantiated claims about the number of noncitizens on voter rolls. In July, Markwayne Mullin, the homeland security secretary, said the administration had identified more than 250,000 potential noncitizens on voter rolls in just four states: Nevada, California, New Jersey and Pennsylvania.
Some states have disputed the findings, and homeland security officials admitted that their initial claims were unsubstantiated in meetings with state election officials in Nevada. A state review of 185 names that federal officials said had been vetted and identified as noncitizens showed that all were lawful citizens.
New Shipyard, Old Feud: Maryland's Governor Skips Trump Event
Gov. Wes Moore of Maryland said President Trump blocked him from speaking at a shipyard.
KENNY HOLSTON/THE NEW YORK TIMES
By LUKE BROADWATER
BALTIMORE — President Trump traveled to Baltimore on Tuesday to promote a new Navy shipbuilding facility and the thousands of jobs it will create. He was not in the mood to share credit.
Lawmakers in Maryland, most of whom are Democrats, had worked for months to develop tax-incentive packages to lure business to the site, which used to be a steel plant along the Baltimore waterfront. But what could have been a moment for bipartisan partnership quickly turned into a partisan fight.
Gov. Wes Moore of Maryland, a Democrat who is believed to have ambitions for national office, said he was blocked from speaking at the ceremony by the Republican president.
“We have been working with them for over a year to bring them onboard, and we’re excited about what it’s going to mean for the area,” Mr. Moore told reporters outside an unrelated governor’s race debate. “But if the president of the United States wants to bring the circus into town and tell me that I’m not allowed to speak to the fact that we were the ones that helped bring the deal, then I will let the circus be conducted while I go back to the work of the people of Maryland.”
In response, Anna Kelly, a White House spokeswoman, said that Mr. Moore was being a “diva.”
“Governor Moore was graciously invited to attend the President’s announcement as a guest. The White House worked extensively with his staff and security team to facilitate,” Ms. Kelly wrote on X. “Now, I guess he boycotted the event entirely because he wants to make this \$6.6 billion investment, which will create thousands of sorely needed jobs in his state, about himself. Diva alert!"
The Navy has awarded a \$2.9 billion contract to Anduril, the defense technology company that makes artificial intelligence-backed weapons, to use the site of the former Bethlehem Steel plant to manufacture critical components for the Navy's nuclear-powered attack submarines known as the Virginia class. The shipyard is expected to create more than 3,000 permanent jobs.
“We will build the future of America’s Navy right here in Baltimore,” Mr. Trump told a crowd of mostly sailors.
Mr. Trump has at times shown a willingness to work with certain Democratic governors and mayors. For instance, he shared the stage with Gov. Gretchen Whitmer of Michigan at Selfridge Air National Guard Base to announce the deployment of new fighter jets. He has repeatedly expressed a sort of fondness for New York Mayor Zohran Mamdani.
But the president has frequently clashed with Mr. Moore, even as they worked toward the same goal in the Baltimore County project.
Mr. Trump has threatened to send the National Guard to Baltimore and pull funding for the rebuilding of the Francis Scott Key Bridge. He declined to invite Mr. Moore to a White House event for governors.
Mr. Moore has said he would not "bow" before the president, implying Mr. Trump views himself as a king.
Todd Eberly, a professor of political science at St. Mary's College of Maryland, said there was no love lost between Mr. Trump and Mr. Moore.
“That is pretty much Donald Trump in a nutshell. He does not share credit for anything,” Mr. Eberly said, adding, “I think we should just acknowledge if Maryland was a swing state, and there was an incumbent Republican running for, you know, re-election, Trump probably would have used it as an opportunity to boost that incumbent Republican. But in this case, Trump was not going to do anything to boost Moore.”
If Mr. Moore does harbor national ambitions (he has not committed to serve out a second term as governor should he win re-election), sitting in the audience applauding for Mr. Trump would not have done him any political favors.
"Why would he want to just be a prop?" Mr. Eberly said, adding: "The investment is going to be there well after Donald Trump leaves the state. It is something that Moore will continue to talk about, regardless of what happened today."
The Anduril announcement comes just days after Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth appointed the company's co-founder, the billionaire Palmer Luckey, to a task force along with Elon Musk, the chief executive of SpaceX, and Newt Gingrich, the former House speaker, to help the military figure out the future of war.
Christian Brose, the president and chief strategy officer of Anduril, said the firm would invest \$3.7 billion in the project. The new shipyard, which the company will call Arsenal Two, is expected to open in 2030.
Mr. Brose said manufacturing drone boats or unmanned weapons of war was not a part of the initial plans for the site.
With Republicans at risk of losing control of Congress in the midterm elections, Mr. Trump has been traveling across the country, including to deep red states, holding rallies to try to drive his most loyal followers to the polls. Polling shows voters have grown dissatisfied with his focus on the unpopular war with Iran and his failure to bring down the cost of goods. But Tuesday's announcement was intended to demonstrate that the president was focused on one of his main campaign pledges: bringing back manufacturing jobs.
Trump Won't Reimburse Taxpayers For TV Ads
By SHANE GOLDMACHER and MAGGIE HABERMAN
A day after President Trump said his super PAC would pay for television ads promoting him that had been funded by taxpayers, White House officials said the group did not plan to reimburse the government for the more than \$10 million it had already spent on the ads.
Mr. Trump announced on Mon-
day evening that he was planning
to have his super PAC, MAGA
Inc., pay for the ads, which had
drawn backlash from members of
both parties. The White House of-
ficials later said that his promise
would only apply “moving for-
ward.”
Then, on Tuesday, a new taxpayer-funded ad — bragging about the American success in taking out Venezuela's former leader Nicolás Maduro — began airing on television. The new ad features Mr. Trump, Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth.
Officials in both parties have criticized the ads, which are being aired amid a heated midterm campaign. And some have said they could violate federal laws for using taxpayer funds for “publicity or propaganda purposes.” One of the ads included footage that had originally appeared in a 2024 Trump campaign video.
Facing backlash for the use of public funds for the promotional ads, Mr. Trump appeared to retreat on Monday, posting a message on Truth Social while en route to a rally in Nebraska. He wrote, “I have decided to do the Patriotic Ads, among others, and pay for them myself, and with money I raised for MAGA, Inc.”
A White House spokesperson said on Tuesday that “the president’s Truth was not referring to reimbursement.”
When Mr. Trump posted the message, more than \$10 million of such ads had run, according to AdImpact, the ad-tracking service.
When Mr. Trump was asked on Tuesday if he would reimburse the government for the ads, he demurred and defended them as “promotion for the country” and said “we’ll decide.”
As of midday Tuesday, nearly \$11.5 million has run, including a small sum for the new 60-second ad about the Venezuela operation. So far about \$17,000 had been spent on the new ad, which began airing in the early hours of the day.
Most of the funds so far — \$7.2 million — have paid for an ad that reused material from his 2024 campaign that casts Mr. Trump's detractors as “villains.”
The ads are running nationally on cable and network television and paid for through a \$20 million contract that uses funds from the Department of Homeland Security. Mr. Trump personally instructed his budget director to use taxpayer money for TV ads.
Senator Chuck Schumer of New York, the Democratic leader, called for an investigation into the payments for the ads. “It’s not enough to simply have his super PAC slush fund foot the bill — an illegal action itself,” he said in a statement. “Trump must return this money to the American people and there must be a full investigation into this gross waste and abuse of taxpayer dollars.”
When asked on Tuesday about the taxpayer-funded ads during a campaign stop in Pennsylvania, Speaker Mike Johnson sidestepped whether Mr. Trump should reimburse the government, saying what he had seen “looked like a public service announcement.”
“It was talking about America’s greatness and the economy coming back,” he said. “It wasn’t a plea to vote for anybody. It was just, it was pro-Americana.”
He added that if Mr. Trump's super PAC was funding the ads, "that's good."
The White House did not respond to questions about whether the administration was canceling any or all of the remaining money planned on the ads. The White House also did not answer questions about whether Mr. Trump planned to have his super PAC pay for ads that have run after his post on Monday.
But the declaration from the president is a rare reversal in a second administration in which Mr. Trump has governed by gut instinct and a refusal to accept norms or most limits on executive power. The ads drew criticism from Democrats and some Republicans as an inappropriate use of taxpayer dollars; the spots tend to glorify the president rather than focus on any specific policy item.
As of now, the majority of ads that MAGA Inc. appears to be funding has been run through two newly created super PACs linked to it, with different names.
Symphony Still Rehearsing at 'Dangerous' Kennedy Center
By ELIZABETH WILLIAMSON
The shuttered Kennedy Center is ringed by security fencing and signs preventing public access. Left, symphony and opera musicians performing in April at a condo building in Washington.
ELIZABETH FRANTZ FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
HAIYUN JIANG/THE NEW YORK TIMES
WASHINGTON — The shuttered John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts is a deadly place. Just ask President Trump.
This week he said it was “a great danger to anyone who walks inside.” Last month, he said that a security guard had narrowly avoided “certain death” after a storm brought down a five-foot piece of ceiling plaster, injuring no one. The center, he said, is in a “virtual state of collapse.”
And yet on most weekday mornings, 100-odd members of the National Symphony Orchestra arrive for rehearsals in the shell of their former home. This week they are rehearsing in the center's main concert hall for upcoming performances in the Maryland and Virginia suburbs of Prokofiev's Symphony No. 5, Haydn's Symphony No. 85 ("La Reine") and Stravinsky's Scènes de Ballet.
The theme, as advertised on their website, is “music that finds hope and vitality in the face of adversity.”
So far, none of the musicians have encountered collapsing concrete garage decks, falling 2,500-pound roof sections or “electrical explosions”—risks the center’s management says lurk everywhere.
“We’re just happy to work,” a violinist said last week, while hustling into the building through a parking lot entrance. The violinist, and all other musicians interviewed as they entered the building, asked not be named for fear of retaliation against the orchestra, which still has financial ties to the Kennedy Center.
One musician expressed the hope that her colleagues would “shut up” and focus on music, not politics.
Another said that the orchestra's presence in the building reinforced the view by some former employees that the administration's portrayal of the building's problems have been exaggerated.
"The absurdity of this is mind-blowing," a longtime symphony patron said.
A Kennedy Center spokesman, P.J. Elliott, said this week that the concert hall was perfectly safe for the musicians but not for the public. The hall “is not a restricted area to essential staff and N.S.O. musicians,” he said in a statement. “Musicians can rehearse in it safely during the closure.” He did not explain why.
The development is the latest in the saga of Mr. Trump's takeover of the center. Briefly: Less than a month into his second term, the president purged the Kennedy Center board of Biden-era appointees, installed allies who made him chairman, then announced that the place would close for two years of renovations. Democratic lawmakers on the board said it was an excuse to avoid the humiliation of plummeting ticket sales and fleeing artists.
In December, Mr. Trump put his name on the center, a living memorial to a slain president, but a judge ordered it off. When he was again denied last month, the president decreed that the renovation would not begin until courts allowed his name on the building front. He followed with a threat to tear the entire place down.
While the drama plays out, one of the nation's premier orchestras still needs a place to practice for its 2026-27 season, with concerts now in six different places across the region. They and the center's Opera House Orchestra, which now performs in an annex called The Reach, are the only paid performances that have survived Mr. Trump's takeover. Local music lovers call it a tribute to the orchestras' resilience.
One morning last week, the musicians drove up to a center underground parking garage, Lot A, their instrument cases riding shotgun. They parked their cars and headed through a door with a paper sign taped on it that said "NSO This Way." At one point the orchestra's conductor, Gianandrea Noseda, glided up carrying a garment bag and paused to hug staff members holding the door.
Matt Floca, the center's Trump-appointed director, said in reports to the board and the media this year that “moisture infiltration has caused corrosion and weakening of the concrete deck throughout the garages. Hundreds of compromised areas have been identified.”
But Mr. Elliott, the center's spokesman, said the musicians followed “routes assessed as safe by facilities and management” to the main concert hall. The unsafe areas, he added, are “off limits.” The center continues to rent out its parking garage by the day and month.
David Z. Seide, a lawyer representing the former employees, said in an interview that the orchestra's rehearsals “confirm what we’ve been saying all along: The building is not a threat to public health and safety.”
"This is part of a pattern of the government routinely saying one thing and doing another," said Norm Eisen and Kyle Freeny, lawyers representing Representative
Joyce Beatty, Democrat of Ohio and an ex officio Kennedy Center board member, who sued Mr. Trump to keep the building open and his name off its front.
Mr. Floca has said that the closure is temporary and is reassessed weekly. Critics, including congressional Democrats, question how things got to this point when Congress appropriated \$257 million for a full renovation more than a year ago, and pays annually for maintenance. They speculate that the week-by-week closure is a tactic to circumvent a judge's order that the center remain open.
In the meantime, the main building's cafeteria and restaurants have long been closed. A couple of the musicians said they bought bag lunches to eat backstage during their hourlong break. Others dip out to Tazza, a nearby cafe that has struggled since the closure. They have agreed to wear hard hats on the rare occasions they venture outside the concert hall.
Studio space in the Reach, a Kennedy Center annex where the Opera House Orchestra performs.
ELIZABETH FRANTZ FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
"There is a loneliness about it," an orchestra employee said. "I remember seeing so many different faces from so many different departments, and that just doesn't happen. You're often the only one."
After Mr. Trump put his name on the building, the orchestra's audiences fell by as much as half. The composer Philip Glass withdrew his new symphony from a scheduled debut with the orchestra, and Béla Fleck, the Grammy-winning banjo player, pulled out of three performances. Its executive director, Jean Davidson, left in March, saying, "It's no secret that this has been a really hard year."
Amid an exodus of performers, audiences and donors, the Washington National Opera, also housed in the center since its opening, moved out. But the fates of the National Symphony Orchestra and the Kennedy Center are more deeply intertwined. The center oversees the orchestra's budget, topping it up when ticket sales and donations fall short, which amounted to about \$17 million this year.
In February Mr. Trump began demanding the center close by early July, which would leave the orchestra homeless. The orchestra's budget request for 2026-27 languished for months without approval from the Kennedy Center board, preventing it from booking alternate venues and retaining guest performers.
Kennedy Center patrons formed Save Our Symphonies, a group supporting the orchestra and other center musicians in financial limbo. World-class performers volunteered to play in private homes, condominium lobbies and other local spots, pausing to explain their situation to Washingtonians while taking care not to talk politics, grant media interviews or otherwise anger the president. The performances have netted them new fans and donors.
The orchestra still lacks an approved budget, but in August received a green light from the Kennedy Center board to book the current season. It announced the dates only weeks before the first performance.
The musicians last month signed a new, four-year contract. An enthusiastic crowd attended the season-opening celebration at the Music Center at Strathmore in North Bethesda, Md.
Lawyers Cite Executive Privilege to Withhold Center's Records
By JULIA JACOBS
In the court battle over the John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts, the Trump administration has withheld documents related to the president's communications about the institution, opening up a legal dispute over executive privilege.
Representative Joyce Beatty, a Democrat of Ohio who has sued the center in her capacity as an ex officio board member, had sought the records as part of her ongoing lawsuit against the institution.
The suit seeks to block the president's plan to close the Kennedy Center for a two-year, \$250 million renovation project and to keep it from restoring his name to the exterior after a federal judge ordered its removal from the building in June.
The judge, Christopher R. Cooper of the U.S. District Court in Washington, is considering whether to allow the closure to proceed. To aid his decision, he has granted discovery, which enables Ms. Beatty's lawyers to request certain documents and question the center's officials.
In a court filing on Monday, Ms.
Beatty's lawyers objected to the Justice Department's attempt to use executive privilege to limit what evidence the center has to turn over. They argued that Mr. Trump's work at the center, where he leads the board as chairman, is separate from his role in the executive branch.
“Donald Trump is the chair of a nonprofit corporation's board, and his decisions and directions lie at the heart of that board's actions which, in turn, are the subject matter of this case,” the lawyers, Nathaniel Zelinsky and Norm Eisen, wrote. They argued that allowing the protection of privilege in this case would “obstruct the search for the truth.”
Presidents have claimed executive privilege under the Constitution to block other branches of the government from accessing certain communications. The purpose, established over the decades in judicial decisions, is to preserve a president's ability to speak candidly and confidentially with aides.
In a court filing, Justice Department lawyers wrote that requesting communications involving the president or White House personnel were “inappropriate,” citing case law that says that divulging certain evidence “creates an undue burden and distraction from those individuals’ critical executive responsibilities.”
The Justice Department did not respond to a request for comment. A spokesman for the center deferred to the Justice Department.
The executive privilege dispute now unfolding is novel because no other president has served as chairman of the performing arts institution at the same time.
Several legal experts said it could be difficult to support a claim of executive privilege in this instance because the communications for which protections are being sought are not the inner works of the White House, but those of a private nonprofit, albeit one located in a building that is maintained by federal funds.
"The Kennedy Center is not part of the executive branch; it's funded by Congress as an independent entity," said Richard Painter, a law professor who was chief ethics lawyer for President George W. Bush. "We don't even get out of the starting gate."
Heidi Kitrosser, a constitutional law professor at Northwestern University, said that executive privilege “doesn’t follow the president in other capacities, wherever he goes.”
Still, the dispute has the potential to significantly slow the pace of resolving the lawsuit as the two sides fight over how much of Mr. Trump's involvement in the center should be shielded.
The collection of evidence approved by Judge Cooper focuses mainly on the decision by the Trump-allied board to close the center for two years.
While the court scrutinizes the decision, Matt Floca, the center's executive director, has temporarily shuttered the venue's main building, citing what he described as urgent safety risks stemming from crumbling infrastructure.
Ms. Beatty's lawsuit asserts that the maintenance needs are being used as a pretext for a closure that is actually designed to mask cratering finances and audience demand since Mr. Trump's takeover.
As board chairman, Mr. Trump has been personally involved in the decisions at the heart of the lawsuit. He announced the plan to shutter the center for renovations in February and he has called Mr. Floca frequently to weigh in on the building's needs.
Ms. Beatty's lawyers wrote in court papers that they were informed by the Justice Department that when Mr. Floca is deposed, lawyers would object to any questions regarding his interactions with the president.
In recent weeks, Mr. Trump has raised the prospect that the center might need to be demolished. After he was photographed through the windows of Air Force One, where he was reviewing a poster that said “Kennedy Center DEMOLISHED,” Judge Cooper granted additional evidence gathering related to the images.
In executive privilege cases, judges weigh the value of the information being sought against the interest of the president in protecting sensitive deliberations. In the landmark 1974 Supreme Court case, President Richard Nixon's claim of executive privilege — used to withhold evidence from the Watergate investigators — was denied because the materials were deemed relevant to a criminal proceeding.
Woman Shot During 'Blitz' Sues the U.S.
By JULIE BOSMAN
Last October, Marimar Martinez, then a 30-year-old teacher's aide, was shot five times by a Border Patrol agent during a confrontation on a Chicago street. A Department of Homeland Security official immediately branded her a “domestic terrorist” who had “ambushed” law enforcement. She was arrested, indicted and charged with assault.
One year later, it is Ms. Martinez who is on the offense.
On Monday, Ms. Martinez, an American citizen, filed a lawsuit against the United States, saying that her civil rights were violated by the shooting and its aftermath. The lawsuit says she has suffered emotional distress and physical trauma from the episode and argues that the federal government is responsible because it prosecuted her maliciously and without merit.
Her lawsuit was the latest in a widening push from people who claim they were harmed by the Trump administration's immigration crackdown and are now seeking justice.
As immigration operations have been met with stiff resistance across the country, the Trump administration has moved swiftly and aggressively to charge protesters with crimes. But it has done little publicly to hold agents accountable for shootings and other acts of aggression that drew widespread condemnation.
Although the federal government dropped its charges against Ms. Martinez, she was still not satisfied, she said on Monday. "I want to spread awareness because what's happening is not normal," Ms. Martinez said at a news conference.
A spokesperson for the Department of Homeland Security referred questions to the Department of Justice, saying only that the agent who shot Ms. Martinez, Charles Exum, had been placed on administrative leave. The Justice Department did not respond to a request for comment.
Last week, relatives of Renee Good, the woman killed by an immigration agent early this year during the administration's immigration enforcement campaign in Minneapolis, filed two federal lawsuits, including one against the officer who shot her and several top Trump administration officials.
In Chicago, a group of protesters known as the “Broadview Six” gathered in a courtroom last Thursday before a federal judge who is investigating the conduct of federal prosecutors who pursued charges against them last fall. The charges, of interfering with a federal agent and conspiracy, were later dropped. The group has asked for a formal inquiry into the conduct of prosecutors who they say pursued warrantless charges against them.
In California, at least three U.S. citizens recently used a new law to sue federal immigration agents for trampling on their civil rights, saying that they were wrongfully arrested. And in the District of Columbia, legal groups filed suit against the Department of Homeland Security on behalf of several Minnesota residents who said their homes were searched, in violation of the Fourth Amendment.
Federal agencies and officials have broad immunity from civil lawsuits. To prevail, plaintiffs must prove that they were injured or experienced property damage from the negligent actions of an official who was acting within the scope of their duties.
"This, in our opinion, is not a political issue," Christopher Parente, Ms. Martinez's lawyer, said on Monday. "We are asking the Department of Justice to do something. It's not the Department of Republicans. It's not the Department of Democrats. It's the Department of Justice."
The shooting unfolded on a Saturday morning last fall in Chicago, when the immigration crackdown, called Operation Midway Blitz, had been underway for several weeks. While driving in a neighborhood on the Southwest Side, Ms. Martinez spotted a silver S.U.V. that she assumed belonged to immigration agents. She followed the S.U.V., honking her horn and shouting, as some Chicago motorists did at the time to warn bystanders of the presence of immigration agents.
At one point, Ms. Martinez's car collided with the S.U.V. A Border Patrol agent stopped his vehicle, stepped outside and fired five shots into her car.
Ms. Martinez has filed a report with the Chicago Police Department, and a detective with the department is investigating, her lawyers said. The federal government has already backed away from its case against Ms. Martinez, dropping charges last November without explanation.
Ernesto Londoño contributed reporting.
The 47th President
Justice Dept. Fills Depleted Ranks With Dubious Recruits
ANNA MONEYMAKER/GETTY IMAGES
POOL PHOTO BY PEDRO PORTAL
TORI LYNN SCHNEIDER/TALLAHASSEE DEMOCRAT, VIA USA TODAY NETWORK — REUTERS
From Page A1
rights laws for every American."
Among her top hires: The gun rights activist Barry Arrington, the acting chief of a new Second Amendment unit, is a high-profile opponent of the theory of evolution and same-sex marriage. Last year, he successfully challenged Colorado's ban on so-called conversion therapy before the Supreme Court.
The person she appointed to temporarily lead the voting section — the epicenter of the department's aggressive actions ahead of the midterm elections — is Eric Neff, who tried more than 50 criminal cases during a 12-year career as a prosecutor in California. His stint as a prosecutor in Los Angeles County ended in rancor.
In 2022, Mr. Neff was placed on administrative leave after the office withdrew his indictment of an executive at a software company for storing data on poll workers on a Chinese server. His bosses cited irregularities in the case. The county ended up paying the company \$5 million in a settlement.
Mr. Neff was reinstated in 2024 and has filed a whistle-blower claim against the county, which remains unresolved.
Questions for individual prosecutors and officials were routed to the Justice Department's public affairs office, in keeping with longstanding policy. A department spokeswoman, Kiersten Pels, defended Mr. Neff's appointment, citing his experience, "50 jury trials in cases ranging from fraud to multiple homicides" and his earlier career as an investigative reporter.
Critics have raised questions about lawyers assigned to crack down on voter fraud, which includes a thus-far unsuccessful effort to obtain sensitive state voter roll information, and the deployment of 1,000 election monitors across the country.
On the day of Minnesota's primary elections in August, two Justice Department officials approached a polling place in Minneapolis and were reminded by a local election worker to obey a law requiring them to stay outside at a certain distance, a video showed.
One of the department officials, David Michael Levin, a conservative lawyer and businessman, was himself a convicted lawbreaker.
In 2015 and 2016, Mr. Levin twice hacked into the Lee County, Fla., election system as a political stunt. He faced felony charges before pleading to a pair of misdemeanors in September 2016, and served a 20-day jail sentence with two years of probation, according to court records.
His application, like all the others, was reviewed and approved by the department's personnel office. His record alone would not have precluded him from being hired — the department is allowed after seven years to hire people who committed misdemeanors. But critics said it set a dangerous precedent.
"Deploying politically motivated individuals to carry out D.O.J.'s poll-monitoring efforts threatens to undermine Americans' faith in the electoral process ahead," Senator Peter Welch, a Vermont Democrat who sits on the Judiciary Committee, wrote to Ms. Dhillon last month after seeing the video.
In recent years, Mr. Levin and his wife have been associated with a company that provides customer leads to insurance companies, and have been embroiled in a bitter lawsuit with a client who accused them of providing unusable leads, court records showed.
Judges in the case repeatedly called out the Levins for not turning over documents demanded by the court. In April 2026, a district court judge in Florida cited them for “willful and bad faith disregard” of court orders, rules and discovery procedures, according to court filings.
In August, the court ordered Mr. Levin to pay more than \$200,000 in damages and lawyers fees, finding that he had engaged in fraudulent misrepresentation and civil conspiracy, according to a ruling last month. The docket shows no record yet of the Levins filing an appeal.
Mr. Levin's lawyer did not respond to a request for comment. (None of the prosecutors mentioned in this story, including Mr. Levin, responded to personal requests for comment.)
The Justice Department official accompanying Mr. Levin also had a notable history. He is William Mohrman, a lawyer in Minnesota who represented Minneapolis police officers charged in connection with the murder of George Floyd. He has also represented the civil rights division in voter roll cases.
Another lawyer working on elections litigation is David Vandenberg, who joined as a criminal trial attorney in the civil rights division in August 2025.
For several years, Mr. Vandenberg served as a prosecutor in Texas and New Mexico. His 22-month stint as an assistant district attorney in El Paso appears to have been a troubled one: He faced serious complaints about his volatile behavior toward colleagues, his former supervisor said, allegations earlier reported by Bloomberg Law.
In an interview with The New York Times, his former supervisor, Penny Hamilton, recalled intervening after two incidents of yelling. In one, Mr. Vandenberg berated a co-worker during a dispute over a photocopier. In another, a local judge barred Mr. Vandenberg from a courtroom after he chided a court official.
Asked if Mr. Vandenberg should have been hired by the Justice Department, Ms. Hamilton replied, "No," then amended her statement to, "Hell, no."
He is currently facing charges of animal neglect, according to El Paso municipal court records, charges often filed when dogs are found unattended for an extended period in a parked vehicle.
In 2025, a cellphone photo of Mr. Vandenberg appeared on a news station after a local mother accused him of intentionally side-swiping her car, with her two young children inside, flashing his district attorney badge and fleeing the scene. He was not charged. The woman is currently suing him over the incident.
Ms. Pels defended Mr. Vandenberg's record. He is “a dedicated prosecutor who spent years in New Mexico and Texas prosecuting cases on behalf of child victims of human trafficking, sexual assault and murder,” she said.
An official with knowledge of his hiring who requested anonymity to discuss personnel matters said that he had never been reprimanded by his previous employer, that he had denied wrongdoing and that he expected both matters to be resolved soon.
Khalil H. Quinan was hired in May as a prosecutor in the civil rights division's criminal unit after nearly a decade in the Florida state attorney's office, where he handled a range of gun, gang and violent crime cases.
In 2025, Mr. Quinan was forced to step aside as a lead prosecutor in the murder trial of Courtney Clenney, an OnlyFans model accused of killing her boyfriend, after the judge ruled that he viewed and shared iCloud files explicitly marked as privileged communications between Ms. Clenney's par-
ents and defense lawyers.
The judge dismissed Mr. Quinan's claim that the material was permissible because it did not directly involve Ms. Clenney. In February 2025, the judge ordered him to sit for a sworn deposition after finding a second possible violation of attorney-client privilege. He withdrew from the case soon afterward.
Mr. Quinan was not disciplined. Ms. Clenney eventually reached a plea deal to serve six years in prison.
Ms. Pels said the Justice Department stood by the hiring of Mr. Quinan, describing him as a top-flight prosecutor who “acted in full compliance with his supervisors’ directives.”
Above, Harmeet Dhillon, the chief of the civil rights division. The Justice Department hired Khalil H. Quinan, left, who was once forced off a murder prosecution, and Peter Feaman, whose far-right posts include calling Covid vaccines the “mark of the beast.”
James Breslo, hired in January, is part of the team suing the University of California, Los Angeles medical school for discriminating against white applicants. He is a former gambling executive and business lawyer who has hosted a podcast called “Hidden Truth.” Episodes included “AA Kills,” a takedown of Alcoholics Anonymous, and a deep dive into the origin of U.F.O.s. In 2018, he hosted the far-right activist Laura Loomer, who promoted her unsubstantiated claim that the man who killed 58 people on the Las Vegas Strip in 2017 was working for either Islamic terrorists or the government.
Mr. Breslo, in an essay posted weeks before the 2024 election, suggested President Barack Obama had “no love or reverence for the U.S. Constitution.” He claimed that Kamala Harris, the Democratic presidential candidate, embraced “a political system antithetical” to the country’s founding principles, something he said was “not surprising given her upbringing” by parents who were not U.S. citizens at the time she was born.
Mr. Breslo “brings decades of legal and executive experience” to his job, Ms. Pels said.
Daniel Flickinger, who began working on the division's education cases earlier this year, was forced out of his job at a Birmingham, Ala., law firm in 2020 after suggesting — to the disgust of his bosses — that Mr. Floyd was fortunate to have died in a “fentanyl-and methamphetamine-numbed strangulation” because “it meant being worshiped in a nationwide funeral.”
Mr. Flickinger maintained that his statement, posted to his private Facebook page, was never intended to be publicly disseminated. He later sued another lawyer for disseminating what he claimed to be defamatory comments about the post. Since then, he has worked in private practice, specializing in areas of law overseen by the division, Ms. Pels said.
Peter Feaman, a veteran lawyer from Florida hired in early 2025 as a senior counsel, has a history of far-right political statements. In a May 2021 post on social media, he accused the “diabolical” Democratic governor of Michigan, Gretchen Whitmer, of forcing citizens into getting the “mark of the beast” (a coronavirus shot).
Mr. Feaman also suggested that the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the Capitol was a false-flag operation orchestrated by liberals he likened to the Nazis. Trump voters, unlike the German citizens who kept silent in the 1930s, “have guns,” he wrote in a post.
One of his books, “Wake Up, America!,” includes a rave review on the dust jacket from The Times that never existed, according to a CNN report in 2021, written when Mr. Feaman was a member of the Republican National Committee.
Ms. Pels said Mr. Feaman's work should be considered separately from his social media profile. "His years-old personal social media posts have nothing to do with his legal work, and resurfacing them is not a serious assessment of his qualifications," she added.
In Pool Case, Ex-Olympian Seeks Inquiry Of Officials
By DEVLIN BARRETT
WASHINGTON — Lawyers for a former Olympian who was cleared of charges of vandalizing the Lincoln Memorial Reflecting Pool are asking internal government watchdogs to investigate the conduct of senior Justice and Interior Department officials, accusing prosecutors of indicting him despite knowing that a renovation of the pool was failing.
In a letter sent on Tuesday to the inspectors general for those agencies, lawyers for the former athlete, David Hearn, say the agencies ignored their own evidence in a rush to satisfy President Trump's desire for criminal charges. Prosecutors then provided a court "blatantly false" information about when they became aware that the real culprit for the badly peeling liner in the pool was a botched renovation overseen by Mr. Trump, his lawyers wrote.
“Because of the actions of various D.O.J. and D.O.I. employees, Mr. Hearn was deprived of his liberty, indicted for a crime he did not commit, threatened with incarceration of up to 10 years and endured the defaming of his name and reputation by high-ranking government officials,” Mr. Hearn’s lawyers wrote. Among the lawyers requesting the investigation is Michael R. Bromwich, a former inspector general at the Justice Department.
A spokesman for the Justice Department inspector general declined to comment. Representatives for the Interior Department inspector general and the office of Jeanine Pirro, the U.S. attorney in Washington, did not respond to messages seeking comment.
Ms. Pirro has defended her decision to pursue the prosecution and blamed the Interior Department for not providing relevant evidence in time. But the letter from Mr. Hearn's lawyers says that her office knew at least a day before it took the case to a grand jury that the pool liner had been failing for weeks.
DAVID ZALUBOWSKI/ASSOCIATED PRESS
"In its motion to dismiss, the
David Hearn was falsely accused of vandalizing the Reflecting Pool in Washington.
government claims it first learned of the liner's pervasive failures during a defense expert's inspection on July 17, 2026," Mr. Hearn's lawyers wrote. "This is blatantly false and is directly refuted by the government's own file."
Mr. Hearn's lawyers wrote that a June 30 damage assessment, which prosecutors received by July 1, "documented damage throughout the pool as early as June 8," more than a week before Mr. Hearn visited the pool. Prosecutors gave that document to Mr. Hearn's lawyers on July 10, "a week before the date on which it now claims to have first learned of these liner issues," the letter says.
Last week, a judge barred prosecutors from trying to revive the case against him. Typically, prosecutors would be allowed to reinvestigate a criminal matter if they found new evidence. In this case, however, the judge noted that the president had publicly demanded criminal charges be filed. Without an explicit court order, the judge concluded, Justice Department lawyers could cave to political pressure from the White House and refile meritless charges.
Barry Arrington, the acting chief of a new Second Amendment unit, opposes the theory of evolution and same-sex marriage.
The case against Mr. Hearn appeared flawed from the start, and collapsed within weeks of his indictment.
He had stopped by the Reflecting Pool on June 19 and reached into the pool, where pieces of the liner had already been coming apart. According to court papers, National Guard troops grabbed Mr. Hearn and brought him to the U.S. Park Police, who arrested him. He was accused of tearing up a section of the pool liner. Mr. Hearn has said he touched a piece of the liner that was already torn but did not tear it.
Ms. Pirro dropped the indictment weeks after filing it, based on what she said was new evidence about the flaws in the application of the pool liner, a decision that enraged the president.
"I disagree 100% with Jeanine Pirro, the U.S. Attorney for the District of Columbia, on the Reflecting Pool," Mr. Trump posted on social media.
And despite the evidence to the contrary, the president has shown no sign of backing away from his claims of vandals since.
“We had vandalism there,” he told reporters on Tuesday, adding, “Only sick people do that.”
Funding Delays Threaten Programs That Prevent and Treat H.I.V.
Health Spending Cuts Have Put Scientists on Edge
By APOORVA MANDAVILLI and BENJAMIN MUELLER
The future of four large research networks that test vaccines and treatments for H.I.V., tuberculosis and emerging infectious diseases is in limbo after weeks of delays from the Trump administration in launching the process to renew their funding.
Scientists are worried that the delays could foreshadow the end of the networks, at least in their current form.
H.I.V. researchers grew more concerned on Friday when they received word from the National Institutes of Health that they should temporarily hold off on launching new studies that had not yet enrolled participants and that would not be complete by Nov. 30, 2027, when their current funding is set to expire.
Delays to medical research spending have become a chronic issue during the second Trump administration, and funding for the networks may yet be renewed. But some scientists warned that any delays could jeopardize the safety of participants in clinical trials, derail time-sensitive studies and disrupt staffing and resources.
"Just the loss of momentum that will happen when you don't have funding is enormous," said Dr. Emily Erbelding, who led an infectious disease division at the N.I.H. before she was ousted from the agency in 2025. "I don't know whether the powers that be are understanding that these days," she added.
The Department of Health and Human Services did not answer questions about whether or when the N.I.H. would kick off the process to renew the networks' funding beyond next year.
A department spokeswoman, Grace Davis Jamison, instead sent an emailed statement that said the administration was planning continued investment in H.I.V. research that delivers “meaningful results.”
The networks' leaders said their worries stemmed from the Trump administration's cuts to H.I.V. work generally. The administration has made sharp reductions to foreign aid dedicated to fighting H.I.V. It has overhauled the work of a landmark global H.I.V. program and has fired roughly a third of staff from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention's division for H.I.V. prevention. It has proposed steep budget cuts to H.I.V. surveillance and prevention nationwide.
An H.I.V. clinic in South Africa. The research networks that test vaccines and treatments for H.I.V. and other diseases are in limbo.
IHSAAN HAFFEJEE FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
Last year, the N.I.H. ended a \$258 million multisite program whose work was instrumental to the search for an H.I.V. vaccine. Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. has been heavily critical of the hunt for a vaccine, writing in a 2021 book about Dr. Anthony S. Fauci's "vain obsession to develop an H.I.V. vaccine" and testifying before a House panel last year that federal spending on the goal "accomplishes nothing."
The current funding delay affects Advancing Clinical Therapeutics Globally, a network that formed 40 years ago, as well as the H.I.V. Prevention Trials Network, the H.I.V. Vaccine Trials Network and the International Maternal Pediatric Adolescent AIDS Clinical Trials Network, which were formed years later. Together, the four networks work in dozens of countries and have conducted hundreds of clinical trials. They total more than \$300 million each year, most of which comes from the federal government, although the exact amounts vary as studies begin and end at various times.
The programs' large footprint has enabled them to develop tools to prevent and treat H.I.V., including in marginalized or rare populations such as pregnant women, adolescents and people who are resistant to multiple available drugs.
Having a ready base of researchers, data systems and communities of participants has also helped in other health crises. The networks were used during the coronavirus pandemic to quickly enroll tens of thousands of participants to test vaccines and treatments — including a monoclonal antibody treatment used on President Trump.
Funding for the networks and their research sites is renewed every seven years. But questions over their future have grown since the Trump administration delayed publishing so-called notices of funding opportunities, a formal signal to scientists that the renewal process would begin. The federal government had said it expected to post the notices by Aug. 25. As of Wednesday, they still had not gone out.
A federal official said that the notices were under review by H.H.S., which is led by Mr. Kennedy, who has overseen vast cuts to many federal health programs. The official spoke on the condition of anonymity to describe the review process.
The second Trump administration has significantly pared back the release of funding opportunities across medical research topics and left many such notices in limbo. It has also subjected the notices to new layers of political review, slowing their release.
Dr. Jay Bhattacharya, the N.I.H. director, has alarmed some scientists by pushing to steer federal spending away from basic research on new H.I.V. vaccines and treatments and toward studies of how to deploy existing tools for fighting the disease.
“We have the tools we need — the technological tools,” Dr. Bhattacharya told a Senate panel in May. “We just need to understand how to use them to end the H.I.V. epidemic.”
Dr. Bhattacharya has been a staunch supporter of lenacapavir, a treatment that includes injections taken twice a year that prevents H.I.V. infection. But many H.I.V. experts note that only a vaccine or cure can stop the epidemic, which still affects more than 40 million people worldwide and kills more than 500,000 people each year.
Sudden disruptions to clinical trials will halt progress toward ending the epidemic, they warn, and undermine carefully cultivated trust with communities, particularly those that tend to avoid engaging with the health care system.
"It's hard work and it's very fragile," said Dr. Wafaa El-Sadr, who helped lead the H.I.V. Prevention Trials Network until last year and leads studies in Harlem and the Bronx. “What took 40 years to build on here could just collapse in a minute without continued investment and commitment.”
November 2027 may seem a long way away, but the large, complicated projects require at least that much planning time, said Dr. Chris Beyrer, the director of the Duke Global Health Institute and the leader of a study funded by one of the networks.
“You have to lay out the laboratory plans, the statistical and data management plans, the organizational structures and most importantly the scientific agenda for the next seven years,” he said. Without continuity in grants, “you start to see implications early, much earlier than the actual day that funding expires.”
Until now, the granting cycles had rolled along predictably since the networks began. N.I.H. program officers would in fact solicit feedback from researchers involved in the networks even before creating the funding notices. None of that happened this time, according to the leaders of the networks, and even many of their contacts at the N.I.H. were unsure whether and when the documents would be released.
Some experts said they worried the N.I.H. might dismantle the networks and fund individual grants instead.
Trials for the Covid vaccines relied heavily on the infrastructure and highly trained work force of the H.I.V. networks. That sort of effort “would be very difficult to do if you were just funding protocol by protocol,” said Dr. Erbelding, who was one of the leaders of the effort.
Some scientists said they were concerned the administration might limit research to sites within the United States, ending international collaborations. H.I.V. and other infectious diseases are far more prevalent elsewhere in the world, they noted.
In the early 1990s, Dr. Myron Cohen set out to study the influence of sexually transmitted diseases like syphilis on H.I.V. transmission. "If I tried to do that in the United States, it would have taken me 1,000 years," said Dr. Cohen, a former leader of one of the networks and a professor at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill.
Instead, “by working in Africa, we were able in maybe six months to answer some really very fundamental questions,” he said.
ERIC LEE FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
ALYSSA SCHUKAR FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
Dr. Jay Bhattacharya is the director of the National Institutes of Health, which last year ended a \$258 million program researching an H.I.V. vaccine. He has steered money away from basic research. "Just the loss of momentum that will happen when you don't have funding is enormous," said Dr. Emily Erbelding, who led an infectious disease division at the agency before she was ousted in 2025.
CHERISS MAY FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
Senator Announces a Plan to Insulate the C.D.C. From Political Interference
By SHERYL GAY STOLBERG
WASHINGTON — Senator Patty Murray, a Washington State Democrat who chaired the Senate health committee during the coronavirus pandemic, called the new director of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention last week to ask why the agency had refused to report several measles deaths in Pennsylvania.
The outbreak has landed the nation's public health agency in the middle of a political feud. Gov. Josh Shapiro, a Democrat, said in August that measles had killed two people in his state. Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr., who oversees the C.D.C., suggested that the governor's staff might have "fabricated" the deaths, and that patients had died in Pennsylvania with measles — but not from it.
The agency's director, Dr. Erica Schwartz, told Ms. Murray that the C.D.C. was working with state epidemiologists to draft a more precise definition of a measles death, the senator said.
Ms. Murray was appalled, she said in an interview. “What is the goal of that?” she recalled asking Dr. Schwartz. “In my mind it’s to obscure how many people are dying.”
Dr. Schwartz declined to comment on the exchange. A spokeswoman for the Department of Health and Human Services said that the C.D.C. wants to “ensure measles deaths are classified and reported consistently” across the country.
To Ms. Murray, the conversation was another example of how the C.D.C., once regarded as the world's “gold standard” for public health agencies, has been hobbled by partisan politics. Now, she and public health leaders are charting strategies to repair the damage once Mr. Kennedy and Mr. Trump leave office.
On Wednesday, Ms. Murray plans to announce that she is forming the “Public Health for America Working Group” to draft a legislative blueprint for insulating the C.D.C. from political pressure. The group, composed of five people, includes a pulmonologist, a former Food and Drug Administration official and a nurse who chairs a state health board. There are no politicians, though some members have worked for Democratic administrations.
In an interview in her office on Capitol Hill, Ms. Murray said she expected the group to be nonpartisan and to talk to people on all sides of the fractious debate over public health.
"My direction to them, and they understand it and agree with it," she said, "is that we need to hear from people that we may think may not agree with me."
The C.D.C. made what Dr. Rochelle Walensky, its first director during the Biden administration, called “some pretty dramatic, pretty public mistakes” during the pandemic, including botched Covid-19 tests and shifting mask recommendations, which led Dr. Walensky to recommend an overhaul. But the Trump administration and Mr. Kennedy, suspicious of scientific expertise, have shattered old norms.
Dr. Mandy Cohen, who succeeded Dr. Walensky, said in an interview that when she first became director in 2023, her staff discouraged her from discussing her priorities with the Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices, an independent panel of outside experts who guide the agency on vaccine policy.
“They were like, ‘No, no, no, that would make them feel like you were pressuring them to do something,’” Dr. Cohen said. So she introduced herself, but did not get involved in their policy discussions.
Mr. Kennedy, by contrast, fired the entire committee after he became secretary, installed his own people, then set the panel's agenda himself. A White House official later said Mr. Kennedy dismissed the panel in part because its members had been appointed by Mr. Biden, a Democrat, and some had donated to the Democratic Party.
One of the fired appointees, Dr. Helen Chu, is part of Ms. Murray's new working group.
Dr. Chu, a physician and epidemiologist at the University of Washington, said she learned after her dismissal that the secretary had the power to revise the panel's charter. She thinks that needs to change.
"The guardrails were not there to be able to keep one single person, a political appointee, from dissolving the entire committee that was supposed to be apolitical," he said.
Another member of the new group, Dr. Joshua Sharfstein, a top F.D.A. official in the Obama administration and an expert in public health communications at the Johns Hopkins University Bloomberg School of Public Health, said the federal government already has laws and regulations that guard against political interference in decisions made by scientific agencies, but they are not being enforced.
"I think that it's important to look at the laws that underlie integrity in decision making and to see whether they should be strengthened," he said.
The other members are Patty
Senator Patty Murray said she would form a panel of experts to advise on public health.
Hayes, a nurse who chairs the Washington State Board of Health; Jeffrey Levi, who worked on AIDS policy during the Clinton administration and later taught health policy at George Washington University; and Dr. Vin Gupta, a pulmonologist affiliated with the University of Washington and a major in the Air Force Reserve Medical Corps.
"Public health is just sort of this background thing in all of our lives that we don't really know is there, but it's such a critical part of safety," Ms. Murray said, adding, "There is a lot of common ground across the political spectrum of many, many public health issues.
People want clean air and clean water. People don't want measles surging to their community."
The current measles outbreak suggests that is true. Parents of children with newborns are suddenly worried, because babies must be at least six months old to get vaccinated. Their protection depends on high vaccination rates in their community to prevent the disease from circulating. Some Amish families that have traditionally resisted vaccination are rethinking their opposition.
So far, Pennsylvania health officials have reported five measles deaths in their state. The C.D.C. lists just two measles deaths, with an asterisk saying the number is “subject to change” as “additional information becomes available.”
Ms. Murray says she is concerned that leaders of the country's health agencies, including Dr. Schwartz, are “acting out of fear, rather than acting out of scientific information.”
But Dr. Sandro Galea, the dean of the School of Public Health at Washington University in St. Louis, who is not a member of Ms. Murray's group, said that "we should always have precise definitions, as much as possible" for deaths from diseases including measles, which was declared eliminated in the United States in 2000 and caused no deaths in the decade before 2025. He lamented that the effort had been caught up in the "politics of the moment."
Ms. Murray is now the longest-serving female senator in U.S. history and the top Democrat on the Senate Appropriations Committee. She would run that panel — the most prized chairmanship in the Senate — if Democrats retake the chamber in November. She remains on the health committee.
The ranking member on the health panel, Senator Bernie Sanders, Independent of Vermont, has sharply criticized Mr. Kennedy for his vaccine skepticism, and recently released a trove of internal C.D.C. emails showing how the agency had bent to the secretary's will. He has also called on Mr. Kennedy to resign.
Mr. Sanders said Americans want “scientists, not political appointees, in charge of vaccine policy.” But his core focus has always been lowering drug prices and expanding access to care by enacting a government-backed health plan, Medicare for All, to “make certain that our health care system meets the needs of working families,” he said.
So Ms. Murray is forging ahead. "I see a big vacuum," Ms. Murray said, "and it frightens me as a mom."
If Democrats win majorities in the House or Senate next month, there will likely be investigations of Mr. Trump and Mr. Kennedy. Ms. Murray does not think elections are the answer.
“We can’t just say to people, ‘Go, let’s have an election and return us to where we were,’” she said.
“I don’t think we were at a great place where we were,” she explained. “So now we have an opportunity where these institutions have been ripped apart. We have to rebuild them. How do we rebuild them in a way that is lasting and trustworthy?”
Mother Claims She Didn't Kill Twin Toddlers, It Was Vaccine
Idaho charged Andrea Shaw with murder, saying it was the only explanation for the deaths.
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From Page A1
group founded by Robert F. Kennedy Jr.
Looking stricken, the couple told their version of events. The twins had been preemies, Shaw said, and had required intensive medical care. She inoculated them on the recommended schedule without ill effects. But in April 2025, after receiving the DTaP, flu and hepatitis A shots, the toddlers got sick, and when she sought help, clinicians repeatedly dismissed her concerns, she said.
“I wish I was anti-vaccine now,” Shaw concluded, with a wry chuckle.
Shaw was indicted by a grand jury more than a year after the deaths of her children. During that interval, in January 2026, she became the lead plaintiff in a federal lawsuit filed by Children's Health Defense against the American Academy of Pediatrics. ("I don't understand where they come up with these plaintiffs," said Richard Sauber, the attorney who represents the academy in this case, when reached for comment.) That suit claims that the nation's pediatricians defrauded American families by colluding with pharmaceutical makers to spread misinformation about the safety of vaccines.
The Vaccine Safety Research Foundation, established in 2021 by Steve Kirsch, the Silicon Valley tech entrepreneur, to "tell the truth about vaccines," as he put it in an interview, is working "in conjunction" with Children's Health Defense to help support Shaw and her family. (Children's Health Defense did not respond to a request for comment.) Documents in the court file make a terse reference to the law firm of Aaron Siri, a Kennedy ally and prominent vaccine critic. Siri wrote in an email, "We do not represent Ms. Shaw with regard to her criminal proceedings."
Kirsch described his motivation. "When you hear of a case which is 100 percent consistent with a vaccine injury and is not at all consistent with a mother who is killing her kids, you have an ethical obligation to come to the mother's aid," he said. He added that if a single shred of evidence pointed to murder, he would "be out of there in a heartbeat."
KIVI-TV, VIA AP
Andrea Shaw appeared for a hearing in Payette County District Court in Idaho in July via a video feed.
Filicetti began representing Shaw the day after the twins' deaths. He doesn't remember who first called him, he said, but in 2023, he had met some of the players in the vaccine-hesitant world at a Children's Health Defense conference in Georgia. Filicetti has a solo practice in Boise, with a focus on defending Idaho police accused of crimes and misdeeds. In the Shaw case, he consults with the high-profile advocacy groups. "They all want to give input," Filicetti said in an interview. "I take any help I can get from anybody."
Having received almost “every vaccine, including the shingles vaccine,” he said, he does not consider himself a vaccine denier. But during the Covid outbreak, he questioned the lethality of the novel virus and the efficacy of the new vaccine. He viewed government mandates as an overreach.
A believer in alternative therapies — in massage, dopamine patches, cold plunges and therapeutic ketamine for trauma — Filicetti declined the Covid shot. Instead, he treated his Covid symptoms with a 30-day water fast, as well as “ivermectin, hydroxychloroquine, and I went to a naturopath who flooded me with ozone,” he told me. “I came out of that healthier than I’ve ever been in my life,” he said. Existing as he does at the nexus of libertarian politics and the crunchy lifestyle of Boise, Filicetti gained a reputation for defending vaccine refusers.
In my conversations with him, Filicetti stressed Shaw's vulnerability, portraying her as a young, naïve mother who is unjustly accused, has lost her twin toddlers and is separated from her newborn. His sole focus, he told me, is to “keep my client from being wrongly convicted and then receiving the death penalty for something she did not do.” At trial, his only burden will be to show that the state did not prove their case beyond a reasonable doubt, and in this case, “vaccines were a factor,” he said. In Payette, the “number of people who did not get vaccinated or are vaccine hesitant is high,” and those skeptics will be in the jury pool.
Filicetti is not out to set vaccine policy, he said. But he does have strong views about the way vaccines are debated in the public sphere. The pro-vaccine faithful are too absolutist, Filicetti told me. "When science becomes unquestionable, it becomes a religion," he said. "They're just saying, 'Fall in line.'"
Filicetti sent Shaw “Tuesdays With Morrie” and other uplifting books. He also arranges frequent sessions for her with a trauma therapist specializing in E.M.D.R., or eye movement desensitization and reprocessing, which can be conducted through a glass barrier.
The next hearing is scheduled for Oct. 15. “It’s super important for me to keep her emotionally and spiritually healthy,” he said.
‘There’s this element of, “It’s my truth.”’
ANDREA SHAW MADE THE 911 call on Thursday morning, May 1, 2025. At the time, she lived with Nate and the twins at the Northgate trailer park, at the edge of town. Northgate is known locally as the Stepford Wives trailer park because the 65 homes there all look the same, like whitewashed barracks. The dispatcher told her to wait outside.
The police arrived at around 11:30. The park's manager, Kathy Killkenney, a sharp-eyed 82-year-old, sits in an office at the entrance collecting rent checks. That day, observing all the emergency vehicles, she decided to stay in her office, she told me when I stopped in to see her in September.
“Nobody asked you,” she said to herself that morning. “And the police are going to do an investigation. Just leave them alone.”
Instead, she called Nate at work, according to his account on the Children's Health Defense podcast. “‘What’s going on?’” she asked him. “‘The police have taped up your trailer.’” Nate said he did not know. He repeatedly called Andrea, who did not answer, and when he called his mother, a police officer picked up the phone. The officer said, “‘Hey, I hate to inform you but your kids are dead,’” Nate recalled. “I was like, ‘You’re lying. You’re not telling me the truth. This isn’t happening.’”
Andrea described peeking in on the twins earlier that morning and thinking they were asleep. When she went to wake them up later, she said, she touched Tyson and he was cold.
"The way I saw them, they looked as if they had gone in their sleep. They were in their sleeping positions. I think it's called rigor mortis," she said on the podcast.
According to the prosecutor, Shaw changed her story several times under police questioning. Duke summarized Shaw's interview at a July hearing: She had been out late with a friend the night before; first she said she had gotten up with the twins at around 8 that morning
Dr. Bryon Hemphill explaining the ‘epistemological problem’ of advocating vaccination at his clinic in Payette, Idaho, where he says childhood vaccinations may be as low as 30 percent for the population.
Christina Jewett contributed reporting. Kitty Bennett, Alain Delaquérière, Georgia Gee, Sheelagh McNeill and Kirsten Noyes contributed research.
and fed them breakfast; later she said that wasn't true. On the other hand, Nate's account was consistent, Duke said: He had been sleeping the whole time. Duke did not respond to requests for comment.
For her part, Andrea said the police had gotten into her head and made her feel crazy. They said that “I had supposedly had a postpartum, overwhelming blackout and done it to my children,” she said on the podcast.
In the podcast interview, Andrea appeared stunned. Nate looked tense and chewed his lip. Encouraged by the interviewer, they recounted the events of the previous week. On April 23, Andrea and Wendy Shaw, Nate's mother, had brought Dallas and Tyson to Snake River Pediatrics for their 18-month well-child checkup. Both women had expressed caution about the flu vaccine, Andrea recalled: Nate and other members of the Shaw family were reactive to it. The nurse practitioner was dismissive of these concerns, Andrea said, and Andrea consented to the shot. (Snake River Pediatrics did not return requests for comment.)
The following day, both children were passing a greenish diarrhea and had a blue cast to their lips, and they were lethargic, according to Andrea. Alarmed, she took them to the emergency room at St. Luke's in Fruitland, Idaho, in the company of her mother-in-law. After assessing them and giving them Tylenol and ice pops, the doctor sent them home.
In medical records provided to The New York Times by Children's Health Defense, the E.R. physician remarked that the children had not seemed to be in any danger. They were diagnosed with "post-immunization reaction," and he noted, further, that Andrea "seemed satisfied with their visit." According to Duke, postmortem tests had showed that one twin had a rotavirus infection, transmitted from feces to mouth and extremely contagious. Multiple physicians I spoke with explained that rotavirus is rarely fatal but can become so if children are not vaccinated against it in infancy, or if they are inadequately hydrated. (The children were making wet diapers, the hospital notes said. Whether they had been vaccinated is not known.)
According to Andrea, the toddlers continued to have “severe” diarrhea. On the morning of April 30, she called Snake River to see if she could get an appointment, but they were backed up. That was the final day of the twins’ lives. In the Children’s Health Defense interview Andrea said they had started to recover that day and were “great” — eating, talking and drinking from their sippy cups.
ANGELA WULBRECHT WAS IN touch with the Shaws within days of the twins' deaths. A nurse who worked for 17 years at a hospital in Marin County, Calif., caring for mothers and babies, Wulbrecht is on the board of Kirsch's Vaccine Safety Research Foundation. For her whole career, she had been an avid vaccine proponent, she said in a joint interview with Kirsch. But she said she had suffered an adverse reaction to the Covid vaccine and over time became a skeptic. "I didn't know, when I went and got my Covid shot and 12 minutes later I almost died, that there would be no help for me. There was no recourse, nobody to sue," Wulbrecht said.
Now, helping families like the Shaws "is my passion," Wulbrecht said. People harmed by vaccines are "distraught," she said, "and they need guidance." She wouldn't speak about the Shaw case, but said she often meets families who post what happened to them on Facebook.
"All of a sudden I'll get tagged," she said. "People know me. So they'll start saying, 'Contact Angela.'" Wulbrecht estimates she has helped about 1,000 families since starting this work. Her Facebook page recently included selfies of her with Kennedy at public events.
In the time between the deaths of the twins and her arrest, Shaw became pregnant again. When Shaw worried that the fetus was too small, Wulbrecht reviewed her test results and reassured her by text. "I have a feeling everything is going to be just fine," she wrote.
PHOTOGRAPHS BY TONY LUONG FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
SHAW WAS CHARGED WITH two counts of murder on June 29. Initially the judge set her bail at \$2 million. But when Filicetti requested a bond reduction, citing the best interests of the mother and her newborn daughter, Duke responded with ferocity. His experts had considered explanations other than murder, he said. They had looked at poisoning and considered the temperature in the bedroom, which frequently surpassed 100 degrees. They had ruled out both possibilities.
A forensic pathologist excluded vaccines as the cause of death. "This is not a vaccine case," Duke said in court.
According to the autopsy report, both children had pulmonary vascular congestion, or a buildup of blood and fluid in the blood vessels of the lungs, he wrote. Tyson had pulmonary edema, a more severe buildup, as well.
“According to our expert, these symptoms are consistent with being smothered. They occur when something blocks air from entering the airways, and as the diaphragm expands, it creates a low pressure condition in the lungs and airways,” he wrote. “This is the cause of death of the twins. It is also the only reasonable explanation for why both would die at the same time, on the same night, in the same room, in the same bed.”
While Shaw enjoys the presumption of innocence, Duke continued, he had to consider the risk presented to the defendant's infant daughter. Judge Kiley Stuchlik agreed. Instead of reducing Shaw's bond, she revoked it.
FOR DUKE TO PREVAIL, a jury in Payette needs to conclude beyond a reasonable doubt that Andrea Shaw murdered her children. But in Idaho, doubt about doctors and medications, and especially vaccines, has long been a way of life.
Until the deaths of Tyson and Dallas, Andrea and Nate Shaw were not known for anything much. Andrea moved in with Nate's family when she was 17, during Covid. She "has no criminal record of any kind — not even a speeding or parking ticket," according to a filing by Filicetti. In high school, Nate liked working on engines and was an active member of FFA (formerly Future Farmers of America), his teacher Tyson Smith said in an interview. Tyson, the boy twin, was named after him.
In Payette, a town of 8,800, Shaw's claim that vaccines harmed her children is seen as unremarkable. Childhood vaccination rates in Idaho are 68.9 percent, well below the state goal of 79.5, and declining. Bryon Hemphill, a family doctor I spoke to, said that in his rural clinic in Payette, "I don't know that we are reaching 30" percent.
In a conversation in his office on a bright September day, Hemphill pondered the causes of this deep reluctance. In general, people don't go to the doctor in Payette, he said. That's in part because Idaho has fewer doctors per capita than most other states, and Payette has fewer than the Idaho average.
But neither conventional medicine nor the insurance companies have made wellness, or prevention, a priority. Patients drive to the doctors' office only when they are ill. Since Covid, he said, they often arrive with their own theories about why.
In his practice, Hemphill confronts what he calls “an epistemological problem,” he said. As he experiences it, the vaccine debate boils down to warring truths, in which “truth is what you think it is. It’s your perception. There’s this element of, ‘It’s my truth.’”
Faced with such strong hesitancy, Hemphill knows better than to push too hard. Instead, he tries to engage his patients in a conversation about risk. The chance of dying from a vaccine is far smaller than that of dying from the disease it's designed to prevent, he'll explain. Symptoms after vaccination indicate that the vaccine is working, he'll sometimes add.
But he doesn't insist. It is not his role, he told me, to tell his patients what to do. "That can come across as judgmental."
In July, days after Shaw's arrest, Kirsch, the tech entrepreneur, sent the prosecutor's office an email. Kirsch doesn't usually delve into the nitty-gritty of individual vaccine-injury claims and said he has never been to Payette. But he spoke to Shaw after the deaths of her children, and he believes this case could change the national conversation. It could "break this acceptance of, 'all vaccines are safe.'"
Kirsch wanted Duke to see a 2004 study, based on research from the 1980s, by a retired micropaleontologist that purported to show a correlation between childhood vaccination and respiratory distress and deaths otherwise attributed to SIDS or shaken baby syndrome.
"If a jury understands science, unless you have a witness to the suffocation (which you don't have), this creates reasonable doubt," he wrote to the prosecutor, using boldface type.
The prosecutor did not respond to his note, Kirsch told me. "They never do," he said.
Clockwise from top left: Joe Filicetti, Andrea Shaw's lawyer; downtown Payette, Idaho; the local cemetery; Bryon Hemphill, a family doctor; Northgate trailer park; jury seating in the courtroom where Andrea's trial is scheduled to begin in January.
Site of L.A. Fire With 88 Million Pounds of Rotting Food Is Searched
By ORLANDO MAYORQUÍN
Neighbors of the food warehouse in Boyle Heights that burned complained of nosebleeds, breathing issues, nausea and eye irritation.
MARK ABRAMSON FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
LOS ANGELES — Investigators in Los Angeles executed a search warrant on Tuesday at the site of a massive warehouse fire that burned for a week and left millions of pounds of rotting food next to a residential neighborhood, officials said.
The Los Angeles County District Attorney's Office said its investigators were on the scene on Tuesday to assist the California Department of Toxic Substances Control, a state environmental agency, in its investigation into the fire at the cold storage warehouse, which stored frozen food. It was operated by Lineage Logistics.
It was unclear what the investigators were looking for on Tuesday. The district attorney's office prosecutes only criminal cases, and the D.T.S.C., which does regulatory enforcement dealing with hazardous waste, has a criminal investigations unit.
However, it was the biggest and most visible step that the government has taken in investigating the role that Lineage and other companies connected to the warehouse played in the blaze and its aftermath.
The office of Mayor Karen Bass of Los Angeles confirmed the investigation and search warrant on Tuesday. “The residents of Boyle Heights and East L.A. deserve environmental justice and corporate accountability,” her office said in a statement.
The fire, which broke out on June 17, upended life for several months in the Boyle Heights neighborhood of Los Angeles and in neighboring East Los Angeles. Many residents who live near the warehouse wound up in emergency rooms while it burned, and residents continued to report and
Ana Facio-Krajcer contributed reporting.
seek treatment for various health issues as 88 million pounds of rotting food left in the fire's wake unleashed a noxious odor into the neighborhood before it was cleaned up in late August.
People have reported nosebleeds, difficulty breathing, nausea, eye irritation and mental health issues since the fire began.
There has been widespread outrage from residents who say the government bungled its response.
In the early days of the fire, officials distributed masks and air filters and offered some temporary housing to those living closest to the warehouse, but many residents reported challenges obtaining help and said it ultimately was inadequate.
Mayor Bass, who faces a tight re-election race in November, has acknowledged the frustrations of residents and has vowed to hold Lineage, the operator of the warehouse, and other responsible parties accountable. An emergency executive order the mayor issued in June directed the city attorney to look into pursuing an investigation with the Department of Toxic Substances Control. Ms. Bass has also threatened to sue Lineage.
Lineage has blamed rooftop solar panels, which were undergoing maintenance when the fire broke out, for the blaze, and it has sued Altus Power, a separate company that owns the panels, over the fire. A fire department investigation could not determine the fire's cause, but said that it could not rule out the solar panels.
Residents and community groups have demanded that Lineage and the government do more to address concerns about possible toxic contamination of the environment and nearby homes.
On Tuesday, a coalition of community environmental groups announced a lawsuit against the Environmental Protection Agency. The lawsuit, filed under the Freedom of Information Act, says that the agency has not responded to requests for data about chemicals released during the fire. The plaintiff, California Communities Against Toxics, and its allies said they were also pursuing litigation against local agencies in state court on similar grounds.
The E.P.A. did not immediately respond to a request for comment on Tuesday.
Much of the concern from community groups has centered on the possible release of ammonia from the warehouse during the fire. The chemical was used to help refrigerate the food. Lineage has said it pumped the chemical out of its refrigeration system before the fire could reach it and said testing had not detected harmful levels of it.
When asked about the investigation on Tuesday, Lineage said in a statement: "Our industry is regulated by dozens of agencies, and we regularly work with them collaboratively and transparently. To be clear, we do not store hazardous chemicals or products in this facility. We store food."
The sight of the investigators milling around the site on Tuesday initially prompted concerns in Boyle Heights, a largely Latino neighborhood with a large immigrant population, that the officials were with Immigration and Customs Enforcement.
Claudia Mancia, 40, said she got a text at around 9 a.m. about a possible ICE sighting at the site and went to check it out.
“We asked one of the officers if they were working with ICE and he said no,” Ms. Mancia said. “They were with the D.A.”
Ms. Mancia, a Boyle Heights native, welcomed the inquiry.
“I think it’s part of justice being served,” she said.
After Botched Execution, Inmate, Awake and Angry, Is at Center of Legal Storm
By EMILY COCHRANE
NASHVILLE — Six days after being shot full of a drug meant to kill her, Christa Pike awoke in a Nashville hospital, shackled to a bed and in a room where she knew no one.
Ms. Pike's lawyers had been told to expect life support to end because her brain was not functioning after the attempt on Sept. 30 to execute her for killing a classmate decades before. But now, she was awake and in a swirl of what one lawyer called a mix of anger and confusion.
Her condition, disclosed on Wednesday after a court hearing, remains severe. She has a blood
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A judge wants Tennessee to save all records and evidence.
clot in one arm and pneumonia, and had not eaten — she was unable to swallow when her lawyers saw her. She could not move her arms, and her hands had swollen to resemble inflated surgical gloves, said the lawyer, Randy Spivey.
“She woke up in a hospital surrounded by people she didn’t know with a tube down her throat,” Mr. Spivey said during a news conference. “We don’t know
Benjamin Mueller contributed reporting.
the toll all of this will take, but Christa is a survivor."
Ms. Pike's awareness and evolving condition heightened the stakes of a procedural hearing in Nashville on Wednesday. A judge said she would order Tennessee to preserve records and evidence tied to the execution attempt and to ensure Ms. Pike could communicate easily with her lawyers.
The hearing came as Tennessee grapples with the ethical and legal questions surrounding the case of Ms. Pike, 50, the first person to survive injection drugs that were supposed to be lethal. A lawyer with the office of the state's attorney general told a judge on Wednesday that he could not say whether Tennessee would try again to end her life.
A spokeswoman for Gov. Bill Lee, a Republican, who paused executions while an independent investigation is underway, has not responded to questions about whether he would grant Ms. Pike clemency. Her lawyers have pleaded for him to allow her to spend the rest of her life in prison, arguing that she has suffered enough at the hands of the state.
"The dynamic is different because she's now awake," said David Raybin, a Nashville lawyer who helped write the state's death penalty statute. The avenues for litigation, including for violations of her civil rights and constitutional protections against cruel punishment, have suddenly expanded, he said.
Ms. Pike has been on death row since she was a teenager, after she was found guilty in 1996 for her role in the torture and murder of a classmate, Colleen Slemmer, 19. Ms. Pike, along with two other people, lured Ms. Slemmer into the woods, where they slashed at her with a box cutter and smashed her head with pieces of asphalt.
GEORGE WALKER IV/ASSOCIATED PRESS
Ms. Slemmer's family, who raised money to drive to Nashville from Florida for the execution, had supported capital punishment for Ms. Pike. Ms. Pike was 18 at the time of the murder and the only one of the three students to receive the death penalty.
Ms. Slemmer's mother, May Martinez, has since expressed frustration that the justice promised to her family has been denied.
Ms. Pike's lawyers had repeatedly warned that Ms. Pike's medical conditions, including her small veins, could lead to a complicated and unnecessarily painful execution. But on Sept. 30, they said, she was “at peace” after repeatedly expressing remorse for her crime.
The execution was first delayed by a flurry of last-minute legal maneuvering. It resumed after about nine hours, when word came just after 5:45 p.m. that the conservative majority on the Supreme Court said it could proceed.
But over the next two hours, witnesses described Ms. Pike as alert and lucid for stretches of time. Behind curtains, for nearly an hour, they could hear her breathing.
“She helped the execution team find what they thought was venous access,” Mr. Spivey said. “She was kind and polite as they worked for an hour, stabbing her arm with needle after needle.”
Just before 9 p.m., witnesses were told to leave. An ambulance arrived, and Ms. Pike was taken to a private Nashville hospital. Through the weekend, she had been unconscious, on a ventilator and intubated, as medical staff members worked to remove the drug, pentobarbital, from her veins. The drug shuts down electrical activity in the brain and could have caused long-term complications by lowering her oxygen levels or weakening circulation.
The details of the current lethal injection protocol in Tennessee, implemented in 2025, has been largely concealed. That was among the factors that prompted Ms. Pike's lawyers on Wednesday to ask a judge to order the state to preserve all records and evidence related to the botched attempt.
“Today’s hearing was about transparency,” Luke Ihnen, one of Ms. Pike’s lawyers, said after the hearing. The state’s word, he added, “is shrouded in secrecy and legal jargon in attempts to obfuscate and obscure what really happened.”
John W. Ayers, an assistant attorney general, argued that the re-
Luke Ihnen, a lawyer for Christa Pike, said that she remained shackled to her hospital bed, despite requests from medical staff that the restraints be removed.
quest was unnecessary, given that the agency was already required to preserve evidence. He said observation logs, medical waste and products were among the records already collected by the Department of Correction, in addition to pictures taken the night of Sept. 30.
But the judge, I'Ashea Myles of Davidson County Chancery Court, sided with Ms. Pike's lawyers and outlined the contours of an order that she said she would sign. Among the records she listed were waste, needles, catheters, medical supplies, restraints, gurneys, syringes, drugs and IV lines, as well as communications that night.
“You will take special care not to lose, misplace, accidentally delete any information that may be pertinent,” she told Mr. Ayers.
The judge also instructed the state to allow easy communication between Ms. Pike and her lawyers, ensuring they have the same access as when she was held in prison.
Ms. Pike's lawyers also raised concerns that one hand, as well as her feet, remained shackled to her hospital bed, despite requests from medical staff that they be removed. Chancellor Myles said that she was likely to consider the request if it directly came from the medical staff. That is expected to be kept private in order to shield the privacy of both Ms. Pike and the staff members tasked with her medical care.
Mr. Spivey said that Ms. Pike still had “a lot of cognitive confusion.”
But, he said, “she is very aware that the state tried to execute her.”
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Army Sets Date for Firing Squad Execution of Killer of 13
murder on Aug. 23, 2013.
By JOHN ISMAY
WASHINGTON — Maj. Nidal Malik Hasan will be executed by firing squad at Fort Hood, Texas, on Dec. 3, for fatally shooting 13 people and wounding 32 in 2009 at the same base, the Army said in a statement on Wednesday.
The rampage was the deadliest mass shooting on an American military installation.
President Trump approved the execution earlier this week. The execution could still be derailed, but if it is carried out, Major Hasan would be the first person to be executed through the military justice system since a soldier was hanged in 1961.
BELL COUNTY SHERIFF'S OFFICE
The last U.S. service member executed by firing squad, however, was Pvt. Edward Donald Slovak, who was convicted of twice deserting his unit in combat and was put to death in France on Jan. 31, 1945.
Major Hasan is currently being held at the military death row
Chris Cameron contributed reporting.
Nidal Malik Hasan was convicted of a Fort Hood attack.
prison in Fort Leavenworth, Kan.
Major Hasan, who is paralyzed from the waist down after being shot four times by law enforcement officers during his attack, was convicted by courts-martial of 45 counts of premeditated murder and attempted premeditated
He was sentenced to death five days later.
Sean Parnell, a Defense Department spokesman, posted on social media on Monday that “judgement day for Hasan has finally come.”
According to a 2023 Army regulation on procedures for military executions, “all lawful and feasible methods available” for executing prisoners will be presented to the Army secretary for consideration, without elaborating on what those methods are.
The acting secretary of the Army, Adam R. Telle, chose death by firing squad for Major Hasan.
The Army regulation states that condemned prisoners will be executed no sooner than 60 days and no later than 150 days after presidential approval of the sentence.
Major Hasan is to be shot to death at Fort Hood at 1 p.m. Central Standard Time on Dec. 3, just 63 days after Mr. Trump approved the action.
The condemned prisoner's attorney, Jonathan F. Potter, declined to comment via phone on
Wednesday.
Whether Major Hasan, who uses a wheelchair, will be shot sitting down or strapped upright to face the firing squad is unclear.
The 2023 regulations also state that “a minimum” of two news me-
A form of death penalty the Army has not used since 1945.
dia representatives will be selected to witness the execution.
On Nov. 5, 2009, Major Hasan, an Army psychiatrist stationed at Fort Hood, took a personal handgun onto the base grounds and opened fire.
Major Hasan said that he carried out the attack, which occurred at the height of the post-9/11 fight against terrorism, to wage jihad for what he called the illegal and immoral wars in Afghanistan and Iraq.
Mamdani Draws Anger With Oct. 7 Statement Focused on Palestinians
From Page A1
of the Jewish community in New York and in America."
"It is so offensive to so many Jews that it is hard to describe how offensive it is," he said. "And it exacerbated the feeling that American Jews and New York Jews have had since he first came to prominence, which is that he has a problem with collective Jewish empowerment and he hates the state of Israel."
Rabbi Rick Jacobs, the president of the Union for Reform Judaism, said the mayor had been “callous toward Jewish pain.”
“You cannot proclaim empathy and care for the Jewish community and then fail to show basic humanity toward us in our grief,” he added. “Turning this anniversary into an indictment of the Jewish
Wesley Parnell contributed reporting.
state is not only hurtful and deeply offensive, but it also makes Jewish New Yorkers less safe.”
The UJA-Federation of New York, a major philanthropy, took issue with Mr. Mamdani's description of the war in Gaza, saying he had chosen “to respond to the grief of Jewish New Yorkers by advancing false and inflammatory attacks against Israel — not only inappropriately shifting the focus away from the victims of Hamas’s cruelty, but also placing Jewish New Yorkers at risk.”
But some progressive Jews defended the mayor. Sophie Ellman-Golan, a spokeswoman for Jews for Racial and Economic Justice, a group supportive of Mr. Mamdani, said his statement on Wednesday had “struck exactly the right tone.”
“I think this is a really painful day for so many reasons,” she said. “It has been three years since that day, and three years of genocide. To act like there was a horrific attack and then nothing happened afterward — we cannot fail to acknowledge that.”
The uproar was a reminder of the degree to which the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has infused the mayoralty of Mr. Mamdani. The mayor's comments echoed a statement he made on last year's anniversary, reflecting his consistent stance on the issue even as his platform has grown significantly.
Mr. Mamdani has clashed with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel, most recently last month when Mr. Netanyahu denounced the mayor in a speech to the United Nations General Assembly, calling him an antisemite and saying that Jewish New Yorkers were less safe under his leadership. Mr. Mamdani, who has repeatedly called Mr. Netanyahu a war criminal, accused the prime minister of using the speech to spread “baseless lies meant to sanitize his genocide of Palestine
ians."
The terrorist attack on Israel resulted in the killings of roughly 1,200 people, including civilians and military members, and the abduction of 251 hostages. Israel's subsequent campaign in Gaza has killed more than 73,000 Palestinians, according to a count from Gaza's health ministry, which does not distinguish between civilians and combatants but which includes thousands of children.
Israel's conduct of the war has drawn broad international condemnation and caused a significant drop in public support for the country in the United States, its most important ally. That shift in public opinion has been especially pronounced among Democrats and young people, with a majority of both groups expressing a negative view of the Jewish state, according to the Pew Research Center.
On Wednesday, pro-Israel and pro-Palestinian groups held separate events to express their grief and outrage over the Oct. 7 attacks and the ensuing war, which has devastated Gaza and spread to Lebanon, Iran and elsewhere in the Middle East.
Many Jewish groups organized ceremonies to remember those who died in the attacks, including an event at the Museum of Jewish Heritage and a candlelit vigil in Union Square organized by Israelis for Peace New York, where organizers said they would also mourn those killed in Gaza.
For their part, pro-Palestinian groups protested Israel's military action in Gaza — which a U.N. commission and some international and Israeli human rights groups have described as a genocide, a claim the Israeli government has denied — as well as the wars in Lebanon and Iran.
The mayor's outreach this year to pro-Israel Jewish groups to try to smooth relations has outraged some pro-Palestinian activists who accuse Mr. Mamdani of betraying their movement. To underline that point, some attendees at a pro-Palestinian rally outside City Hall on Wednesday expressed opposition to Mr. Mamdani.
“He is just as complicit,” Jon Brule, one protester at the rally, said as he held a sign that referred to Mr. Mamdani as “on the side of genocide.” “He’s betrayed the interest of the Palestinians.”
Tamar Glezerman, an organizer of the Israelis for Peace vigil in Union Square, said it was important to treat Wednesday as a day of mourning “while also not ignoring the aftermath of this massacre,” which she described as a genocide in Gaza.
"There is this fallacy out there that if you mourn or feel the pain of one side, that somehow cancels the other side or legitimizes violence against the other side," added Ms. Glezerman, whose aunt was killed in the Oct. 7 attacks.
Citing Funding Disparities, Suit Seeks \$549 Million For H.B.C.U. in Missouri
By ALAN BLINDER
A group of current and former students at a historically Black university sued Missouri for nearly \$549 million on Wednesday, arguing that the state spent decades illegally underfunding their school.
The case, which centers on Lincoln University in Jefferson City, will test a 19th century federal law that envisioned equitable public financing for institutions that were created as havens for Black Americans in a segregated country. And the litigation comes as many historically Black colleges and universities struggle with enrollment, student retention and finances.
"The ramifications of the under-funding are very present today, and so just because it goes back some time doesn't mean that we don't have an obligation to fix it," Don Calloway, a former Missouri legislator who is representing the plaintiffs in the case, said in an interview. "It is a very clear breach of the state's statutory and contractual obligation."
The offices of Missouri's governor and attorney general declined to comment on the suit, which names the state, its higher education board and three officials as defendants. Lincoln University, which is not a party to the case, said it had no comment.
The dispute stems from laws dating to the 1800s that first created land-grant universities, which benefited from significant federal support. But states routinely failed to meet their legal obligations to provide equitable funding for schools intended for Black students, which limited the ability of the H.B.C.U.s to receive matching federal dollars.
In 2023, the Biden administration said that 16 states, including Missouri, had collectively short-changed their H.B.C.U.s by more than \$12 billion. Delaware and Ohio were the only states meeting their legal obligations, administration officials said.
Missouri — where Republicans have controlled both the governor's office and legislature since 2017 — first helped Lincoln University receive its full matching funds in 2022. But Wednesday's case contends that the university missed out on hundreds of millions of dollars over the previous decades.
The toll, the suit says, was a campus in deep disrepair and with inadequate academic infrastructure. The university had about 2,200 students this past spring semester, far less than H.B.C.U. powerhouses like Howard University and North Carolina A&T University.
SUMMER BALLENTINE/ASSOCIATED PRESS
The lawsuit argues that the funding disparities were not accidental. The state, it said, had long tied matching funding for Lincoln to performance criteria that it did not similarly impose on the University of Missouri — the state's first land-grant school, which did not admit Black students until 1950.
Citing the state's more recent moves to help Lincoln receive its full matching funding, the suit asserts that “Missouri's own conduct confirms that its decades of noncompliance were a matter of choice, not fiscal incapacity.”
The lawsuit seeks almost \$549 million — including about \$325 million in interest — for a Lincoln-focused fund that would be overseen by an appointee of the court known as a special master. The money would be limited to purposes like campus repairs, faculty positions and student services. At least 20 percent of the money, the lawsuit proposes, would underpin a new endowment fund.
The lawsuit proposes that Missouri pay any court-ordered amount over a period no longer than three fiscal years. In the current fiscal year, Missouri's state budget adds up to about \$51 billion.
Mr. Calloway was undaunted by the notion that Missouri might
The Lincoln University campus in Jefferson City, Mo. A lawsuit argues that the state spent decades underfunding the historically Black college.
struggle to find such a gigantic sum.
"The State of Missouri committed a tangible violation," he said, adding, "We think the state is responsible for coming up with the judgment by any means necessary."
The Biden administration's calculations in 2023 most directly seeded the lawsuit. But an executive order that President Trump signed last year helped attract somewhat more bipartisan concern to the issue. In the order, Mr. Trump said that his administration's H.B.C.U. initiative should be "encouraging states to provide the required state matching funds."
There is some precedent for states making up for funding disparities to historically Black schools. In 2001, after decades of litigation that included a turn before the U.S. Supreme Court, Mississippi agreed to a settlement that ultimately steered more than \$500 million to H.B.C.U.s in the state.
And in 2021, Maryland reached a \$577 million settlement over H.B.C.U. funding.
Mr. Calloway, himself a graduate of an H.B.C.U. in Alabama, said he was preparing for litigation in other states.
Cornell Faculty Senate Plans No-Confidence Vote Over Handling of Assault Case
By EMMA GOLDBERG and TROY CLOSSON
The leaders of Cornell University, already embattled over the school's handling of sexual assault allegations on campus, received another blow late Monday when the school's faculty senate gave notice of plans to vote on a rare resolution of no confidence in the school's administrators.
Although largely symbolic, the measure and its apparent support among faculty members promised to increase pressure on the university's president, Michael Kotlikoff, and other leaders as they face condemnation over Cornell's handling of a reported sexual assault on campus in 2024.
"The faculty senate has no confidence in the ability of the central administration to effectively address the ongoing crisis of sexual assault at Cornell University," a draft of the resolution read as of Monday night.
A university spokeswoman did not respond to requests for com-
ment.
The measure comes as Cornell has grappled with its response to a lawsuit filed by a former student, identified as Jane Doe, who accused seven members of the Chi Phi fraternity of sexual assault at a house party in October 2024.
Less than 24 hours after faculty senators began sharing their plans for the vote, a panel of 11 university officials held a virtual webinar-like meeting with professors and staff members, reading prepared remarks and taking vetted questions.
Mr. Kotlikoff called what happened a “horrific” assault several times and said that he wanted Cornell to “become a model for what it looks like to change culture,” according to a recording obtained by The New York Times.
In interviews with four faculty and staff members who attended the meeting, though, all said they were frustrated by parts of the response — and the rigid format of what was promoted as a “town
hall."
Mr. Kotlikoff expressed concern that shutting down fraternities could simply move problems “into the shadows.” To several who attended, that statement felt like a retreat from his Saturday pledge to take a “a serious look at the role of fraternities and sororities on campus.”
The meeting featured a lengthy discussion of the Title IX process for investigating allegations of sexual assault, but some saw an administration whose central message was: The system we have in place ultimately did its job.
“I was very unsatisfied,” said Anne Marie Brady, a research director in the Worker Institute at the university’s School of Industrial and Labor Relations.
“They’re very much on the defensive,” she said. “They’re in the phase of just not wanting to acknowledge that this administration played a crucial role in why we’re at this place that we are today.”
Another member of the faculty senate, Iris Packman, said that she walked away with questions left unanswered.
“I did not see any concrete examples of how change has happened,” Ms. Packman said. “To
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A symbolic rebuke, but one with a sting for administrators.
me, it's also quite shocking that the president would call it horrific sexual assault, name it for what it is. But then also say 'Well, we did nothing wrong.'
She added: “I certainly think he has lost the confidence of many of the faculty and staff, students and alumni.”
The turmoil on Cornell's campus followed Jane Doe's allegations that she was plied with drugs and raped over several hours beginning on Oct. 19, 2024.
The Tompkins County district attorney reviewed a complaint filed by the woman in 2024 and declined to prosecute. All the accused men have denied wrongdoing, and none have been charged with a crime.
If the faculty were to pass a no-confidence resolution concerning the university's administrators, it would not lead to their removal, Richard Bensel, a professor of government and a member of the senate, acknowledged on Monday.
But he added that it would be potent, still, for the sting of disapproval it would deliver to those in charge of the university.
Ariana Kim, an associate music professor and faculty senator, summed up the message such a vote would send to Cornell's leadership: "We don't believe you're fit to run this institution."
Last week, Gov. Kathy Hochul appointed the New York state attorney general, Letitia James, as special prosecutor, empowering her to conduct her own criminal investigation into Jane Doe's allegations.
And on Monday, thousands of students, joined by some faculty members, gathered in protest in the center of the university's campus and marched to a main administrative building. Many members of the Cornell community who attended the protest directed their frustration at the university president, Mr. Kotlikoff.
Administrators were expected to hold another meeting Wednesday afternoon with a select group of alumni volunteers and leaders.
In their meeting with faculty and staff members on Tuesday, college officials noted that some are teaching classes in which accused men who remain on campus are among the enrolled students
— which those instructors say has been a challenge.
Kavita Bala, the provost, promised that Cornell would help find solutions for the “difficult situations that you’re dealing with.”
Education Dept. to Question Handling of Sex Abuse in New York City Schools
GABRIELE HOLTERMANN-GORDEN/SIPA, VIA ASSOCIATED PRESS
The agency's Office for Civil Rights will investigate allegations of abuse by school employees against students in eight states.
By MATTHEW HAAG
The U.S. Education Department has opened an investigation into the New York City Department of Education's handling of sexual misconduct cases in its schools, the latest action by the Trump administration against the largest school system in the country.
While the agency on Tuesday announced that its Office for Civil Rights will investigate allegations of sexual abuse by school employees against students in eight states, the department singled out its probe in New York City. Federal officials said they would review allegations that the district had fostered a “systemic and disturbing pattern of enabling abuse” and allowed educators accused of misconduct to keep their jobs. The department did not disclose the source of the allegations.
Kimberly Richey, the assistant secretary for civil rights at the Education Department, said on Tuesday on WABC's "Cats and Cosby" radio show that there had been nearly 2,000 cases of sexual abuse against students by employees in the city's schools.
But that claim appears to be a misreading of a recent report by The 74, an education news outlet, which found that there had been 1,973 recent lawsuits alleging sexual abuse by school personnel over decades across New York State, including at private and Catholic schools.
Nicole Brownstein, a spokeswoman at the city's Department of Education, said that the school system took “allegations of abuse very seriously.”
“Every student deserves to be safe in school and every staff member must be held to the highest standards,” Ms. Brownstein said in a statement. “If an allegation arises, we immediately take steps to provide support for the student, refer the case to the appropriate investigatory body, and pursue disciplinary action.”
School districts across the country have long been accused of letting educators who face allegations of wrongdoing quietly resign or retire without alerting the authorities or marking their personnel files, allowing them to pursue work in other school systems. The practice is known in education circles as “passing the trash.”
The investigation marked the latest clash between the Trump administration and the New York City school system, which has 884,000 students in 3-K through 12th grade and about 75,000 teachers. Ms. Richey noted that the investigation could lead to penalties that include the withdrawal of federal funding. About \$2.3 billion of the school system's budget, or about 5 percent, comes from the federal government.
“Are they handling these complaints appropriately?” Ms. Richey said on the radio show. “Are they doing what they’re legally required to do to protect students in
New York City public schools? That is part of what we're going to uncover."
On Tuesday, the department also announced similar investigations in school districts in California, Colorado, Georgia, Missouri, North Carolina, Texas and Virginia. They focus on possible violations of Title IX, the federal law barring sex discrimination in educational programs funded by the federal government.
In New York City public schools, allegations of sexual misconduct and wrongdoing by school employees against students are investigated by an independent law enforcement agency, the Office of the Special Commissioner of Investigation.
Every year, the agency receives about 10,000 complaints, including for financial fraud, waste and abuse, but many of them are not investigated because some are unsubstantiated and others do not fall under the office's purview and are referred to the Department of Education or other agencies.
From 2020 through 2025, investigators looked into about 900 cases of sexual misconduct by school employees and substantiated allegations in nearly 300 of them, according to the agency's records. Investigators often refer cases to prosecutors for criminal charges and, in a majority of sexual misconduct cases, make recommendations to school administrators to terminate the employees.
In New York City and elsewhere, school employees under investigation sometimes resign before a review has been completed and before they could face disciplinary action. In some cases, the Department of Education has reassigned employees found culpable of wrongdoing and not terminated them despite recommendations by investigators.
The federal Education Department opened another civil rights investigation of New York City's school in April, saying it was looking into the teachings of a group known as N.Y.C. Educators for Palestine. The school system said the group was not affiliated with it. A year ago, the Trump administration withheld more than \$35 million in grants from the city's magnet schools, an action that a judge later ruled was improper.
The New York Times
This Is Bigger Than Bolsonaro
Elizabeth McKenna
A political sociologist at Harvard and the author of “The Paradox of Participation: Organizing Authoritarianism in Democratic Brazil.”
THE millions of Brazilians who went to the polls on Sunday have delivered the far right its most decisive triumph since the end of the country's military dictatorship in 1985.
The race pitted President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, the 80-year-old leftist incumbent known almost universally as Lula, against Senator Flávio Bolsonaro, the eldest son of Jair Bolsonaro, the former president, who is serving a 27-year sentence for plotting a coup in 2022. As it has consistently since 2014, the right outperformed its final polls in the vote, with Mr. Bolsonaro winning 47 percent to Mr. Lula's 45 percent, and Mr. Bolsonaro's allies winning a majority of seats in the Senate. The two will head to a runoff on Oct. 25, with Mr. Bolsonaro looking poised for a victory.
How is Flávio Bolsonaro — the son of a convicted coup plotter who is himself under criminal investigation for corruption — now the favorite against Mr. Lula, a global icon of the social democratic left?
Economic grievance, backlash against cultural change, polarization and the erosion of democratic guardrails are all among the reasons voters around the world are turning to far-right leaders. In Brazil, Mr. Lula and his supporters add foreign interference to that list, pointing to the Trump administration's efforts to tip the scales in Mr. Bolsonaro's favor through tariffs, visa revocations and State Department funding for groups that oppose Brazil's Supreme Court. A Flávio Bolsonaro presidency would give Washington another subordinate partner in Latin America. It could also bring a pardon for his father and amnesty for the rioters who stormed Brasília on Jan. 8, 2023.
Another crucial answer lies in how Brazilians take part in civic life. A democracy's health depends on whether and how its citizens participate, and in Brazil, the trends are discouraging. I've been conducting fieldwork on Brazil's political movements since 2013, and what I've seen is that even though Brazilians vote and take action in large numbers, they increasingly do so in ways that strengthen authoritarian politics.
Until last weekend, a casual observer could be forgiven for thinking of Brazil as a rare beacon of progressivism and democratic stability in a region that has recently swung hard to the right. Since Brazil's transition to democracy, the country's most marginalized groups, including peasant, Indigenous and Afro-Brazilian communities, have experienced improbable economic and social gains. From 2003 to 2014, Mr. Lula and his handpicked successor, Dilma Rousseff, made huge strides in reducing poverty, illiteracy and hunger and increasing college enrollment. Mr. Lula, a former lathe operator with an elementary school education, left office in 2011 with the highest approval rating ever recorded for a Brazilian president. So activated was its citizenry that at one point during the mid-2010s, more protesters took to the streets in Brazil than in the rest of the world combined.
More recently, the country's Supreme Court tried and convicted Jair Bolsonaro for plotting to stay in power after losing the
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Brazil is fertile ground for authoritarians, no matter who wins its election.
2022 election to Mr. Lula, leading many observers to celebrate Brazil's democracy as healthier than that of the United States, where President Trump has not been convicted for his role in the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the U.S. Capitol. Since Mr. Lula returned to power in 2023, poverty and unemployment levels have reached record lows and exports are up over 10 percent this year, despite Mr. Trump's tariffs.
A closer look at Brazil's civic terrain tells a less triumphant story. Take the Supreme Court: A huge corruption scandal has thrown it into crisis, and Brazilians now distrust it more than any other institution. The justices' stern treatment of Mr. Bolsonaro was never a good proxy for the rule of law; courts are an essential bulwark against authoritarianism, but they can't do it alone.
The demonstrations that seemed such a marker of civic engagement were not representative of the country as a whole, much less of the poorer, less-educated voters who formed Mr. Lula's base. The protests of 2013, which began over a bus-fare increase and grew into a revolt against the entire political class, including the government of Ms. Rousseff, drew crowds that were far better educated than the national average. Participants in the marches of 2015 and 2016 to impeach her were also whiter and richer than the country as a whole.
The Brazilian right has expanded its reach through a constellation of increasingly influential conservative think tanks and online grass-roots networks. These movements lack formal leadership or a coherent ideological program, instead orbiting and exhibiting cultlike loyalty to figures like Mr. Trump and both Bolsonaros. They campaign year-round, say and do what a candidate cannot and recruit activists who have never before cared about politics. Their most visible figures are pastors, gospel singers and YouTubers with audiences in the millions, some of whom won office on Sunday with record vote totals.
In Brazil as elsewhere, the self-governing associations that once tied poor and working-class voters to the left have withered. Union membership has nearly halved from 2012 to 2025, and Mr. Lula has lost significant ground among low-income voters. That is in part because of the decades-long move on the part of Mr. Lula's party, known as the PT, to abandon exhaustive local organizing and professionalize around winning elections and governing rather than tending to its base. Absent that well-organized base, the PT still depends on the aging Lula, a generational political talent with no true successor in sight.
There is one institution that stepped into that vacuum and now reaches many of Mr. Lula's former supporters: the evangelical church. Evangelicals went to 27 percent of the population in 2022 from 9 percent in 1991, a gain of over 30 million people. In many of Brazil's poorest neighborhoods, Pentecostal churches are far more engaging than any party or social movement. Three in four congregants attend a service, or culto, at least weekly. These church networks are now the right's durable base, with the faithful following their pastors' political cues to vote on moral rather than material interests.
In a party system as weak as Brazil's, where few voters belong to or identify with any party, income and religion carry no fixed political valence, so whoever does the organizing helps determine the constituency's politics. A poor Pentecostal woman in the São Paulo periphery is not a born Bolsonaro voter; indeed, evangelicals spent over a decade allied with the PT. But if a pastor is there every week to help her map her faith to politics, a Bolsonaro voter she will become. In return, the faithful — who get little from the state and even less from the parties that claim to speak for them — are given order, sobriety and a community that always remembers your birthday, as one local resident told me. Now, for the first time since 2014, more Brazilians identify as right-leaning than any other ideology — a shift that maps onto the right's extraordinary success this past weekend.
ADRIANO MACHADO/REUTERS
A win by Mr. Lula in the Oct. 25 runoff, while not impossible, is looking increasingly unlikely. His most plausible path to victory would be to turn out some of the 33 million registered voters who stayed home in the first round — but reaching them in three weeks is work for the kind of neighborhood-level organization that his party stopped building decades ago. This should concern anyone who is anxious about an even more reactionary Bolsonaro presidency.
The long-run patterns of how ordinary Brazilians participate in public life should worry small-d democrats even more. Over the past generation, the organizations that exist to answer to a pastor, fuel online outrage or mobilize around an exclusionary figurehead have grown, while the civic organizations that are supposed to answer to their members — unions and mass parties — have emptied out. Until more people belong to organizations they help govern, Brazil's civic terrain will remain fertile ground for authoritarian politicians of any ideological stripe, no matter who wins this election.
She Was Being Executed, Then She Was Being Saved. What Now?
Joel Zivot
An anesthesiologist and intensive care physician who consulted on Christa Pike's case before her attempted execution.
LAST Wednesday night, Christa Pike lay strapped to a gurney at Riverbend Maximum Security Institution in Nashville while the State of Tennessee injected pentobarbital, a sedative that is lethal in high doses, into her veins. When the first dose did not kill her, the execution team gave her a second. At one point, she told the room her arm felt as if it were about to burst. She was nearly correct. More than an hour after the procedure began, an ambulance was called. She was severely injured, but still alive.
By Thursday, Ms. Pike was in critical condition, receiving lifesaving care. In a matter of hours, she had gone from a prisoner the state was trying to kill to a patient doctors were trying to save. Ms. Pike was unconscious and unable to breathe without a ventilator for nearly a week. On Tuesday, her lawyers reported that the ventilator had been removed and that she could speak, but her long-term prognosis remains unclear.
I am an anesthesiologist and intensive care physician. I have studied pulmonary complications and respiratory distress caused by lethal injection, and I know of no other case in which a person was given lethal injection drugs and then carried from the execution chamber to a hospital bed.
Ms. Pike's lawyers retained me as a medical expert in the months leading up to her execution. I reviewed her medical records and warned her team that she had medical conditions that could lead to a painful and cruel death by lethal injection.
Tennessee has not explained what went wrong last Wednesday night, but the evidence so far points in one direction. Ms. Pike has small veins, which make it more difficult to insert an intravenous line. After the pentobarbital was administered, her arms turned purple. Her lawyers report blistering and burning at the injection sites. That suggests that at least some of the pentobarbital entered the tissue of her arms rather than her bloodstream because the intravenous lines failed.
Gov. Bill Lee has said that as far as he knows, the Department of Correction followed its protocol exactly. I take him at his word. That is the problem. Lethal injection failures are not glitches; they are features of the process.
In 1995, at 18, Ms. Pike and two others tortured and killed Colleen Slemmer, a fellow student in a job-training program. Nothing I write here asks anyone to forget that. My focus is on the cruelty that the state subjected Ms. Pike to last week and the pattern of botched executions that has plagued this country's death chambers for decades.
Pentobarbital is highly alkaline, like bleach, and when injected into tissue, it causes a severe chemical burn. In Ms. Pike's case, it appears that enough of the drug reached her brain to sedate her deeply, but not enough to stop her breathing. I cannot rule out that the drug itself was degraded, because Tennessee, like other death penalty states, does not disclose how it buys and prepares it. This is a state whose own independent review found that none of the drugs prepared for the seven people it executed between 2018 and 2022 had been fully tested.
Ever since Oklahoma became the first state to adopt lethal injection in 1977, prison officials have tried to make executions appear like medicine: There are gurneys, intravenous lines and heart monitors. But lethal injection is a sinister impersonation of the medical profession. There is no patient, no consent and no healing purpose. Even the drug is miscast. In the hands of the physician, pentobarbital is a medicine. I use drugs like it regularly in my intensive care unit to sedate critically ill patients. In the hands of the state, pentobarbital is a poison. Pentobarbital is not a painkiller, and when it is injected by the state, no one can say when a prisoner stops feeling pain.
This medical impersonation hides a great deal. I have reviewed the autopsies of more than 200 people executed by lethal injection. In most of them, the prisoners' lungs were heavy with fluid, often with froth in the airways. Those are signs of pulmonary edema, which suggest that the prisoners could have felt as if they were drowning, even if some looked peaceful as they were dying.
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Lethal injection failures are not glitches; they are features of the process.
After Tennessee executed Byron Black last year, his autopsy found the same thing. Witnesses reported that he moaned and said, "It's hurting so bad," during the execution. In May, Tennessee's execution team spent about an hour trying and failing to place an intravenous line in Tony Carruthers. In desperation, and because the state's execution protocol said they could, they tried to insert a central line in Mr. Carruthers's chest. That failed, too, leaving Mr. Carruthers deeply shaken and bleeding from multiple puncture wounds. While aspects of Ms. Pike's case are unique, the cruelty she experienced in the execution chamber is not an aberration.
Consider what a hospital team faces when a patient like Ms. Pike arrives. In my intensive care unit, a massive overdose is a familiar emergency. We secure the airway, support the blood pressure and monitor the brain. We watch an arm swollen by drug use to check for dying tissue and for pressure that can choke off its blood supply. Dying muscle cells leach poison into the bloodstream and deliver it into the kidneys. We count the minutes that passed before anyone called for help, because the brain keeps that count too.
It may take months to fully understand the extent of the damage that has been done to Ms. Pike's body. Given that Ms. Pike was taken to the hospital over an hour after the lethal drug was administered, it is very possible that she sustained injuries that, despite excellent medical care, may prove durable and disabling. She faces a very long road to recovery.
No one in the hospital where Ms. Pike is being treated would call what happened to her a medical procedure. To them it is a poisoning, and she is now a patient entitled to health care. Same body, same drug, same night: In one room it was called an execution; in the next it was treated as an injury. The doctors caring for Ms. Pike now owe her everything medicine can give. If they succeed, they will hand her back to the state that may try to kill her again.
The Supreme Court has ruled that the Constitution does not guarantee a painless execution, a decision states such as Tennessee cite to defend their lethal injection protocols. Very well. Then states should stop telling the public that lethal injection is clinical and not cruel. The illusion does not fool death row prisoners. I was a medical expert in three separate execution cases in Tennessee over the past 10 years. In each instance, the prisoner elected to die by the electric chair instead of by lethal injection.
Some states have already turned to nitrogen gas and firing squads. Christa Pike asked to be hanged. I do not endorse those methods. But they, at least, do not pretend to be medicine.
The deeper question is whether a state that executes its citizens is willing to look at what it is doing. Lethal injection was designed so that it would not have to. It puts the violence behind a sheet and a saline drip, and behind curtains that close the moment something goes wrong. After the pentobarbital failed to stop Ms. Pike's heart, the prison staff closed the curtains separating the execution chamber from witnesses for nearly an hour. The blinds could not conceal what had happened. A woman left the death chamber in an ambulance, and the only people who could help her were doctors.
Sports May Be the Only Way to Unite America
Todd Rogers, Audrey Feldman and Ben Valenta
willing to interact with political rivals in real life.
Dr. Rogers is a professor at the Harvard Kennedy School, where Ms. Feldman is a doctoral student. Mr. Valenta is the executive vice president for strategy and analytics at Fox Sports.
A LANDMARK study tracked smartphone locations of 10 million Americans over Thanksgiving 2016, soon after Donald Trump's election victory. When people shared a meal with family members who voted for the opposing party, they cut their visits short by 30 to 50 minutes.
If you believe that your cousin or uncle across the table is not just misinformed but also a morally corrupt monster, you don't stick around for pie and coffee. But what if people stayed — not for the company, but for the afternoon's football game?
Many dismiss sports fandom as a trivial, tribal distraction: knuckle-dragging adults yelling at TVs while watching elite athletes throw, bat, kick or catch balls. Our research highlights how important this seeming triviality is to civil society: Sports might be the last remaining American cultural institution that spans our political divides.
Across a series of national surveys of 50,674 Americans, we found that every fan base in Major League Baseball, the National Football League and top college football programs remains politically diverse. Our team allegiances bring us into contact with people from the other side to cheer together in common cause. We high-five one another along the way. Ohio State versus Michigan? Packers versus Bears? Yankees versus Red Sox? For fans following these longtime rivals, passion for their team often dwarfs their political passion.
The most conservative fan bases in the N.F.L. — those of the Tennessee Titans and the Jacksonville Jaguars — still count one Democrat for every two Republicans. Conversely, the most progressive fan bases — those of the Los Angeles Chargers and the New York Giants — display that exact ratio in reverse. The same is true of fan bases of M.L.B. clubs and leading college football teams. Another study analyzing geolocated mobile phone traffic uncovered that with the exception of airports, the most politically integrated public spaces in modern American life are sports stadiums.
We cheer in mixed company, regardless of whether we realize it. But can high-fiving a stranger over a Notre Dame touchdown against Penn State actually translate into improved civic health?
To find out, we ran a series of experiments pairing political adversaries. In a survey environment, we introduced participants to someone who voted for the opposite party and varied what else they knew about that person. The depolarizing impact of shared fandom was startling.
Learning that political opponents cheered for the same team increased personal warmth. Knowing you are both Cubs or Astros fans, say, is more important, on average, than discovering the other guy shared the same race, educational background or home region. In fact, shared fandom was consistently as powerful a positive force as shared religion. (Red Sox Nation is a religion, right?) Perhaps most crucial, shared fandom made participants more
When you learn that someone celebrates or commiserates over the same walk-off home run, you can't help perceiving that person as more similar to you than before. A subtle, often imperceptible shift occurs: They care about what I care about. They aren't single-dimensional, immoral caricatures.
Social scientists attribute our deeper animosities to the rise of the “mega-identity.” Decades ago, our identities were an eclectic tapestry: You might have been a Presbyteri-
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Yankees versus Red Sox? For fans, team loyalty often dwarfs political identity.
an, a proud Philadelphian, a union carpenter and an occasional Republican voter. Today, partisan politics increasingly consume those distinctions. Partisan mega-identities influence where we live, whom we date, what we watch, how we use social media, what brands we consume. Our political affiliations are blinding us from seeing one another.
Not long ago, a friend was at a bar in Washington and noticed two acquaintances strike up a spirited conversation. She feared trouble: One was wearing a red MAGA hat; the other was a staffer at a progressive think tank. When she listened, she learned they were commiserating over the agony of being Washington Commanders fans. In that moment, they weren't partisans locked in an existential culture war — they were two fans who lived for the same team, bemoaned the same losses and had the same posters on their walls growing up.
Bipartisan fandom is not a reform that needs to be concocted or imposed or funded or mandated by legislation. Rooting for your team is widespread, persistent and naturally embedded in everyday life. We enter into it voluntarily and enthusiastically.
Seventy-six percent of American adults are sports fans, and about two-thirds of them say their fandom is central to their identities. This helps explain why 96 of the 100 most-watched
IGOR BASTIDAS
television broadcasts last year in America were live sports. Fandom cuts across partisan mega-identities.
Sports can't solve systemic political dysfunction. Nor are we making the case that fans are inherently noble or that teams or leagues are innately virtuous. Rooting for the Crimson Tide won't convert any fan from blue to red or resolve policy disagreements. Nor should it. Because the danger isn't so much that we disagree, but that we become irreparably estranged from and contemptuous of one another.
To resist this pull, we have to lean into our many diverse identities, and fandom is a promising one. Especially this fall: As midterm campaigns try to pull us apart, it's also peak sports season, with the M.L.B. postseason and the World Series, the N.F.L. and college football on the schedule.
Watching a game with a neighbor who votes for the other team won't fix Washington, and it won't change your politics. But instead of turning and walking away from each other, you might just do what our civic life requires: Stay in the room a little longer.
LETTERS
The Trump Outrages Keep Piling Up
TO THE EDITOR:
Re “Take Out Los Angeles”: What Trump Said, Exactly” (news article, Oct. 7):
The latest outrage from our norm-busting so-called leader of the free world? President Trump's comments to his supporters suggesting that Iran "take out" Los Angeles or San Diego, which were understandably met with anger by California officials.
Whether he is threatening the military destruction of another nation's civilization or suggesting the obliteration of American cities, the level of depravity in this man's soul appears unmatched by any of his predecessors.
Regardless of his intentions, words from a president matter, and those who wish us harm are listening. Mr. Trump is utterly unfit to be commander in chief or a leader of any kind.
TO THE EDITOR:
ANTHONY ARNAUD
LAGUNA NIGUEL, CALIF.
were the cheering and smiles on the faces of his adoring fans in response.
Despite the convoluted efforts of spinmeisters such as the White House communications director, Steven Cheung, to have us believe otherwise, Mr. Trump's casual remarks remain repugnant in the extreme. Anyone who laughs at them deserves no respect.
BRYAN L. TUCKER, BOSTON
Many of these same people often demand that voters like me, on the left of the political spectrum, make a good-faith effort to respect them and sympathize with their grievances.
President Trump's latest stream-of-consciousness abomination was bad enough, but what sickened me even more
TO THE EDITOR:
Re “Trump Has Moved the Boundaries of What Is Ethical” (White House Memo, Oct. 5):
Climate Risk
TO THE EDITOR:
Re “A.I. Threat Grabs Attention From Climate Risks” (front page, Sept. 23): This synopsis of twin crises matches my thinking, and my fears. But the A.I. crisis could be shut down more efficiently than the climate crisis.
Even if we curtailed fossil fuel use tomorrow, our planet would continue to warm, and the symptoms of this catastrophe — deadly heat waves, sudden floods and insidious wildfires — would continue to plague us for some time.
If only we had taken robust action to eliminate climate pollution decades ago, we would be in a much better place today. Eight million to nine million people would not die prematurely from fossil fuel pollution every year.
Oceans would be closer to their ideal temperature, allowing coral reefs to thrive. Thousands of acres of forests would be healthier. Heat waves would be far tamer. Droughts would have less of an impact.
In 1987, a group of world leaders met in Montreal to tackle the destruction of the ozone layer. They chose to ban ozone-damaging chemicals, and the ozone layer has been recovering ever since. Let's find our collective sanity! SALLY COURTRIGHT ALBANY, N.Y.
The online summary of this article says, “The president’s decision to hold an international summit at his own private golf club, an idea rejected in his first term, illustrates how much he has shattered norms.”
Even more striking is how much it illustrates how willing we have all been to go along with him.
JONATHAN P. LEVIN
NORTHAMPTON, MASS.
TO THE EDITOR:
No! Ethical boundaries are still the same. President Trump's choices violate — not alter — them. We will all do well not to confuse the two.
M.B. BARLOW, EUGENE, ORE.
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Colleges and A.I.
TO THE EDITOR:
Re “Universities in U.S. Sound the Alarm on A.I., Even as They Embrace It” (news article, Sept. 17): Educational institutions need to double down on what it means for students to be in community with one another and what it means to be human. Instead, higher education is mired in a struggle over A.I. use.
Institutions need to refocus on their missions and remind educators that nurturing the core values of collaboration, creativity, purpose and ethics will stand the test of time and technology. It's not the technology. It's us.
A recent M.I.T. report warning that A.I. is causing “cognitive surrender” has come closest to getting this.
MATT LEVINSON, LOS ANGELES
The writer is the head of school at the Wildwood School and the author of “From Fear to Facebook: One School’s Journey.”
A.I. Isn't All Doom and Gloom
Beth Simone Noveck
New Jersey's first chief A.I. strategist.
ROUGHLY one in six children in New Jersey lives in a household that struggles to afford enough food. Since 2024, the federal government has given families \$120 per eligible child for summer groceries. Children can qualify through several safety net programs — but because each benefit is run by a different agency, it is easy to miss someone. So New Jersey's Office of Innovation, which I began leading after its founding in 2018, built an artificial intelligence tool to match records across systems and find eligible children who hadn't yet been reached. Benefits were extended to 106,000 more children in the first year, and 96,000 the following year. No family filled out a form. The state used information it already had.
When the government repeatedly fails to listen to people, solve their problems and carry out basic tasks, it weakens confidence in democracy itself. I believe we can use A.I. to repair our broken institutions — and people's cratered trust in them — so they can better address today's challenges. There is no question that the potential misuse and reckless deployment of A.I. must be addressed to prevent future catastrophe. But we should not let the need to put guardrails around autonomous systems stop us from using A.I. to strengthen the civic institutions that keep our democracy strong and responsive.
The evidence for A.I.'s ability to improve government services goes beyond New Jersey. After the 2025 Los Angeles wildfires, California asked survivors what recovery should look like, and used A.I. to pore over more than 1,500 responses to determine the most pressing concerns and priorities. That has led to new plans by the state to bury power lines and strengthen emergency communications, and Gov. Gavin Newsom just signed a law making the A.I. effort permanent. Last year, the British government estimated that its A.I. tool Consult enabled it to sort more than 50,000 public comments in about two hours — something that would otherwise have taken weeks.
It is striking how much those examples reduce the friction people experience with government services. Now we must go a step further and put A.I. behind every public servant. That transformation can be achieved with three key investments.
Governments should train their entire work force in how to use A.I. to listen, learn and deliver better to the nation's constituents. Last year, Pennsylvania trained 175 state employees to use ChatGPT in their work; the state found it saved each one an average of 95 minutes a day on drafting, researching and summarizing dense documents.
Training also helps to avoid risks. A child protection worker in Victoria, Australia, who apparently had no training in A.I. used ChatGPT to draft a report on a case of abuse for the Children's Court, and failed to spot that the chatbot had misread severe danger signs. How can governments regulate these technologies intelligently if their own staff members don't understand them?
Public workers should get secure access to multiple models at once. That reduces dependence on a single company's technology and contract terms and lets workers compare which tools work best for which tasks.
---
I've seen how new technology can repair our broken institutions.
Governments can also use their enormous purchasing power to demand more from A.I. companies and to build more A.I. with them. In return for providing government funding, South Korea is securing contracts with multiple tech and telecom companies to give A.I. access to all of its 51 million citizens. The companies will keep the basic version of the service (which includes access to three chatbots) free and unlimited, and run it mostly on Korean-built models. In Spain, public money has been used to develop and deploy a family of open-source A.I. models. States and cities in the United States should buy access to A.I. models jointly and build open models together, giving governments, communities and universities transparent, accountable and high-quality A.I.
Even when governments rent commercial A.I. models, they can own the products public servants build using them. At Adelaide Botanic High School in South Australia, a teacher, Rebecca Weber, used the school system's language model to build a tool that assesses students' English proficiency in 52 seconds, compared with about 30 minutes, which the traditional way took. The tool is now being rolled out statewide for trained teachers. South Australia operates a \$20 million fund that supports such pragmatic public sector experiments.
American states and cities are also beginning to share successful products. My students at Northeastern University, where I lead the A.I. for Impact fellowship, spend six months building A.I. tools with government agencies. Some have worked with the Massachusetts Federal Funds and Infrastructure Office to create a free tool that translates dense federal funding notices and walks staff through writing an application, helping towns without grant writers compete for money to fund lead-pipe replacement or road repair. Our program is now helping California, Colorado and Rhode Island develop their own versions of the tool.
We're so busy debating whether A.I. will destroy humanity that we don't ask how we might use it to deliver services, run elections, make laws and better listen to constituents. The evidence is all around us. What we need now is the commitment to use these tools in ways that really matter to people and to our democracy.
There's an art to making meaningful connections.
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3 ECONOMY
Minutes from the Federal Reserve meeting show that officials broadly backed multiple rate increases.
TECH | ECONOMY | MEDIA | FINANCE
4 AUTOMOTIVE
Porsche is trying to reinvent itself as a smaller company with a sharper focus on higher-priced sports cars.
Business
9 SPORTS
9 SPORTS
Zion Williamson and the Pelicans believe he's found the key to turning around his N.B.A. career. It's his trainer.
The New York Times
THURSDAY, OCTOBER 8, 2026 B1
HARSHA VADLAMANI FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
At one building in Dr. Reddy's Laboratories' main campus in Hyderabad, 1,900 workers make over 100 generic drugs, 75 percent of which go to patients in the United States.
EMILY ELCONIN FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
One lifesaving drug made by Piramal begins its journey in Digwal, three hours west of Hyderabad, then travels 8,000 miles by air to Piramal's facility in Riverview, Mich.
A Look at India Illustrates Why Making Generic Drugs Is Hard
By ALEX TRAVELLI
HYDERABAD, INDIA — Most people have never heard of the F.T.O. U-3 factory in Hyderabad, India, but its products affect millions of Americans intimately.
Inside the sprawling facility, about 1,900 Indian workers for Dr. Reddy's Laboratories work around the clock to manufacture more than 100 generic drugs, including antihistamines, statins and antidepressants. Of the nearly one billion oral doses produced there each month, 75
Inexpensive labor and global supply chains are some of the obstacles to a Trump plan to grow the sector in the United States.
percent go to patients in the United States.
The scale of India's pharmaceutical industry has made it a cornerstone of the global drug supply. In a high-volume, low-margin business, India's ability to make pills at a small fraction of what they would cost elsewhere has created an almost insurmountable hurdle for the United States, which is trying to bring that production home.
President Trump has said he wants to bring generic drug production back to America, using tariffs to pressure pharmaceutical companies.
In a July social media post, Mr. Trump said he planned to impose a 100 percent tariff on generic drugs starting in 2028, followed by a 200 percent tariff a year later, when his term will have expired. Generics account for 90 percent of drugs prescribed in the United States, and 40 percent of them are made in India.
When the United States im-
CONTINUED ON PAGE B5
Investigator Sues I.R.S. For Leaking His Records
Whistle-blower claims his personal data was given to prosecutors in retaliation.
By JESSE DRUCKER
An Internal Revenue Service investigator sued the agency this month, claiming officials illegally leaked his confidential personnel records to federal prosecutors to punish him for years of whistleblowing on the agency's failure to tackle tax dodging.
Brian J. Visalli, a 24-year I.R.S. veteran, specializes in investigating complex offshore tax shelters. He has publicly criticized the agency, writing articles about its unwillingness to aggressively target schemes that multinational companies use to skirt their taxes. He contributed to two reports published by the Treasury Inspector General for Tax Administration: one on conflicts of interest within the I.R.S. and the other on the agency's refusal to investigate advisers who design and sell aggressive tax strategies.
He says the I.R.S. is using relatively small errors in his personal tax return to retaliate against him. The suit claims the I.R.S. illegally disclosed his employee and tax information to Justice Department prosecutors to discredit and fire him. The suit was filed in the U.S. District Court in the Northern District of Illinois. The I.R.S. did not respond to a request for comment.
Mr. Visalli's investigations included one into Malta pension plans, a tax-dodging strategy used by wealthy Americans. To fight the crackdown, promoters of the scheme hired lobbyist Ken Kies, who last year became the top tax official in the Treasury Department under President Trump.
In the past year, Mr. Visalli has written articles in Tax Notes, a trade publication, criticizing the I.R.S.'s record on pursuing multinational tax dodgers. He attacked his employer for failing to use a 2010 law requiring transactions CONTINUED ON PAGE B3
Trade Issues Boil for E.U. And China
By KEITH BRADSHER
BEIJING — The European Union and China are heading toward a trade showdown.
Europe's trade negotiators are meeting with Chinese officials on Thursday and Friday in Beijing. A week later, Europe's presidents and prime ministers will gather in Brussels to discuss industrial competitiveness with China, among other agenda items. Their concern is urgent. The region's trade deficit with China is running at 1 billion euros (\$1.1 billion) per day.
European officials blame an undervalued Chinese currency and Beijing's state-controlled banking system, which has supplied vast amounts of cheap credit to build export-focused factories.
Chinese officials offer a different explanation. They say much of the widening imbalance reflects Europe's surging imports of electric cars, solar panels, batteries and battery chemicals. European demand for those products has risen as the continent tries to combat climate change, adjusts to the loss of inexpensive Russian oil and natural gas and copes with the war in the Middle East — developments for which China argues it should not be blamed.
Europe is not alone in its concerns. China's export push has unnerved other trading partners, including the United States, as Beijing's trade surplus reached a record \$1.19 trillion last year.
Ursula von der Leyen, the president of the European Commission, warned in an address last month that Europe's trade deficit with China had reached a "tipping CONTINUED ON PAGE B4
S&P 500 7,801.77 ↓ -0.2%
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TECHNOLOGY
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Boston Dynamics Selects Alexa Scientist as C.E.O.
Boston Dynamics, a humanoid robot maker owned by Hyundai Motor Group, said it had appointed Rohit Prasad as chief executive, effective Wednesday.
Mr. Prasad previously served as senior vice president and head scientist for Alexa and artificial general intelligence at Amazon.
LOGISTICS
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UPS to Hire 100,000 For Seasonal Deliveries
United Parcel Service said on Wednesday that it would hire 100,000 seasonal employees across the United States as it prepared for a spike in parcel volumes for the holiday season.
The holiday season is the busiest period for parcel delivery companies, during which daily volumes tend to double. Shippers and most retailers boost the hiring of temporary workers during the period from late November to early January.
The seasonal workers will help sort, move and deliver packages during the holiday rush, UPS said. The parcel delivery company hired 125,000 holiday season staff in 2024, but did not provide a com-
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FireFly Robotics Files For Direct Public Listing
FireFly Robotics, which makes electric turf grass harvesters and autonomous golf-course mowers, on Wednesday filed to go public through a direct listing.
A direct listing allows a company to list its shares on an exchange without raising new capital or issuing new stock, enabling existing shareholders to sell their holdings.
Mr. Prasad will bring his experience turning physical A.I. breakthroughs into commercial success, Boston Dynamics said. He succeeds Robert Playter, who stepped down in February.
Registered stockholders plan to sell up to 27.1 million shares of the company's common stock in the listing.
Hyundai Motor Group said in January that it aimed to build a factory capable of manufacturing 30,000 robot units annually by 2028, when it plans to start deploying them across all of its manufacturing sites. REUTERS
MAANSI SRIVASTAVA/THE NEW YORK TIMES
parable hiring number last year.
I.P.O.
In January, the company said it would cut up to 30,000 operational jobs and close 24 facilities in 2026 in a bid to scale down shipments for its largest customer, Amazon, and shift toward more profitable shipments. REUTERS
FireFly develops autonomous and semiautonomous equipment for golf courses, sports fields and other turf-care applications, using A.I., machine learning and electric-drive technology.
The company had more than 900 autonomous mowing platforms, robotic harvesters and automated mowers in service globally as of June 30, according to its filing.
The Salt Lake City-based company changed its name from FireFly Automatix to FireFly Robotics in June this year
The company filed for an I.P.O. in October 2025 seeking to raise up to \$29.3 million, but withdrew it in March 2026. REUTERS
......
NASDAQ COMPOSITE INDEX
THE NEW YORK TIMES
10-YEAR TREASURY YIELD
5.28%
+0.002 points
Source: FactSet
Wall Street Retreats From Its High as Stocks Fall Worldwide
Stocks & Bonds
CRUDE OIL (U.S.)
\$88.28
-\$1.16
\$4,140.70
-\$46.40
By The Associated Press
U.S. stocks pulled back from their record on Wednesday.
Position of the S&P 500 index at 1-minute intervals on Wednesday -- Previous Close: 7,818.93
The S&P 500 slipped 0.2 percent, a day after topping its previous high set in August. The Dow Jones industrial average dropped 341 points, or 0.7 percent, while the Nasdaq composite fell 0.2 percent from its own record.
Stocks felt pressure as yields swung in the bond market. The yield on the 10-year Treasury climbed as high as 5.36 percent in the morning, up from 5.27 percent late Tuesday and near its highest level since 2002.
Higher yields put downward pressure on prices for stocks and other investments. They can also slow the economy by making it more expensive for everyone to borrow money. But the 10-year yield eased back to 5.28 percent later in the day after the U.S. Treasury sold \$39 billion of 10-year Treasury notes at an auction, where the median yield was less than 5.26 percent.
Yields also swung with oil prices, which continue to yo-yo amid uncertainty about when the war with Iran will allow the industry to return to normal.
The price for a barrel of Brent crude, the international standard, topped \$102 in the morning before falling back later in the day and eventually settling at \$100.20, down 0.4 percent. That's below the nearly \$110 it cost last month, but it remains well above its \$72 price from before the war began.
The International Energy Agency said Wednesday that its members supported accelerating the release of oil from inventories that they announced this year, with a particular emphasis on diesel fuel.
Also pushing up on bond yields are worries about how much debt the U.S. government and others worldwide have racked up, plus how much more they add to it by the day.
The head of the International Monetary Fund said Wednesday that record levels of debt for gov-
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The S&P 500 Index
ernments is one of the three major crosscurrents driving where the global economy is heading, along with artificial-intelligence technology and high energy prices.
"Some very tough political choices stare us in the face," the I.M.F. managing director Kristalina Georgieva said in a speech in Singapore.
She pointed in particular to France and Italy, among other European countries with high debt.
France's CAC 40 stock index dropped 1.2 percent for one of the world's biggest losses after yields for French bonds got back to jumping amid worries about the government's debt and strained budget. Protests across France have raised pressure on the government to increase spending, which could add further to its debt.
On Wall Street, Worthington Steel fell 6.9 percent after the metals processing and manufacturing company reported weaker results for the latest quarter than analysts expected.
The pressure is on companies to deliver big growth in profits. Such strength would help to support stock prices when the other big lever that affects stock prices, interest rates, is pushing downward.
Analysts have high expectations for this upcoming earnings reporting season. They're forecasting growth in earnings per share of nearly 30 percent, according to FactSet. If companies fall short of that bar, stock prices could easily fall further from their record heights.
Constellation Brands added 2.4 percent after the seller of Modelo beer and Robert Mondavi wine reported a stronger profit for the latest quarter than analysts expected. But its gain was restrained after it also gave a forecast range for profit over its full fiscal year whose midpoint was below what analysts expected.
In stock markets abroad, indexes fell across much of Europe and Asia.
South Korea's Kospi sank 2 percent for one of the world's largest losses following a sharp drop for SK Hynix, one of its two dominant stocks.
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TOTAL ASSETS IN BIL. | 1 YR | 5 YRS | 1. Vanguard Total Bond Market Index Fund Institutional Plus Shares (VBMPX) | -1.7% | -0.6% | 389.1 | 2. Vanguard Total Bond Market II Index Fund Investor Shares (VTBIX) | -1.9 | -0.7 | 381.5 | 3. Dodge & Cox Income Fund Class X (DOXIX) | -2.1 | +0.5 | 106.3 | 4. American Funds The Bond Fund of America Class R-6 (RBFGX) | -2.0 | -0.5 | 100.2 | 5. Strategic Advisers Fidelity Core Income Fund (FIWGX) | -1.4 | -0.1 | 91.6 | 6. Fidelity U.S. Bond Index Fund (FXNAX) | -1.9 | -0.7 | 67.6 | 7. Baird Aggregate Bond Fund Class Institutional (BAGIX) | -1.7 | -0.4 | 55.7 | 8. PGIM Total Return Bond Fund -Class R6 (PTRQX) | -1.6 | -0.1 | 51.0 | 9. JPMorgan Core Bond Fund Class R3 (JCBPX) | -2.3 | -0.7 | 50.4 | 10. Vanguard Intermediate-Term Bond Index Fund Institutional Plus Shares (VBIUX) | -2.6 | -0.5 | 50.4 | Source: Morningstar
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Economy
ECONOMY | COMPANIES | LITIGATION
Fed Minutes Show Officials Saw More Work to Do to Quell Inflation
By COLBY SMITH
Federal Reserve officials overwhelmingly concluded that they had more work to do to quell inflation after raising interest rates at their September meeting, according to minutes from the meeting released on Wednesday.
Last month, the Fed voted to raise rates by a quarter of a percentage point to a range of 3.75 to 4 percent. It was the first increase since July 2023 and was supported by all 12 members of the policy-setting committee.
Projections released alongside the Fed's rate decision showed that 16 of the 18 policymakers who submitted rate estimates expected at least one more quarterpoint move by the end of the year. That would push rates to a range of 4 to 4.25 percent. Most wanted rates to stay at or above that level throughout 2027. Officials also raised their estimates for rates for 2028 and beyond compared with three months ago.
According to the minutes, many officials assessed that higher rates would be “prudent on risk-management grounds, providing insurance against inflation remaining persistently above target due to stronger-than-expected demand or further adverse supply shocks.” Others suggested that raising rates was necessary based solely on the current outlook for price pressures. Some also suggested that raising rates would guard against the public's losing confidence that inflation, which has overshot the Fed's 2 percent target for nearly six years, would eventually ease.
Moreover, several participants said they did not view the Fed's previous policy settings as either "restrictive or only mildly restrictive," suggesting that higher rates were necessary to slow down demand sufficiently and get inflation under control.
At a news conference after the rate decision, Kevin M. Warsh, the Fed chairman, described the increase as the central bank's attempt to remove a "dose of accommodation so that financial and credit conditions would be more consistent with our ultimate objectives." Mr. Warsh stopped short of affirming whether September's move was the first in a series of adjustments, reflecting his opposition to providing guidance about the Fed's next steps.
But Mr. Warsh's emphasis on the need to swiftly return inflation to the 2 percent target fueled expectations that the Fed might consider raising rates at its next two-day meeting on Oct. 27 to 28. That gathering is set to take place at a highly sensitive political moment, just days before the midterm elections.
Heavy-handed signaling from two senior policymakers in recent days — coupled with a softer-than-expected jobs report — reset those expectations, however, carving out more flexibility for the central bank to instead hold off on another increase until its final gathering of the year in December.
Last week, John C. Williams, who as president of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York is the vice-chair of the policy-setting committee, said there was “no need for urgency” in the wake of September’s increase. Two days later, Philip N. Jefferson, the Fed vice chair, said that assessing the timing of additional moves “may take more time.”
Both Mr. Williams and Mr. Jefferson are members of the “troika,” the central bank’s internal policy-steering group led by Mr. Warsh.
The minutes echoed this stance, even as it concluded that most officials believed one more increase was necessary by year end.
“Participants emphasized, however, that they approached each meeting with an open mind and decisions at future meetings would depend on incoming information and its implications for the outlook and the balance of risks,” the minutes said.
According to the minutes, most officials were more worried that inflation would intensify rather than ease. Many participants flagged that the “longer energy prices remained elevated, the greater the risk that cost increases in certain sectors could lead to broader price pressures.”
Tishman Speyer Buys Chrysler Building and Plans Big Upgrade
By LAUREN HIRSCH
The Chrysler Building, which opened in 1930, “is a building that every New Yorker feels like they own,” said Rob Speyer, the head of Tishman Speyer.
The Chrysler Building, the Art Deco skyscraper that has defined the Manhattan skyline since it opened in 1930, is poised for a makeover.
GRAHAM DICKIE/THE NEW YORK TIMES
Tishman Speyer, the large commercial landlord, along with a number of other investors, is buying the building for \$235 million and planning a substantial upgrade of its interiors.
The purchase caps more than a year of uncertainty after the building's previous owners ran into financial difficulty and were criticized for neglecting its upkeep while vacancies soared.
Rob Speyer, the chief executive of Tishman Speyer, said in an interview that his firm planned to restore the Chrysler Building's offices and common areas to their former glory.
“We're going to modernize the whole infrastructure of the building, whether it's doing a total overhaul of the elevators, or the stainless steel at the crown of the building, polishing it so that it shines,” Mr. Speyer said. “Because this is a building that every New Yorker feels like they own. Because when you see it on the skyline, it's your building.”
The 1,046-foot tower, designed by the architect William Van Alen, was once the world's tallest building. It has cycled through a list of tenants that have included the Western Union Telegraph Company as well as the Chrysler Corporation, which had its headquarters there for two decades.
The land under the building is owned by the Cooper Union — and Tishman Speyer will have to pay rent to the private college as part of a 150-year ground lease.
The deal represents a sort of round trip for Tishman Speyer. In 1997 the firm, one of New York's largest commercial landlords, purchased the Chrysler Building and other properties with partners for \$220 million. Afterward it restored many of the building's Art Deco flourishes, including the Edward Trumbull mural that adorns the ceiling in its lobby.
Tishman Speyer sold the majority of its investment in 2008 to Abu Dhabi's investment fund for \$800 million. Signa, an Austrian real estate company, and RFR, a New York-based development firm, bought the property in 2019 for about \$150 million, a purchase price that reflected, in part, competition from newer buildings and the escalating rents that Cooper Union charged. (In 2018, rent had skyrocketed from \$7.75 million to \$32.5 million.)
In 2023, Signa filed for insolvency and was ultimately forced to sell its share of the building. By 2024, RFR was behind on its lease payments, and a judge terminated its lease last year.
Mr. Speyer said he had struck a “new deal” with Cooper Union, declining to elaborate on the lease terms. “It’s a structure that’s going to be sustainable both for Cooper Union and for us,” he said.
Cooper Union has for decades used its lease payments to help provide substantial financial aid to students. The Tishman Speyer deal comes as the school seeks to “advance and sustain full-tuition scholarships for all undergraduates,” it said.
"The significance of this agreement is ultimately about what it makes possible for generations of Cooper Union students," Steven W. McLaughlin, president of Cooper Union, said in a statement.
Among the renovation plans: Tishman Speyer plans to turn the
61st floor — the one known for its stainless steel eagle gargoyles looking out over Manhattan — into a clubhouse, with food and drink on the inside and a terrace on the outside, which will be open to all building tenants. It will also add wellness services, including fitness options, to the arcade space below the building's lobby.
The agreement echoes a playbook the firm has employed at 30 Rockefeller Plaza, which Tishman Speyer purchased with other investors for \$1.85 billion in 2000. The firm led a series of renovations of that 70-story Art Deco building, and the famed ice rink adjacent to it, including a \$75 million revamp of the observation roof and the introduction of upscale dining and retail to its under-ground space.
High-end New York office space has been booming, boosted in part by the rapidly increasing footprint of artificial intelligence firms and by long-term bets signed by major Wall Street firms, like American Express. Demand for office leases in Manhattan in the first half of the year was the highest since 2002, according to data compiled by the investment management firm Colliers.
The limited supply of new office development and rising costs of construction have made refurbishing buildings like the Chrysler Building a more appealing option than breaking new ground, Mr. Speyer said.
A Beloved Motorcycle Is Caught In a U.S.-Canada Tariff Web
By FARAH STOCKMAN
The Trump administration last month banned all large Canadian-made motorcycles, including the Can-Am Spyder.
The Can-Am Spyder, a three-wheel roadster popular with riders of a certain age, has inspired festivals and its own national motorcycle club. About 25,000 "Spyder Ryders" flock to events like Spyderquest in Saratoga Springs, N.Y., and the Iron Butt Rally, which covers 11,000 miles in 11 days.
CEM OZDEL/ANADOLU AGENCY, VIA GETTY IMAGES
But now this beloved adult trike has become a victim of the Trump administration's trade war with Canada. On Sept. 29, the Trump administration banned all Canadian-made motorcycles, including the Spyder, along with certain alcohol and dairy products.
"It makes no sense to me whatsoever," said Harold Mette, 79, who founded the Spyder Ryders in 2011 after riding traditional motorcycles for about 40 years. A self-described "hot dog" — a term used for riders who like to go fast
— Mr. Mette bought a Spyder because its two front tires allowed him to take tight turns without risking a fall.
Mr. Mette said he was mystified about why his favorite vehicle ended up on the list of banned items.
“Quantitatively, in terms of total dollar value of imports and exports, it’s nothing,” he said.
The price of a 2026 Spyder starts at \$27,999, according to the company's website. Mr. Mette estimated that there are about 100,000 of the vehicles in the United States.
The Spyder is just one example of the many products that have become more expensive, or effectively unavailable, on both sides of the border because of tit-for-tat tariffs and trade restrictions. In the United States, the costs imposed on Canadian imports have threatened damage to the states and industries that rely on cross-border commerce, potentially denting support among voters courted by the Republican Party ahead of the midterm elections.
The Can-Am brand was once a symbol of close ties between the United States and Canada. The first Can-Am bike was built “through a collective effort” of individuals from Canada and the United States, which led to the name, according to a video celebrating the brand’s 50th birthday. Can-Am is owned by Bombardier Recreational Products, a Canadian company that manufactures products in Valcourt, Quebec.
Those close ties have soured since the start of President Trump's second term. He placed a 25 percent tariff on aluminum and steel from Canada in 2025, prompting Canada to retaliate with a 25 percent tariff on certain American products including Harley-Davidson motorcycles. Along with Kentucky bourbon, Harleys have repeatedly been the target of retaliatory tariffs.
In July, the Trump administration accused Canada of discrimination and announced a 50 percent tariff on certain Canadian products. Large motorcycles, including the Spyder, made the list. Canada imposed retaliatory tariffs on more than 700 American product categories, increasing the tariff on American motorcycles to 50 percent.
In September, the Trump administration banned large Canadian motorcycles, including Spyders. Officials used a long-dormant provision of the Tariff Act of 1930 known as Section 338.
"It's a negotiation tactic used to bring Canada to the table," said Nghi Huynh, practice leader at Armanino, an accounting and consulting firm.
Evan Chuck, an international trade lawyer at Brownstein, a law firm with a prominent lobbying practice, said the move was “a signal that the administration is willing to pull out all the stops.”
"The economic asymmetry in U.S.-Canada trade gives Washington enormous leverage," he added, noting that roughly 72 percent of Canada's merchandise exports go to the United States.
A statement from Bombardier Recreational Products said the immediate impact of the ban was expected to be limited, “as the vast majority of production and shipments for the current season
are completed."
The ban came at the end of the 2026 riding season and before the start of the 2027 season, according to Aaron Stroud, general manager of Freedom Cycle, a motorcycle dealership in Concord, N.H.
"If this had happened back in March and April, that would have really affected us," he said. He holds out hope that the trade dispute will be resolved by the spring. He said the company had taken his order for 13 vehicles recently, despite the ban.
It's unclear how much American manufacturers of three-wheeled motorcycles stand to benefit if the ban on Spyders turns out to be permanent. Polaris, a Minnesota company that makes the Slingshot, has lobbied heavily in Washington for tariff relief on imported components. Polaris hired Ballard Partners, which was founded by a Trump campaign-fund bundler.
In a statement, Polaris said it had not lobbied for a ban: “Our energy and resources are focused on the broader policies that impact significant portions of Polaris’s business.”
Mr. Mette, the Spyder Ryder founder, said that even if the ban on Spyders remained in place next year, he would never buy a Slingshot, which he said felt more like a car than a motorcycle.
He said his fellow riders would probably buy the Ryker, a smaller version of the Spyder that is made in Mexico, if the ban on Canadian motorcycles continued.
“But I doubt seriously whether it will last,” Mr. Mette said.
Investigator Sues I.R.S. For Leaking His Records
FROM FIRST BUSINESS PAGE
that generate tax benefits to have “economic substance.” He said the agency suffered from “institutional cowardice.”
The refusal to invoke that law “represents a fundamental abdication of the I.R.S.’s responsibility to protect the fiscal foundation of American government from sophisticated tax fraud masquerading as legitimate business planning,” he wrote.
The agency has turned tax enforcement “into a negotiation in which the government starts from a position of weakness and retreats from there.”
Jeffery Kadet, one of Mr. Visalli's co-authors and an adjunct professor on tax law at the University of Washington, called him "exemplary in his focus on understanding" complicated corporate tax strategies. "He has an energy and a commitment to the rule of law that is exactly what we, as a society, need," Mr. Kadet said.
Mr. Visalli's criticism of the I.R.S. and the "abusive tax industry" has drawn attacks from right-wing groups. Chuck Flint, president of the Alliance for I.R.S. Accountability, a group that opposes the agency, with headquarters at a Houston mailbox, told The Washington Examiner in May: "This guy is just the latest in a long line of people at the I.R.S. that seem to take matters into their own
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The agency veteran wrote of ‘institutional cowardice.’
hands."
The lawsuit claims the I.R.S. sent Mr. Visalli a letter in August 2023 stating that he failed to fully pay his tax liability on time for 2021. The agency found the failure was an “oversight” and “not willful” and proposed a one-day suspension, then reduced it to a counseling letter, which managers often use to document minor misconduct. But he claims his supervisors escalated the episode as an excuse to push him out of his job. In late summer 2024, Mr. Visalli filed a whistle-blower retaliation complaint with the U.S. Office of Special Counsel, an independent federal agency that protects employees from reprisal for whistle-blowing.
Mr. Visalli said an assistant U.S. attorney had told him a few weeks later that Justice Department Tax Division personnel were describing him as “impaired” based on a Supreme Court case, Giglio v. the United States, which requires prosecutors to disclose to defense lawyers any past evidence of dishonesty by a law enforcement official involved in a case.
“For a federal criminal investigator, a Giglio label is a scarlet letter,” according to the lawsuit. The characterization “that Visalli was a witness whose credibility was so compromised that it had to be disclosed to criminal defendants could only have originated with unauthorized disclosures by I.R.S. officials concerning an investigation into a financial disclosure previously made by Visalli.”
In March, Mr. Visalli met with a special agent for the Treasury Inspector General for Tax Administration to report his supervisors' actions.
Despite internal findings in March that his tax failures were an oversight, the agency moved a month later to remove him from his job. He is still employed by the I.R.S.
Mr. Visalli is seeking damages for a withheld annual performance reward along with medical costs — including antidepression medication and expenses from a stress-induced fall and hospitalization — after the news of his pending removal.
E.U. and China Are Set to Meet as Trade Tensions Come to a Boil
Ursula von der Leyen, left, the president of the European Commission, has warned of a “tipping point” with China, and Friedrich Merz, right, the German chancellor, added to the pressure.
PASCAL BASTIEN/ASSOCIATED PRESS
ANNEGRET HILSE/REUTERS
FROM FIRST BUSINESS PAGE point," leading to "deindustrialization in the industrial heartlands of Europe."
Friedrich Merz, the German chancellor, and Emmanuel Macron, the president of France, added to the pressure on Monday, urging Brussels to expand its arsenal against economic imbalances. In a letter to Ms. von der Leyen, they called for a mechanism that could rapidly restrict access to the European market. European media quickly labeled it a “kill switch.”
Europe already has the right under the World Trade Organization's so-called safeguard rules to impose steep tariffs on broad categories of imports from all countries, but not against a single country. Beijing has opposed safeguard tariffs designed in practice to target Chinese exports and has hinted that it would retaliate if they were imposed.
“China will not accept any discriminatory measures,” said Tu Xinquan, dean of the China Institute for W.T.O. Studies at the University of International Business and Economics in Beijing.
For now, time favors Beijing. Each passing month adds more than \$30 billion to China's trade surplus with Europe, supporting hundreds of thousands of Chinese industrial jobs. At the same time, European manufacturers continue to weaken. Germany alone has been losing at least 10,000 industrial jobs each month, according to analysts.
Yet despite Europe's tougher language, China is seeking a compromise. “Both sides will ultimately seek to tackle those problems on a mutual benefit basis and maintain the overall trade relationship,” said He Weiwen, a prominent Chinese trade analyst.
Here are some of the key issues at stake.
Cars
The biggest point of friction — and perhaps the hardest to resolve — is China's rapidly growing automobile exports to Europe.
Two years ago, the European Union imposed tariffs of 7.8 to 35.3 percent on battery-electric cars from China, on top of its existing 10 percent tariff on imported cars. But the measure left a significant loophole.
The extra tariffs do not apply to plug-in hybrids that combine an electric drivetrain with a gasoline engine, even a tiny one.
Chinese automakers have already developed many such models. Their popularity began with a practical problem drivers in China faced. After electric-car sales started surging in China in 2020, urban families driving home for Chinese New Year often encountered villages with only one charger and long lines. Automakers responded by adding small gasoline engines as backups.
But China has built charging infrastructure at an extraordinary pace, reducing the need for plug-in hybrids. Chinese automakers have increasingly exported them instead.
Exports of plug-in hybrids have soared from fewer than 10,000 a month to almost 200,000 a month in just three years, with many going to Europe.
Beijing strongly opposes widening those E.U. tariffs to include plug-in hybrid cars. But European officials face growing pressure to respond, particularly after Volkswagen, struggling against Chinese competition, announced on Sept. 3 that it would cut another 50,000 jobs, bringing its total planned reductions to about 100,000.
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Renewable Energy
The European Union is investigating imports from China's state-controlled Goldwind Science & Technology Company, the world's largest wind-turbine manufacturer. In February, the bloc issued a preliminary finding that Chinese subsidies were giving Goldwind an unfair advantage in Europe, potentially laying the groundwork for tariffs.
Goldwind has said it complies with all international and local laws and regulations and will cooperate with the investigation.
Wind turbines are among the technologies covered by the European Union's proposed Industrial Accelerator Act, an effort to rebuild the region's manufacturing by requiring key components to be produced in Europe and by restricting some foreign investment. Solar energy, chemicals and other industries are also covered.
China strongly opposes the legislation.
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Rare Earths
In her address last month, Ms. von der Leyen said Europe had become dangerously dependent on China for rare-earth metals, which are crucial for automobiles, drones, lasers, semiconductors, jetliners, electronics and other advanced industries. After previously accusing Beijing of restricting rare-earth shipments to Europe, she called for the union to develop its own supplies.
China has tightened controls on exports of rare-earth processing equipment and restricted rare-earth technicians from leaving the country.
In July, Beijing also imposed stringent restrictions on rare-earth exports to 14 European companies, including Germany's leading defense manufacturer and several businesses that turn rare earths and other critical minerals, like antimony and tungsten, into the alloys and specialty chemicals that many manufacturers need.
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Market Access
E.U. officials and business leaders also complain that Beijing continues to limit foreign companies' access to the Chinese market.
In telecommunications, China has steadily replaced imported equipment with domestically manufactured alternatives and curtailed purchases from foreign suppliers. Nokia, the Finnish telecom giant, is closing much of its mainland China operations this autumn.
European makers of hospital equipment, pharmaceuticals and other products have encountered similar obstacles. China's state-owned companies have expanded at the expense of private businesses and have shown a particular reluctance to buy imports.
Yet European enthusiasm for the Chinese market is also fading for reasons beyond government policy. China's prolonged housing market downturn has left many Chinese households and companies with little money to spend, while industrial overcapacity has driven fierce price competition and eroded profits.
Jeanna Smialek contributed reporting from Brussels.
China's 'Self-Reliance' Focus Hurts Trade With E.U.
FELIX SCHMITT FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
A BYD car in Munich. China's hybrid cars make up a big share of its exports.
By SUI-LEE WEE
To understand Europe's growing alarm over its trade deficit with China, consider a striking statistic: China now sends six containers of goods to Europe for every one it gets back.
That ratio has more than doubled in China's favor over the last five years as Beijing's drive for greater economic self-reliance has expanded the range of goods China produces at home instead of buying from abroad.
Jens Eskelund, president of the European Chamber of Commerce in China, cited those figures last month and provided a simple explanation for why.
“China makes everything,” he said.
That is the dilemma confronting Europe as its trade deficit with China exceeds \$1 billion a day. European consumers and companies still want, and in many cases need, what Chinese factories produce. Increasingly, the reverse is not true.
"The Chinese are basically succeeding in self-reliance," said Joerg Wuttke, a partner at DGA-Albright Stonebridge Group, a Washington-based consultancy, and a former president of the European Union Chamber of Commerce in China. "What else do they want from us? They are producing everything in excess. And they are competitive left, right and center because of scale."
For years, Beijing has pursued self-reliance partly as insurance
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Badge #63 Phone (718) 528-4584 against the possibility that tensions with the West could expose economic weak points. Over the past decade, China has poured resources into industries and technologies intended to reduce its dependence on foreign suppliers.
The result is a trade relationship that has become more lopsided than the headline figures suggest. Falling prices in China mean that trade measured by value understates the sheer volume of Chinese goods entering Europe and the industrial overcapacity at the center of the trade dispute.
Mr. Eskelund has identified some of what those containers coming from China are carrying — household appliances, electronics, machinery, furniture, chemicals and textiles.
It was not always this way.
In the years after China joined the World Trade Organization in 2001, its economic relationship with Europe was more complementary.
While China supplied Europe with the affordable consumer goods that kept many Europeans happy, Europe sold China industrial machinery, luxury goods and high-end automobiles for a rising middle class.
The relationship began to change as Chinese manufacturing became more sophisticated and moved up the industrial ladder.
Chinese production of solar panels, aluminum and steel surged, pushing down global prices and battering European producers. At first, many Europeans regarded the fallout as confined to a few industries. At the same time, China remained an enticing growth market for European companies.
Then, China stepped on the gas.
In 2015, Beijing issued an industrial strategy called “Made in China 2025.” It set out China’s ambitions to dominate advanced manufacturing, targeting sectors including robotics, electric vehicles and green technology. One re-
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Beijing sends out six containers for every one it gets back.
sult was enormous amounts of state-backed funding directed toward favored industries.
“Everyone still kind of reassured themselves that China could do the lower-value-add part of everything and that they would retain the higher-value part,” said Agatha Kratz, a partner who specializes in E.U.-China relations at Rhodium Group, a research firm.
Even as Europe remained broadly open to Chinese exports, European companies faced barriers inside China.
"As an ambassador there, I was tired of asking the Chinese to let our companies do the same things in China that their companies did in Spain," said Rafael Dezcallar Mazarredo, who served as the Spanish ambassador to China for six years until 2024. "They nodded politely, and they did nothing."
Under Xi Jinping, China's top leader, the country expanded its industrial aspirations. Beijing promoted a strategy called “Little Giants,” unleashing small and medium-size enterprises to build technology and address vulnerabilities in domestic supply chains. Another strategy paired greater economic self-reliance at home with continued access to foreign markets for Chinese exports.
To many European analysts, the direction was clear.
“It’s out-Germanying Germany,” said Andrew Small, director of the Asia program at the European Council on Foreign Relations.
Few industries illustrate the transformation more clearly than automobiles.
The Chinese government funneled at least \$231 billion to the car sector from 2009 to 2023, according to the Center for Strategic and International Studies, which described the figure as “a conservative estimate.”
More than 200 domestic electric vehicle manufacturers appeared in the Chinese market. The resulting production boom eventually exceeded China's own demand, causing a brutal price war and pushing brands to look abroad for growth.
By 2023, some of Germany's biggest automakers — nearly all of them with significant operations in China — were issuing profit warnings. Around the same time, China's E.V. makers started expanding into Europe.
When the European Union imposed additional tariffs on electric vehicles, Chinese carmakers increased exports of hybrid cars, which now make up a large share of China's exports to Europe.
When German media reported last month that Volkswagen would close four major plants in Germany, the announcement marked a turning point. German automakers had long been among the strongest opponents of measures that might provoke Beijing, urging restraint against tougher European trade policies.
Now, the German automotive industry association said it supported tariffs, opening the door for Germany to adopt a harder stance against China.
A decade ago, Mr. Eskelund said, “China made the pie bigger for everyone.” Now it’s taking market share in Europe at a time when European companies in China face a slower economy and fierce domestic competition.
Mr. Dezcallar, the former Spanish ambassador, said Europe still had some leverage over China because of its market of 500 million high-spending consumers. Beijing also has reason to avoid letting its economic relationship with Europe deteriorate to the level of its feud with the United States.
“It is not in their interest,” he said, “to have two open fronts at the same time.”
Porsche's New Look: Pricier Cars And a 25% Cut in Its Work Force
By JAMES PATON
STUTTGART, GERMANY — For years, Porsche's profits generated glowing headlines and powered its parent company, Volkswagen. But weakening demand in China, President Trump's tariffs and a costly reversal of its electric vehicle strategy have ended the company's hot streak.
Porsche is now trying to reinvent itself as a smaller company with a sharper focus on higher-priced sports cars. The company, famous for the iconic 911, said on Wednesday that it would slash a quarter of its work force and rein in ambitions in China after its profit margin plummeted to 1.1 percent last year from 18 percent two years earlier.
“Without those profits, it’s causing huge headaches in Wolfsburg,” the German city that’s home to Volkswagen, said Matthias Schmidt, a European auto industry analyst.
In fact, reviving Porsche, once regarded as the world's most profitable automaker, is one of the keys to turning around Volkswagen, which owns 75 percent of the company. Porsche, led by Michael Leiters, a former chief at supercar maker McLaren and an executive at Ferrari, is betting on "value over volume."
Porsche's problems are in many ways the problems of the German auto industry as it struggles to respond to mounting Chinese competition. After a successful decades-long run in China, Porsche and its parent fell behind homegrown rivals amid the transition to electric cars. Porsche once relied on China for more than a third of its sales volume. By 2030, China is expected to account for one in 10 deliveries.
“Competition has intensified, markets have become more volatile and in some regions — especially in China — conditions have changed fundamentally compared with just a few years ago,” Mr. Leiters told reporters at the company’s development hub near Stuttgart. “I don’t expect this environment to become significantly easier over the next few years.”
By about 2030, Porsche plans to slash 25 percent of its work force, or 9,000 jobs. But the cuts, some of which have already been announced, could reach as much as 30 percent. The company also aims to reduce development costs by as much as a fifth, while raising the average price of its top-end models by about 20 percent to 330,000 euros, or about \$370,000.
Unlike its German rival BMW, Porsche can “afford to shrink while leveraging Volkswagen economies of scale,” Stuart Pearson, an analyst at Oxcap Analytics, wrote in a report.
However, similar efforts at companies such as Mercedes have exposed problems with the strategy, underscoring the risks for Porsche, said Ferdinand Dudenhöffer, a German auto analyst and former industry executive. Lower sales could diminish Porsche's ability to compete with rapidly-innovating Chinese carmakers.
“That is part of the future, and part of the future which could be difficult for Porsche if they earn less money that they need for development,” he said.
Just four years ago, Porsche was riding high, valued at about €77 billion after being spun off by Volkswagen. Now Porsche is exacerbating its parent's problems, accounting for a €6 billion writedown announced by Volkswagen last month. Volkswagen cut its profit forecast and said it expected an operating margin of no more than 1 percent.
Mr. Trump's tariffs have hammered Porsche, which doesn't produce cars in the United States, imposing a cost of about €700 million last year.
But at the top of Porsche's list of worries is China, where fierce competition in the industry and a crunch in consumer spending have dented demand for high-end cars. The company's deliveries in China fell by almost a third in the first half of the year.
In China, “market dynamics have changed significantly,” Mr. Leiters said. “We do not believe it would be realistic or beneficial for the brand to pursue a return to those levels at any cost. Instead our objective is to take a conservative side on the market and build a more resilient business in China.”
Mr. Leiters plans to undergird his turnaround plan on Porsche's brand, which he called one the world's most valuable alongside companies such as Ferrari and Louis Vuitton. The company also said that it plans to develop a supercar platform that will “sit above” the 911 and is betting on a new version of the Macan sport utility vehicle with a combustion engine, expected in 2028.
Porsche is putting an increasing emphasis on trying to market its cars as exclusive, said Mr. Schmidt, the auto analyst. "It's kind of like haute couture, taking what the fashion industry does and adapting it to the passenger car market," he said.
The company, which once aimed to get 80 percent of its sales from electric vehicles by 2030, has scaled back its E.V. ambitions amid slower-than-expected demand.
Mr. Leiters is targeting an operating profit margin of 10 percent to 15 percent by about 2030 and 15 percent over a longer term.
“We have to be honest — none of this will happen overnight,” he said. “What I have described today is our medium-term ambition and achieving it will require a great deal of hard work.”
A Look at India Shows Why Making Generic Drugs Is Hard
FROM FIRST BUSINESS PAGE posed a new 100 percent tariff on certain pharmaceutical imports last week, it exempted generic drugs and many other products. Doctors and supply chain experts say taxing imported generics would raise costs, spur rationing and lead to shortages of crucial drugs.
A bus ferrying employees after work from a Piramal Pharma Solutions facility in Digwal, India. Piramal runs more than a dozen factories, including in Europe and the United States.
HARSHA VADLAMANI FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
HARSHA VADLAMANI FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
HARSHA VADLAMANI FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
EMILY ELCONIN FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
EMILY ELCONIN FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
EMILY ELCONIN FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
A chemical analyst loading vials for analysis using gas chromatography equipment at Piramal's manufacturing facility in Riverview, Mich.
Even a 200 percent tariff on generic drugs might not erase India's advantage. Sudarshan Jain, secretary general of the Indian Pharmaceutical Alliance, estimates that most tablets and liquids made in India would cost at least four times as much to produce in the United States.
India got its start in generics in the 1970s by prioritizing affordable drugs for its huge and mostly poor population at a time when Western multinational drug companies did not. For decades, India refused to recognize drug patents, while its manufacturers patented processes they devised to reverse-engineer medicines sold in wealthier markets.
By the time India's patent law was brought into accordance with World Trade Organization standards in 2005, its companies had become experts at processing complex drugs and producing them for much of Asia, Africa and Latin America. Around the same time, Americans started embracing generic drugs. By 2004, they started to account for more than half of prescriptions filled in the United States.
The greatest profits come from patented drugs, so “in the U.S., once it goes out of patent, you forget about it,” Mr. Jain said. “But in India, the entrepreneurs keep on working and developing it, and at these volumes, you get better at making it.”
That business is poised to grow. Over the next five to seven years, Mr. Jain said, 55 major patents worth \$300 billion a year will expire in the United States, widening the pipeline for Indian manufacturers.
India's advantage is not just expertise. Peter DeYoung, the American-born chief executive of Piramal Global Pharma in Mumbai, runs more than a dozen factories, including in Europe and the United States. In America, he said, labor is the highest cost "by a wide margin," followed by energy and materials. In India, it's the reverse: Materials are the greatest cost and workers the least.
Mennisha Paka, 23, supervises a line at the F.T.O. U-3 factory for Dr. Reddy's Laboratories, packaging generic metoprolol, a beta blocker prescribed to heart patients. She earns \$3,840 a year and uses part of her salary to pursue a bachelor's degree in pharmaceutical chemistry. One of her subordinates, Susmita, who goes by one name, earns about \$2,000 a year.
Both women make less than one-tenth the average salary of a worker in pharmaceutical manufacturing in the United States.
India has other advantages. Mr. DeYoung said factories and processes that took four years to set up in the United States, Europe or Israel — home to Teva Pharmaceutical Industries, the biggest generics maker — could be completed within a year in India. Customized equipment can be made in half the time it would take in Germany or Austria.
For years, relying so heavily on Indian factories had a downside: quality. A series of scandals beginning in the early 2000s tarnished the industry's reputation. The most notorious offender, Ranbaxy, sold subpar drugs and lied to the U.S. Food and Drug Administration about its processes before going under more than a decade ago.
A book about the scandal has since become required reading for many industry managers. Its epilogue said that as recently as 2019, the F.D.A. still announced Indian factory inspections days in advance, giving operators time to conceal shoddy practices.
That is no longer the case, at least among big manufacturers. Dr. Reddy's underwent a surprise inspection two weeks after Mr. Trump declared a tariff on generics. Piramal said its factories, including in Digwal, three hours west of Hyderabad, have undergone 415 inspections since 2012, including 49 from the F.D.A., with zero serious violations detected.
Piramal makes generics, but even more of its business is contract manufacturing for clients that hold drug patents. Keeping smaller factories in the United States makes it easier for some customers to keep tabs on production.
That geographic spread points to another problem with trying to produce all pharmaceuticals locally. Modern drug supply chains don't divide neatly into things made in America and things imported from elsewhere.
One sealed barrel among thousands in Piramal's main Digwal storeroom was made in India, shipped to Singapore and back, and bore the brand of a Japanese company with an American address.
Another drug, which Mr. De-Young would describe only as a lifesaving medicine to treat central nervous system conditions, begins its journey in Digwal, then travels 8,000 miles by air to Piramal's facility in Riverview, Mich.
Riverview, a quiet suburb of Detroit with broad lawns and white steeples, is a far cry from Digwal, where nearby villages still draw water from stone-lined wells. But specialized machines in Piramal's Indian and American labs collaborate to turn the medicine into its final form.
There are good reasons to pair facilities in India with plants in their destination market, Mr. De-Young said. Some drugs require especially dangerous chemicals, including some controlled by the Drug Enforcement Administration. Others, like sevoflurane, a generic anesthetic Piramal makes in both India and the United States, must remain available even if international supply
Clockwise from top left: A tablet packaging unit at a Dr. Reddy's Laboratories facility in Hyderabad, India; technicians in the quality control lab at a Piramal facility in Digwal; and vials and flasks used in testing at Piramal.
chains break down completely.
Which raises a more fundamental question than whether tariffs can force drug manufacturing back to America.
“So what problem are you trying to solve?” Mr. DeYoung asked about the prospect of a tariff on imported generics. Is it to bring back pharmaceutical jobs to American workers? Is it to safeguard supplies of vital medicines?
Even as Indian firms wrestle with the Trump administration's push to reduce its dependency on India, they are also grappling with their own reliance on another country for a critical part of the pharmaceutical supply chain.
Starting in the 1990s, China became the world's dominant manufacturer of the active ingredients that most drugs require. India is now trying to reclaim that ability.
That, Mr. Jain said, creates an opportunity for the United States and India to work together, instead of pulling their pharmaceutical industries apart.
“Unless we work together with the U.S., we’ll be dependent on China” for ingredients, he said. That’s why, he added, it makes sense for American buyers “to stockpile from India” instead of making it in the United States “for six, seven or eight times the price.”
Sports
The New York Times
A Fraternity
Of Survivors,
On a Bike
Or a Mound
M.L.B. Cancer Patients Trace Chain of Support to Armstrong
MATT ROURKE/ASSOCIATED PRESS
CHRIS GRAYTHEN/GETTY IMAGES
CAROLYN KASTER/ ASSOCIATED PRESS
JOEL SAGET/AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE — GETTY IMAGES
ELSA/GETTY IMAGES
JONATHAN DANIEL/GETTY IMAGES
JOHN MINCHILLO/ASSOCIATED PRESS
Chad Bettis, left, was on the Rockies when he received a call in 2017 from Lance Armstrong, top, about dealing with testicular cancer. Armstrong, who has found purpose since his downfall, helped create an unlikely support group of pitchers that now includes, from second from left: Carlos Carrasco, Nic Enright, Liam Hendriks, Jon Lester and Jameson Taillon.
By ZACK MEISEL
The Athletic
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'I felt this new responsibility to be willing to talk to people and be visible with it.'
In one moment on that night in November 2016, Chad Bettis's future seemed idyllic: a blissful marriage, a daughter on the way, an ascending pitching career.
The next moment, he was answering a call from the Colorado Rockies' trainer and then struggling to find the right words to explain to his wife, Kristina, that he
Zack Meisel is a senior M.L.B. writer for The Athletic.
had testicular cancer. He settled on: “This sucks. We’ll figure it out.”
They were at Jade Bar at the Sanctuary resort in Scottsdale, Ariz., celebrating their first anniversary. The top of their wedding cake was waiting for them at home. They sat there, paralyzed, for an hour, as their appetites vanished and their entrees cooled. They asked for the check.
About two months later, Bettis received an unexpected phone call from the cyclist Lance Armstrong. That's when things started
JAMESON TAILLON,
survivor of testicular cancer.
to make a little more sense.
Armstrong, a testicular cancer survivor, did more than just give Bettis a road map for dealing with cancer. His phone call heralded the creation of an unlikely fraternity within baseball: pitchers stricken with cancer who have taken Armstrong's original advice and passed it on.
The line stretches from Bettis to Jameson Taillon, then Liam Hendriks, Nic Enright and, most recently, Caden Scarborough, a Texas Rangers prospect. Jon Lester and Carlos Carrasco have contributed support, too.
Upon hearing the list of names and the ways they have all connected, Armstrong, whose own cancer diagnosis came 30 years ago, simply says, “Wow.”
In a way, he said, his cancer fight prepared him for his fall from grace: the doping scandal, the stripping of his seven Tour de France titles, the rapid demise of a revered persona, the messy divorce from a foundation that had made yellow rubber wristbands
Continued on Page B10
CHRIS SZAGOLA/ASSOCIATED PRESS
PRO FOOTBALL
STEVE LUCIANO/ASSOCIATED PRESS
COMMENTARY
On-Camera Incidents Spotlight an Inherent Imbalance
Jeff Seeman, left, was suspended for cursing at a player Sunday. Sean McVay, right, was told that a controversial call had been wrong.
San Francisco's Kyle Juszczyk was fined for a celebration in which he pretended to drink a beverage. The fine has been rescinded.
Lincoln Financial Field
EZRA SHAW/GETTY IMAGES
By JOURDAN RODRIGUE
The Athletic
When I saw the video of an N.F.L. line judge, Jeff Seeman, directing what appeared to be an angry profanity toward Arizona Cardinals tight end Trey McBride during a game on Sunday, my first reaction was shock. (Not because of the language; if you're around football at all, you will hear some language.)
Players and coaches argue with officials all the time — some coaches are notorious for it. Coaches and players can be flagged or otherwise penalized at that official's discretion. How many times have we seen clips of a coach screaming at a sideline judge, headset askew and spittle spraying, before that official, stone-faced, throws a yellow flag into the air?
To see an official cursing at a player, though . . . that virtually never happens. Until it seems like it did.
Seeman has been suspended for two games, the N.F.L. said on Monday. Another official, Adrian Hill, was suspended for one game after a separate incident in Sunday's Vikings-Dolphins game, during which Minnesota linebacker Eric Wilson appeared to accidentally run into Hill after a play. It appeared that Wilson tried to help Hill up, and Hill reacted animatedly in response.
A league source, who was granted anonymity because they were not cleared to speak publicly on the matter, specified that both suspensions were without pay. The league said both suspensions were for “an instance of unprofessional conduct,” on which point many would agree.
And sure, credit to the N.F.L. for acting swiftly on the matter. But what else was the league going to do? The video created accountability. You know, the thing the league makes sure the players face when it comes to officiating or even touchdown celebrations.
My second thought, after seeing the video of McBride and Seeman, was: What if a camera was not there to record the incident? Would Seeman still be held accountable? Or would this just turn into another story swapped between players, coaches and officials — all of whom can speak to the intense emotions of a game and the outbursts those emotions yield?
That camera forced the N.F.L. to take a genuine look at a moment when the discrepancy between what the league allows for some, but prohibits for others, was on full display.
Players and coaches are fined by the N.F.L. when they publicly criticize referees. If an organiza-
Jourdan Rodrigue is a senior N.F.L. writer for The Athletic.
tion disagrees or wants clarity from the league on certain calls, it has to submit them for review and response. That is the only course of action; it's hardly a soothing one. It might make things worse, as in a notable case last week when Los Angeles Rams Coach Sean McVay said the league told him that, upon review, a controversial pass interference call that held significant weight in a loss to the Denver Broncos was actually incorrect. McVay was responding to a question posed by reporters. The league's own response? To share a not-so-subtle memo reminding clubs that such conversations between teams and officials are to remain confidential.
In other words, “We may have gotten it wrong, but don’t you dare talk about it.” And had McBride engaged in a hostile manner with the official (either to prompt the incident or in response), he would probably be the one to receive an in-game or retroactive league penalty. (Aditi Kinkhabwala, a CBS sideline reporter who was standing nearby during the interaction, said McBride did not curse at Seeman. The Cardinals declined to comment when asked about
the sequence of events.)
In Minnesota, all Wilson could do was appear to try, and fail, to explain the innocent nature of the collision to Hill, then walk away. On to the next play. The N.F.L.'s system was working as designed — by the N.F.L.
Officiating is a really difficult and brutally public part-time profession. The people who do it truly love it. Otherwise, why would they subject themselves to the ire of at least half a stadium each week? It is a human craft, and therefore inevitably flawed. And so I do believe there have to be some boundaries in place to protect officials from unnecessary criticism from fans and organizations; but the players and coaches draw the short straw here when they cannot say anything in disagreement.
This is the unbalanced system the league has installed: The referees officiate the games, the players and coaches do not like some of their calls but cannot say so or change them, and the N.F.L. makes decisions for profit that make everyone's job harder.
In September, the league is-
sued fines to San Francisco 49ers
fullback Kyle Juszczyk, Indian-
apolis Colts guard Matt Goncal-
---
The N.F.L. demands accountability, but how much is it truly willing to accept?
ves, Dallas Cowboys tight end Jake Ferguson and Denver Broncos guard Quinn Meinerz, among others, for their celebrations. The N.F.L.'s code of conduct is collectively bargained with the N.F.L. Players Association, but the nature of these supposed infractions stood out.
Meinerz said the fine came because he mimicked a dice roll, which the league called an illegal celebration. Juszczyk and Goncalves both celebrated by pretending to drink a beverage. Juszczyk, whose nickname is Juice and who has long celebrated by drinking out of an imaginary juice carton, said the league told him he was imitating drinking a beer, which he denied — and the league rescinded the fine after an appeal. Goncalves did not deny the nature of his pretend beverage, but aptly noted that the N.F.L. itself is a business partner with Bud Light (and has been since 2011).
The N.F.L. used words like “offensive demonstration” to categorize some of the gestures. This, despite profiting from its beer partnership. This, despite having commercial agreements with multiple sportsbooks, each of which can say it is an “official sportsbook of the N.F.L.”
The league does not want its players to hint at anything involving beer or gambling but instead to pantomime a perfect game, all while it crawls into bed with imperfect entities. It does not want its officials criticized by players or coaches, even while it directly associates with a gambling industry that incites more pressure from the public than ever on them all.
On Sunday, that sideline camera gave everyone a look at a small moment of inequity: what an official appeared to do when he thought nobody was looking, involving a player who would not be allowed to complain about it.
But it was just a reminder of the bigger system at work, one that goes beyond referees and fines and eventually broadens to every corner of the N.F.L. It's a system that often says it wants to team with players but can never authentically do so when it assigns them different standards from its own, then actually teams with entities that reduce players to product.
Will the N.F.L. ever offer to turn that camera on itself? Will it even care about what it might see?
ANALYSIS
Dallas Defense Still Under Construction
By JON MACHOTA
The Athletic
There was one player the Dallas Cowboys' defense had to stop on Sunday in Houston: wide receiver Nico Collins, who was returning after missing two games with a hamstring injury.
On the Texans' first offensive play, Collins ran a simple route that he turned into a 45-yard gain.
Seven plays later, Texans quarterback C.J. Stroud found Collins streaking across the back of the end zone for a 7-yard touchdown.
“We wanted to take Nico Collins out of the game,” said Cowboys Coach Brian Schottenheimer, who admitted on Monday that his team did a poor job of that.
Collins finished with team highs of seven catches for 118 yards and the fourth two-touch-down game of his six-year career.
Early on the plan seemed simple enough for Stroud. Avoid the recently added cornerback, Joey Porter Jr., for the 25 defensive snaps he was on the field and look for Collins if he was being guarded by anyone else. The Cowboys' DaRon Bland was often the cornerback in the area. According to Pro Football Focus, Bland was among the cornerbacks with the highest passer rating against in Week 4 at 153.3. A perfect passer rating is 158.3.
Despite trailing, 16-6, at half-time, Dallas battled back in the second half in what ended up being a 34-30 victory. But defensive concerns remain.
There has been some progress since Week 1, but the defense remains one of the worst in the N.F.L.
Jon Machota covers the Cowboys for The Athletic.
The positives are that communication does not seem to be the issue it was last season and during the season opener. Quinnen Williams and the defensive tackle group have played well the last two games after struggling in the first two. Edge rusher Rashan Gary had his best game as a Cowboy, recording his first sack and leading the Cowboys with two of their five quarterback hits. The rookies Caleb Downs and Jaishawn Barham continue to look like key pieces. The recent trade for Porter should improve the overall play on the back end. If the Cowboys can get Malik Hooker, Jalen
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Taking a small step forward, with many more needed.
Thompson and P.J. Locke healthy, the safety group should be a strength.
The negatives are that opposing quarterbacks continue to be too comfortable, whether it is throwing from the pocket or scrambling for quality yardage.
Stroud finished with a passer rating of 126.7 on Sunday, the sixth highest of his 50 career starts. Opposing quarterbacks have combined for a 122.7 passer rating in Dallas's four games — worst in the N.F.L. Those quarterbacks have combined to throw nine touchdowns and no interceptions. Dallas has also recorded only four sacks through four games, tied for the second-lowest total in the league.
The overall pass rush still needs help, and it seems like
ASHLEY LANDIS/ASSOCIATED PRESS wishful thinking that drastic improvements are going to come from the current group.
Stephen Jones, a Cowboys executive vice president, said in a radio interview on Monday that making a move for another edge rusher is a possibility.
In his comments to the team in the postgame locker room, Schottenheimer noted how proud he was of the group, adding that it knew Houston had a good defense.
“We’re always looking to get better,” he said. “If we can find an opportunity to get better, we’ll certainly look at that opportunity. At the same time, I think we’ve got a chance to get better with what we have on this football team, which is encouraging as well. No, we’d never rule out improving our team, whether it’s pressure or whatever it is.”
“But our defense showed up today, baby,” he said, sprinkling his language with expletives. “And you put the stamp on it at the end.”
Dallas beat Houston even though it couldn't stop Nico Collins, who had seven catches for 118 yards and two touchdowns.
Yes, Dallas did get the final stop. After Dak Prescott connected with CeeDee Lamb for what ended up being the game-winning touchdown with 40 seconds remaining, Dallas's defense prevented Houston from getting any farther than the Cowboys' 48-yard line. Stroud's Hail Mary attempt on the final play went through the arms of Hooker and eventually hit the ground.
The Texans scored on only one of their final four possessions and finished three for 10 on third down. But it was another day when an opponent scored at least 30 points, contributing to the 28 points per game Dallas is allowing this season. Houston also recorded eight plays of 20 or more yards and averaged 7.6 yards per play.
So was Schottenheimer's postgame locker room speech more about building confidence in a group that still has a long way to go?
"I try to be honest," he said. "I try to point out the facts. Third-down defense, outstanding run defense, excellent. A bunch of three- or four-and-outs. You point those things out."
He also said the Cowboys talked Monday morning about giving up too many plays with long gains.
“But look,” he added, “when you lose, it’s painful and it hurts. When you win, you celebrate.”
Stroud is not known to be much of a runner. He also does not have a great offensive line. Both factored into an expectation entering the game that this should be an opportunity for the Cowboys to hit the quarterback.
"I think in the second half, the pass rush was better," said Schottenheimer, who admitted that Stroud looked pretty comfortable in the first half.
He added: “We still need to do a better job of affecting the passer. I think quarterbacks are being too efficient against us.
"It starts up front. It starts with some of the stickier coverages. But at the end of the day, I do think that you saw guys making him uncomfortable. I wish it would've happened earlier in the game, but he still hurt us with too many explosives. And that's all of us tied together."
The Cowboys' offense is as advertised. Prescott and Lamb are playing the best ball of their careers. George Pickens is drawing so much attention that it is opening things up for everyone else in the passing game. The team's No. 1 running back, Javonte Williams, has scored six touchdowns this year. The offensive line has been improving and could get its best player, Tyler Smith, a three-time Pro Bowl left guard, back for Thursday night's game against the Tampa Bay Buccaneers.
If that group stays healthy, Dallas might win nine to 10 games without much help from the defense. But the expectation is January success. With the current defense, it is unlikely the Cowboys will be able to win multiple games against teams like the San Francisco 49ers, Los Angeles Rams, Seattle Seahawks and Chicago Bears.
It has been over a thousand days since Dallas won a game in which the defense held an opponent to fewer than 14 points: Week 18 of the 2023 season against the Washington Commanders, who were quarter-
backed by the current Dallas backup, Sam Howell.
The Cowboys were badly beaten in their next game, a 48-32 wild-card loss to the Green Bay Packers. An argument can be made that Dallas still has not recovered from that stunning defeat at AT&T Stadium.
For Schottenheimer to get them back in a position to win games like that, the defense has to take significant steps. It still has a long way to go.
"I think our defense is getting better," Schottenheimer said. "I don't want to have to score 30 points every game to win. But if we got to score 35 or whatever it takes to win, we'll do that. Because at some point, they're going to bail us out and we're going to win a game, 10-7."
\$3,000 for a Cornhusker Conversation Piece (Hand Sanitizer Not Included)
Nebraska is selling urinal troughs from Memorial Stadium before its renovation. Seven of the 30 had been purchased as of Monday.
REESE STRICKLAND/USA TODAY SPORTS
BUY GBR
By LARRY HOLDER
The Athletic
The University of Nebraska is putting its die-hard football fans to the test: You are not fully committed to showing off your Cornhusker fandom until you purchase a game-used urinal trough from Memorial Stadium.
Yes, Nebraska fans — or anyone in need of an extra place to relieve themselves after a beer or two — can purchase one of the many urinal troughs from around Memorial Stadium after the team's home slate of games ends in late November. The cost: \$3,000 each.
Stainless steel water fountain troughs from the stadium are also available, and they are only \$2,500.
With Nebraska's home field in Lincoln set to undergo its “Big Red Rebuild” by the 2028 season, the university is already selling pieces from the stadium as unique collectibles. That includes all the urinal troughs as the school makes way for new ones.
“Nobody is going to walk into
Larry Holder is a senior writer covering collectibles for The Athletic.
your garage, basement, shop, backyard or Husker room and ask, 'Where did you find a stadium urinal trough?' They are going to ask: 'Wait. Is that actually from Memorial Stadium?' the sales page posits. It also notes that the 72- to 96-inch-long, 300-pound troughs are original to the 103-year-old stadium, but they have
been cleaned.
Joe DiPietro, co-founder of Rare Goods, the company aiding Nebraska with its sales campaign, told The Athletic that seven of the 30 urinals had been purchased as of Monday afternoon.
These porcelain troughs appear to be a bargain in the growing trend of selling off used urinals from stadiums either being renovated or demolished.
The Buffalo Bills sold urinal troughs from the old Highmark Stadium once the franchise left the facility for the new Highmark Stadium. The team attempted to sell all 40 urinals from across the stadium for \$5,000 each, saying they represented “decades of unforgettable moments shared by all fans."
“Fans at other stadiums have turned retired troughs into oversized planters, backyard conversation pieces, game-room displays, garden features, shop fixtures, and all kinds of projects that probably never appeared in the manufacturer's instruction manual," the Nebraska sales page says.
While there is a limited supply of urinals remaining, several variations of restroom signs from Memorial Stadium have sold out already. DiPietro said signage — not just for bathrooms — has been selling out within minutes of each batch going up for sale. Different items are hitting the site in waves.
And whether it's an item like a urinal, an overhead section sign or a “credential checkpoint ahead” gate, all of the items will receive a certificate of authenticity from the university stating where each one was located within Memorial Stadium.
DiPietro said he understands that the troughs have become a bit of a talker for the sale. Still, he said the most popular items by far have been the stadium seats (\$25) because fans can look up and claim the actual seats they sat in. Benches built from the stadium's reclaimed wood (\$429) have also been popular.
All of the larger pieces, including the urinals, will have to be claimed by appointment in Lincoln. Removal of the items from the stadium runs Nov. 22 to Dec. 1.
Weather Report
Highlight: The Weekend Outlook
Heavy rain associated with Isaias will spread up through the southern and central Appalachians this weekend with the potential for thunderstorms and tornadoes from Georgia to North Carolina. A large storm will bring widespread rain from Arizona to Wyoming.
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Metropolitan Forecast
TODAY....Mostly sunny High 75. It will be mostly sunny and warmer than previous days. An afternoon breeze will increase across the area. Winds will be from the west at 6 to 12 miles per hour. Temperatures will be a bit above normal.
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TONIGHT
Low 55. An area of high pressure will continue to bring a clear sky overnight. Winds will be from the west-northwest at 4 to 8 m.p.h. Temperatures will be near normal.
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TOMORROW
High 70. Mostly sunny conditions will continue across the area to end the week. Winds will be from the west at 6 to 12 m.p.h. Temperatures will fall a few degrees from the previous day to normal.
SATURDAY ......Sunny to partly cloudy High 68. The sky will be sunny to partly cloudy as it remains dry with an area of high pressure nearby.
MONDAY ...... Afternoon Rain Sunday
Sunday will bring some rain from T Isaias to the area. High 67. On Monday, rain from Isaias will continue in the morning. High 69.
Tropical moisture will lead to persistent downpours across South Texas and Florida today. Some of the downpours have the potential to bring flash flooding and gusty winds. Outside of a few showers in northern New York and New England, the rest of the United States will be dry. A heat dome will remain locked in across the western portions of the nation.
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National Forecast
Temperatures will be 5 to 15 degrees above the 30-year average with some places approaching daily record highs. The heat dome will persist into Friday, leading to additional heat stress. Cool air will linger across the Great Lakes and Northeast.
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📦 已折叠版面非核心信息:气象、潮汐与天文时刻表(《Meteorology by AccuWeather》— 点击展开)
Meteorology by AccuWeather
Isaias is forecast to become a hurricane in the Gulf before making landfall along the central Gulf Coast on Friday night with building surf, coastal flooding, increasing winds and rain.
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Metropolitan Almanac
In Central Park, for the 13 hours ended at 1 p.m. yesterday.
| Air pressure | Humidity | High ...... 30.12 1 a.m.Low ...... 30.05 noon | High ...... 73% 8 a.m.Low ...... 42% noon | |
far the day's mean temperature fell below 65 | Yesterday | 10 | So far this month | 31 | So far this season (since July 1) | 62 | Normal to date for the season | 62 | ---
Heating Degree Days
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Cities
High/low temperatures for the 16 hours ended at 4 p.m. yesterday, Eastern time, and precipitation (in inches) for the 16 hours ended at 4 p.m. yesterday. Expected conditions for today and tomorrow. | C....Clouds | S....Sun | F....Fog | Sn....Snow | H....Haze | SS....Snow showers | I....Ice | T....Thunderstorms | PC....Partly cloudy | Tr....Trace | R....Rain | W....Windy | Sh....Showers | -....Not available | N.Y.C. region | Yesterday | Today | Tomorrow | New York City | 62/ 48 0 | 75/ 55 S | 70/ 54 S | Bridgeport | 61/ 41 0 | 74/ 51 S | 69/ 47 S | Caldwell | 64/ 38 0 | 76/ 47 S | 72/ 45 S | Danbury | 62/ 33 0 | 72/ 44 S | 68/ 41 S | Islip | 65/ 39 0 | 75/ 52 S | 70/ 50 S | Newark | 66/ 45 0 | 78/ 53 S | 73/ 52 S | Trenton | 65/ 38 0 | 76/ 47 S | 70/ 46 S | White Plains | 63/ 39 0 | 73/ 49 S | 69/ 48 S | United States | Yesterday | Today | Tomorrow | Albany | 67/ 51 0 | 68/ 46 PC | 64/ 39 PC | Albuquerque | 83/ 56 0 | 81/ 55 S | 78/ 55 S | Anchorage | 49/ 37 0.04 | 47/ 38 PC | 49/ 44 PC | Atlanta | 81/ 59 0 | 85/ 66 PC | 80/ 62 PC | Atlantic City | 66/ 59 0 | 77/ 53 S | 73/ 55 S | Austin | 91/ 62 0 | 90/ 63 PC | 91/ 60 PC | Baltimore | 72/ 52 0 | 80/ 45 S | 75/ 49 S | Baton Rouge | 92/ 65 0 | 93/ 67 PC | 89/ 68 C | Birmingham | 87/ 54 0 | 89/ 63 PC | 85/ 65 S | Boise | 86/ 54 0 | 87/ 58 S | 85/ 51 S | Boston | 66/ 55 0 | 74/ 53 PC | 69/ 50 S | Buffalo | 71/ 51 0.02 | 64/ 46 Sh | 64/ 46 PC | Burlington | 61/ 51 0.08 | 65/ 47 Sh | 59/ 40 Sh | Casper | 83/ 42 0 | 82/ 47 S | 84/ 56 W | Charlotte | 79/ 53 0 | 85/ 62 S | 77/ 59 PC | Chattanooga | 84/ 55 0 | 88/ 60 S | 82/ 62 S | Chicago | 80/ 53 0 | 71/ 52 PC | 70/ 59 PC | Cincinnati | 81/ 54 0 | 78/ 52 S | 78/ 56 S | Cleveland | 76/ 51 0 | 68/ 45 S | 67/ 53 PC | Colorado Springs | 82/ 51 0 | 82/ 52 S | 81/ 51 S | Columbus | 78/ 52 0 | 74/ 45 S | 71/ 52 S | Concord, N.H. | 66/ 47 0 | 71/ 43 PC | 66/ 36 S | Dallas-Ft. Worth | 88/ 62 0 | 90/ 64 PC | 90/ 65 S | Denver | 83/ 56 0 | 86/ 57 S | 85/ 58 S | Des Moines | 80/ 52 0 | 74/ 56 PC | 82/ 62 T | Detroit | 77/ 50 0 | 69/ 45 S | 68/ 53 PC | El Paso | 87/ 64 0 | 84/ 63 PC | 85/ 63 S | Fargo | 72/ 41 0 | 67/ 48 PC | 75/ 59 PC | Hartford | 66/ 51 0 | 73/ 47 PC | 69/ 43 S | Honolulu | 86/ 75 0.01 | 82/ 77 Sh | 86/ 74 Sh | Houston | 92/ 71 0 | 93/ 68 S | 91/ 67 S | Indianapolis | 83/ 54 0 | 77/ 51 S | 78/ 56 S | Jackson | 89/ 60 0 | 91/ 62 PC | 89/ 66 S | Jacksonville | 79/ 72 0.70 | 81/ 72 T | 78/ 72 T | Kansas City | 85/ 55 0 | 82/ 59 S | 85/ 62 S | Key West | 88/ 80 0.11 | 88/ 82 T | 88/ 82 T | Las Vegas | 98/ 75 0 | 98/ 74 S | 97/ 74 S | Lexington | 82/ 54 0 | 81/ 50 S | 81/ 57 S | Little Rock | 89/58 0 | 93/62 S | 92/64 S | Los Angeles | 98/73 0 | 93/70 S | 90/68 S | Louisville | 84/59 0 | 83/55 S | 84/58 S | Memphis | 89/62 0 | 92/65 S | 91/66 S | Miami | 89/77 0.46 | 90/78 T | 91/78 T | Milwaukee | 75/51 0 | 68/51 PC | 68/59 C | Mpls.-St. Paul | 75/48 0 | 67/53 PC | 75/62 PC | Nashville | 87/55 0 | 89/56 S | 88/63 S | New Orleans | 86/74 0.04 | 87/74 PC | 80/70 R | Norfolk | 72/58 0 | 81/64 S | 75/64 PC | Oklahoma City | 91/61 0 | 90/61 S | 88/61 S | Omaha | 80/50 0 | 79/58 PC | 85/64 PC | Orlando | 82/73 0.59 | 82/73 T | 87/74 T | Philadelphia | 71/55 0 | 79/54 S | 74/53 S | Phoenix | 103/79 0 | 104/82 S | 104/79 S | Pittsburgh | 72/53 0 | 70/46 PC | 67/49 S | Portland, Me. | 60/50 0 | 69/46 Sh | 66/39 S | Portland, Ore. | 78/51 0 | 79/55 S | 64/48 R | Providence | 66/55 0 | 74/48 PC | 69/45 S | Raleigh | 76/52 0 | 85/58 S | 78/58 PC | Reno | 89/50 0 | 89/54 S | 86/55 S | Richmond | 74/54 0 | 84/53 S | 78/55 S | Rochester | 71/51 0 | 64/46 Sh | 63/43 PC | Sacramento | 100/57 0 | 101/59 S | 90/59 PC | Salt Lake City | 83/58 0 | 85/60 S | 85/66 S | San Antonio | 90/64 0 | 90/68 C | 90/64 PC | San Diego | 88/70 0 | 84/69 PC | 79/70 S | San Francisco | 80/57 0 | 76/58 PC | 71/59 PC | San Jose | 96/62 0 | 93/60 PC | 82/58 S | San Juan | 88/78 0.09 | 91/79 T | 91/78 Sh | Seattle | 66/49 0 | 69/54 PC | 63/47 R | Sioux Falls | 78/44 0 | 73/54 PC | 80/63 PC | Spokane | 74/46 0 | 76/51 PC | 65/39 PC | St. Louis | 89/56 0 | 84/58 S | 89/63 S | St. Thomas | 88/81 0.09 | 90/80 PC | 91/80 S | Syracuse | 70/54 0.03 | 65/48 Sh | 62/39 Sh | Tampa | 81/74 0.86 | 81/74 T | 87/76 T | Toledo | 79/49 0 | 72/41 PC | 72/49 PC | Tucson | 96/72 0 | 97/76 S | 95/74 S | Tulsa | 90/60 0 | 90/62 S | 89/62 S | Virginia Beach | 69/56 0 | 79/66 S | 74/65 PC | Washington | 73/55 0 | 80/53 S | 76/56 S | Wichita | 89/60 0 | 89/59 S | 85/60 S | Wilmington, Del. | 70/52 0 | 79/48 S | 74/49 S | Africa | Yesterday | Today | Tomorrow | Algiers | 87/69 0 | 82/67 Sh | 76/58 Sh | Cairo | 85/65 0 | 86/67 PC | 85/68 PC | Cape Town | 69/47 0 | 68/53 PC | 71/55 C | Dakar | 88/76 0.07 | 87/78 T | 87/78 T | Johannesburg | 78/51 0 | 78/57 S | 83/58 C | Nairobi | 81/61 0.29 | 80/63 T | 81/63 T | Tunis | 92/68 0 | 91/69 PC | 75/64 R | Asia/Pacific | Yesterday | Today | Tomorrow | Baghdad | 94/79 0.02 | 97/77 PC | 96/78 PC | Bangkok | 91/75 0.08 | 93/79 R | 94/79 T | Beijing | 81/47 0 | 80/49 PC | 81/55 S | Damascus | 79/50 0 | 87/60 S | 89/60 S | Hong Kong | 86/75 0 | 87/78 PC | 89/78 S | Jakarta | 94/79 0.03 | 93/77 C | 93/77 Sh | Jerusalem | 76/58 0 | 79/64 S | 80/63 S | Karachi | 90/81 0 | 92/79 S | 90/80 W | Manila | 93/77 0.01 | 90/79 T | 94/79 T | Mumbai | 95/81 0 | 98/82 PC | 98/82 Sh | New Delhi | 97/ 75 0 | 94/ 76 S | 92/ 74 PC | Riyadh | 104/ 74 0 | 104/ 78 PC | 104/ 78 PC | Seoul | 75/ 49 0 | 78/ 51 PC | 79/ 51 C | Shanghai | 82/ 56 0 | 78/ 66 S | 77/ 67 PC | Singapore | 91/ 82 0 | 93/ 79 T | 92/ 79 T | Sydney | 69/ 54 0.06 | 66/ 54 PC | 74/ 62 S | Taipei City | 77/ 70 0 | 84/ 73 PC | 84/ 75 PC | Tehran | 86/ 73 0 | 86/ 66 PC | 85/ 66 C | Tokyo | 77/ 66 0.06 | 76/ 62 S | 77/ 63 S | Europe | Yesterday | Today | Tomorrow | Amsterdam | 72/ 55 Tr | 60/ 50 R | 63/ 52 R | Athens | 81/ 59 0 | 77/ 60 S | 79/ 61 S | Berlin | 72/ 39 0 | 65/ 45 R | 57/ 51 PC | Brussels | 73/ 52 0.03 | 59/ 47 Sh | 60/ 49 W | Budapest | 79/ 37 0 | 78/ 53 T | 68/ 45 S | Copenhagen | 59/ 50 0.15 | 60/ 49 R | 56/ 50 R | Dublin | 55/ 41 0 | 58/ 53 R | 60/ 46 PC | Edinburgh | 55/ 39 0 | 56/ 50 PC | 59/ 46 PC | Frankfurt | 73/ 50 0 | 61/ 42 R | 54/ 50 C | Geneva | 61/ 53 0.31 | 61/ 44 Sh | 59/ 51 R | Helsinki | 57/ 46 0 | 54/ 52 C | 56/ 41 R | Istanbul | 72/ 57 0 | 68/ 60 C | 74/ 61 S | Kyiv | 69/ 50 0 | 74/ 52 PC | 69/ 46 C | Lisbon | 75/ 63 0 | 81/ 60 S | 80/ 57 S | London | 61/ 54 0.30 | 61/ 52 S | 66/ 47 Sh | Madrid | 73/ 57 0 | 72/ 43 S | 70/ 46 S | Moscow | 59/ 46 0 | 58/ 47 C | 63/ 44 C | Nice | 68/ 63 0.96 | 76/ 59 W | 73/ 60 S | Oslo | 54/ 32 0 | 47/ 38 R | 51/ 37 R | Paris | 66/ 55 0.02 | 62/ 44 S | 59/ 54 R | Prague | 68/ 45 0 | 70/ 42 Sh | 58/ 47 PC | Rome | 79/ 64 0 | 77/ 64 Sh | 72/ 55 PC | St. Petersburg | 56/ 52 0.02 | 57/ 49 PC | 57/ 44 Sh | Stockholm | 55/ 39 0 | 55/ 44 R | 47/ 35 W | Vienna | 77/ 54 0 | 76/ 52 C | 63/ 44 PC | Warsaw | 70/ 45 0 | 75/ 51 C | 58/ 47 PC | North America | Yesterday | Today | Tomorrow | Acapulco | 83/ 76 0.44 | 81/ 74 R | 82/ 74 T | Bermuda | 79/ 72 0.71 | 83/ 78 T | 84/ 76 PC | Edmonton | 50/ 34 Tr | 55/ 42 R | 48/ 30 R | Guadalajara | 75/ 62 0 | 79/ 62 T | 76/ 62 R | Havana | 88/ 72 0 | 90/ 74 R | 90/ 75 R | Kingston | 92/ 80 0.04 | 91/ 81 Sh | 88/ 82 T | Martinique | 89/ 77 0.02 | 90/ 78 T | 90/ 75 R | Mexico City | 67/ 56 0.01 | 72/ 57 R | 67/ 57 T | Monterrey | 81/ 65 0 | 82/ 65 Sh | 84/ 64 S | Montreal | 58/ 43 0.21 | 62/ 46 Sh | 57/ 41 Sh | Nassau | 88/ 77 0.05 | 90/ 80 T | 89/ 79 T | Panama City | 89/ 72 0.14 | 90/ 76 T | 90/ 75 T | Quebec City | 48/ 32 0.07 | 60/ 41 Sh | 52/ 35 C | Santo Domingo | 90/ 75 0.03 | 88/ 74 T | 92/ 75 Sh | Toronto | 70/ 52 0.03 | 65/ 47 Sh | 65/ 47 Sh | Vancouver | 55/ 50 Tr | 61/ 53 PC | 59/ 48 PC | Winnipeg | 60/ 43 0 | 62/ 42 PC | 64/ 54 C | South America | Yesterday | Today | Tomorrow | Buenos Aires | 66/ 62 0.76 | 65/ 55 R | 62/ 55 R | Caracas | 91/ 78 0.35 | 92/ 79 R | 93/ 77 R | Lima | 75/ 71 0 | 80/ 72 PC | 80/ 72 S | Quito | 66/ 48 0.06 | 66/ 50 R | 68/ 54 R | Recife | 85/ 79 0 | 88/ 78 Sh | 86/ 77 Sh | Rio de Janeiro | 79/ 73 0.06 | 81/ 72 PC | 84/ 75 T | Santiago | 68/ 50 0.14 | 63/ 48 R | 67/ 47 PC | Reservoir levels (New York City water supply) | Yesterday | 83% | Est. normal | 77% | ---
Recreational Forecast
Sun, Moon and Planets | New | First Quarter | Full | Last Quarter | Oct. 1011:48 a.m. | Oct. 18 | Oct. 2512:11 a.m. | Nov. 1 |
Sun | RISE | 7:00 a.m. |
Moon | R 4:44 a.m. | SET | 6:27 p.m. | S 5:21 p.m. | NEXT R | 7:01 a.m. | R 5:52 a.m. |
Jupiter | R | 2:24 a.m. |
Mars | R 1:06 a.m. | S | 4:18 p.m. | S 3:38 p.m. |
Saturn | S | 6:42 a.m. |
Venus | R 9:13 a.m. | R | 6:24 p.m. | S 6:43 p.m. | ---
Boating
From Montauk Point to Sandy Hook, N.J., out to 20 nautical miles, including Long Island Sound and New York Harbor.
Winds will be from the southwest at 10-15 knots with gusts up to 20-25 knots. Waves will be 1-2 feet on the Long Island Sound and New York Harbor and 3-5 feet out on the open ocean.
Last | 10 days | 30 days | 90 days | 365 days | Chart shows how recent temperature and precipitation trends compare with those of the last 30 years.
Northeast Foliage
Foliage in the highest elevations in the White and Green Mountains and the Adirondacks is past peak. The remainder of northern New England, the Catskills and portions of the Appalachian Mountains have reached peak. Many other areas are near peak.
VIA KRIS CHRISP
Williamson, left, and the performance coach Kris Chrisp, right, have forged a close relationship based on trust and honesty.
Williamson Followed His Trainer's Orders. Will It Be Enough?
26-year-old Williamson.
By WILLIAM GUILLORY
The Athletic
Zion Williamson sat at the podium at the New Orleans Pelicans' media day with his signature smile and chiseled physique from an off-season of hard work, talking about why this season would be different for him and his team.
For many N.B.A. fans, these words from Williamson before the start of a season feel like a rerun of a TV show they have grown tired of watching.
But alongside his optimism about the upcoming season, Williamson took a moment to candidly reflect on where he stands in his career.
“I’m not where I want to be,” he said.
When asked to elaborate, he added, “I’m just not where I need to be, not where I want to be.”
Considering that Williamson was once viewed as the savior for basketball in New Orleans, it would have been impossible to believe back then that, as he heads into his eighth year with the Pelicans, the former No. 1 pick would have only two All-Star appearances and zero minutes played in the postseason.
Yet Williamson's camp and the Pelicans organization strongly believe that he has finally found a formula for success that will return his health and on-court play to the form it needs.
It did not begin with anything he did over the off-season. It dates back to last season and a potentially career-changing hire for the
William Guillory covers the Pelicans and the Rockets for The Athletic.
At the start of the 2025-26 season, people close to Williamson reached out to Kris Chrisp, a performance coach who specializes in wellness and recovery, to work directly with the Pelicans star. In an interview with The Athletic, Chrisp said he previously trained N.B.A. players including Jose Alvarado, Davion Mitchell and Jabari Smith Jr., but he figured that working with Williamson was the exact move he needed to make at this point in his career.
After a few people in Williamson's circle interviewed Chrisp, he was hired almost immediately. But there was one issue: As Chrisp began working with Williamson in November, Williamson sustained a Grade 1 hamstring strain, another example of his recurring hamstring problems in both legs. Chrisp's knowledge and skills were immediately tested.
Zion Williamson with his Pelicans teammate Dejounte Murray. For years, Williamson's silence allowed his doubters to fill the void.
GERALD HERBERT/ASSOCIATED PRESS
While that may have been intimidating for some, he viewed it as a blessing in disguise.
"In anything you do, you want to show your value. You want to show that you're capable of doing the job you were hired to do," Chrisp said. "Him being hurt when I was hired gave me an opportunity to do my job."
Chrisp and Williamson got to work.
They pinpointed the injury's severity and some of the mistakes Williamson previously made that left him vulnerable to a setback.
PRO BASKETBALL
The more they worked together, the closer they became. Chrisp took pride in earning Williamson's trust early on as they spent more time together. Along with that trust came some brutal honesty both of them needed to hear along the way.
Williamson will stop Chrisp in the middle of a workout to tell him when something is not working. And when Chrisp saw Williamson's home setup, he gave him his honest reaction: "I said,
---
The Pelicans believe that a former No. 1 pick has finally found a winning formula.
‘Bro, this gym is terrible. Let me go in and redo the whole thing.’”
“Trust is the biggest thing that you need when you're working with these guys,” Chrisp added. “You've got to make them believe. If you can develop that trust, and the athlete knows you want the best for them, that's when you get the best results.”
Williamson gave Chrisp the freedom to update his entire home gym. Chrisp also got Williamson to start focusing more on minor details like stretching, sleeping and understanding how his body is supposed to feel after certain workouts.
The results came quickly, and Williamson was thrilled with how his body started to transform during the season.
“For me, it was just trusting Kris with his process,” Williamson said. “Looking at the game different ways. Just trying to find different ways to get better.”
Then came another setback.
Just a few weeks after returning from his hamstring strain, Williamson sustained an adductor injury that doctors initially thought was much more severe. The initial diagnosis foresaw his being sidelined for two months. All signs pointed to Williamson going through another season in which he missed more games than he played.
Chrisp pushed back and said he could get him back much sooner.
"I had to get him to trust and believe me when I told him we could beat this timetable. If he didn't believe, he wouldn't have come back as soon as he did," Chrisp said. "I knew what we were facing, and I just had to get him to believe."
Williamson's belief paid off. His work in recovery produced results much faster than he could have imagined. After initially thinking his season was lost, Williamson returned two weeks later, missing just six games.
It was yet another example of Williamson's partnership with Chrisp yielding the results he had been looking for. After his return, Williamson suited up for 35 consecutive games, the longest streak of his career, before sitting out one outing with an ankle sprain and coming back to play the next 17 matchups.
Williamson ended the season with 62 games played, the second-highest total of his career. It could have been even more if New Orleans had not shut down most of its top rotation players for its final few regular-season games. As he walked away from the season, Williamson looked trim and felt better than he had in years.
He finally found a formula that worked.
Williamson and Chrisp spent the entire off-season together and doubled down on their work. Chrisp said Williamson entered training camp weighing 271 pounds after previously being listed most of his career at 284.
Although Williamson has been private about his off-season work for most of his career, Chrisp flooded X and Instagram with videos of Williamson's summer workouts and messages boasting about the progress they have made over the past year.
In previous years, Williamson's silence allowed his doubters to fill the void with negativity. Now, Chrisp's work on social media has a large portion of Pelicans fans more excited about Williamson than they have been in years.
"He's helped with the social media side of things. If you left it up to me, I probably wouldn't post anything. I'd just go through the summer workout and show up," Williamson said. "It definitely helps because Kris puts out there what I'm doing so people can see what I've got going on. It's a way for me to show face."
For years, people around the Pelicans complained that Williamson's presence was not felt when he wasn't around the team. His absence fueled questions about his motivation and love for the game. He is trying to make clear that his drive to be great is strong.
"I would say I've mentally improved with trusting myself and trusting my game," Williamson said. "Just trusting the work I put in to the point where I'm not second-guessing myself. I would say I've grown a lot there."
Williamson and the Pelicans share the belief that things are changing in New Orleans. Time will tell how that plays out.
HOCKEY
After Winning Gold Medal and Title, Slavin Says His Best Is Yet to Come
By CORY LAVALETTE
The Athletic
RALEIGH, N.C. — Jaccob Slavin still cannot quite believe what happened in last spring's Eastern Conference finals.
“It was one of those games where it’s just like, ‘What the heck was that?’” Slavin said of Game 1. “I think my dad said the same thing: ‘What the heck was that?’”
For the third time in four seasons, the Carolina Hurricanes had advanced to the N.H.L.'s final four, this time against the upstart Montreal Canadiens. But even though Carolina swept Ottawa and Philadelphia in the opening two rounds, the ghosts of past Eastern Conference finals were lurking in the shadows.
Since Rod Brind'Amour had taken over as the Hurricanes' coach in 2018, Carolina was 1-12 in conference final games, so the narrative entering the series against Montreal was that the round would again be Carolina's Kryptonite.
Game 1 did not allay those concerns.
“I was out there for, what, four goals?” Slavin, a defenseman, said last week as the Hurricanes started the defense of their Stanley Cup title.
More than four months later, Slavin recalled his minus-4 night, taking blame for some of the goals in a game he called the worst of his career.
"One of them I had nothing to do with," he said. "One of them was a really unlucky bounce — try to make the right play, it just goes right to them. The other one, I just take a breath for a split second, and it ends up in the back of the net. Fourth one, just a dumb, dumb read. We were down a goal, and so just a dumb read that I don't normally make."
Cory Lavalette is a contributor to The Athletic.
The Hurricanes had allowed just 10 goals combined in their previous eight playoff games. After the Canadiens' stunning 6-2 win, confidence swelled in Montreal while dread emerged in North Carolina.
But not for Slavin, even with the "what the heck" nature of Game 1.
“It was one of those things where, as much as it was the worst game of my career, I knew the mistakes I made,” he said. “I knew they weren’t normal mistakes.”
Slavin credits his faith for keeping him grounded regardless of what happens on the ice on a given night.
"I think a lot of guys, when you have a game like that, can spiral though when their identity is
---
A steady star on defense for Carolina focuses on playing up to his high standard.
found in hockey," Slavin said. "And so for me, it wasn't as much about spiraling and focusing on the game that just happened. It was more so just, 'OK, where's my identity found?' It's found in being in who God says I am in my relationship with him."
The Hurricanes captain, Jordan Staal, who has had a front-row seat since Slavin made his league debut in 2015, said no one should perceive Slavin's unfazed attitude about on-ice struggles as a sign of someone who does not grit his teeth after a bad game.
"It's not that he's not hard on himself, though — he's incredibly hard on himself," Staal said. "So it's not like he sat at home like, 'All right, I played an OK game.' No, he's raring and ready to go to back it up and be the player that he wanted to be."
PHOTOGRAPHS BY BRUCE BENNETT/GETTY IMAGES
Slavin and the Hurricanes quickly turned around the series, winning the next four games in dominant fashion to advance to the Stanley Cup finals, where the team beat Vegas in six games to win its second title.
That capped a season that put Slavin in rare company — a Stanley Cup championship and an Olympic gold medal in the same year — even though, by his own account, he was not at his best for much of it.
Jaccob Slavin, injured much of the season, recovered to help the Hurricanes hoist the Stanley Cup. His coach, Rod Brind'Amour, below, said, "You saw there was a huge boost when he showed up."
The Hurricanes were without the injured Slavin for much of the first half of the season, the first time in his career he missed more than six games.
"Our record wasn't terrible without him, but my goodness, we missed him a lot," Staal said.
Carolina's penalty kill, consistently in the top five in the league since Brind'Amour took over, ranked 19th in the N.H.L. when Slavin returned to the lineup for good on Jan. 10. For the rest of the season, the unit ranked fourth in the league — finishing 11th overall
— and was nearly impenetrable in the playoffs, killing off 91.5 percent of opposition power plays.
"You saw there was a huge boost when he showed up," Brind'Amour said. "There's a reason."
He continued: “He’s an elite defender, and that’s no different than having an elite goal scorer, what it can do to a power play or kill — it’s the same. And I think that’s the value.”
Slavin also had huge value to the U.S. team at the Olympics. Paired with Minnesota's Brock Faber, Slavin helped shut down opponents all the way through the gold medal game.
He then averaged more than 23 minutes in the playoffs as Carolina went 16-3 and won the Stan-
ley Cup.
But Slavin has been quick to say he thought he was not at his best during the postseason, even beyond his “worst game ever” against Montreal.
“I just I think I hold a high standard,” Slavin said. “And so I just know how I can play, and I just know that it wasn't always up to my standard."
That is a scary thought for the rest of the league, if anyone believed the Hurricanes could not play better than they did during their Cup run.
"When he came back, we were that much better, even if maybe not to his standard, whatever that is," Brind'Amour said. "It still was way better than when he wasn't in there."
Brind'Amour says that Slavin, 32, still has several years left at an elite level.
"I think you've got to take care of yourself, and he clearly does that and works hard," Brind'Amour said of the key to longevity in the N.H.L. "But the hockey sense doesn't leave you. Guys that are smart can probably play a little longer."
And the Hurricanes have brought back nearly all of the line-up that bulldozed its way through the playoffs last spring.
"It's exciting for our whole team because we had a lot of guys who I think could have been a lot better last year," Slavin said. "We were as good as we needed to be to win, but I think we still had another level to get to."
COMMENTARY
In Argentina Finale, Messi Gets A Tearful Thanks ‘for Being You’
By SEBASTIAN FEST
The Athletic
BUENOS AIRES — When (almost) everything was over, Lionel Messi decided to poke fun at himself.
"I'm talking more than ever; I don't want to leave the pitch," he said with a laugh near the center circle at Monumental Stadium. He added: "I love you all. I'm grateful to be Argentine and to have fulfilled this dream with all of you."
Known for his reticence, Messi had just brought his 21-year journey to a close, one that began when he was 18 and ended at age 39.
It began with a fiasco (he was sent off after 47 seconds in his debut for Argentina against Hungary in 2005) and ended Tuesday night in a sea of tears and smiles — and a 3-0 Argentine victory against the Benin national team, Messi's 208th international match.
On a chilly spring evening, Messi — a World Cup winner, two-time World Cup runner-up, two-time Copa América winner and Olympic gold medalist — bid a final farewell. The player who scored 21 goals across six World Cups — eight of them in the most recent one — was calling it a day on the international stage.
It was a day nobody wanted to see arrive: not Messi; not his coach, Lionel Scaloni; not Mes-
Sebastian Fest is a contributor to The Athletic.
si's teammates, family and fans; not anyone in the world who loves soccer.
People began gathering several hours before the match at El Monumental, the country's largest stadium. It was where Argentina won the first of its three World Cup titles in 1978, nine years before Messi was born.
The question The Athletic asked those people was simple: What would you say to Messi? The reactions, almost without fail, showed their emotion. The phrase that kept coming up was “I’m going to start crying.”
Marcos Vernola, 27, became emotional as he explained how he felt about Messi.
“I went through a really tough time in 2014 when a relative died and we lost the World Cup final,” he said. “I was sad for a long time, and I suffered terribly through both Copa América finals.
"The journey over the last few years has been like a rebirth, as if he were the guiding light of my life. And since 2021, it's been nothing but joy. He's achieved everything he'd promised. Thank you so much, Lionel Messi, for ever having existed. I'll never forget the hugs with my family during the World Cup. I'm going to cry."
Luna Sperzagni, a sports journalism student, needed fewer words to convey the same sentiment.
“Thank you for your football, for your humility, for being you.”
Is that all?
“No, it’s just that I’ll start crying otherwise.”
The players also seemed overwhelmed by emotion, even before the match. TV cameras captured Messi dabbing his eyes with a tissue on the team bus on the way to the stadium, as fans ran alongside to catch a glimpse of their icon.
Outside the stadium, colorful tributes lined the streets.
When the match began, the only player creating any real danger early on was Messi. Benin had a clear game plan and was determined not to be a pawn in Argentina's party.
Messi had received an honorary doctorate from the University of Buenos Aires on the day of the game; he laughed when someone shouted, "Doctor," as he arrived at the stadium. Before kickoff, Benin's players presented him with a small statue. After the match, the Chilean referee Fernando Véjar handed him the red and yellow cards he used that night.
Everything was out of the ordinary. The players took to the field accompanied by their children — a sight made more poignant when the faces of those present began to contort in a desperate attempt to hold back tears.
Messi held it together, but Scaloni's tears began to flow — as did those of some of the children.
When speaking of the national
SOCCER
LUIS ROBAYO/AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE — GETTY IMAGES
team's future without Messi, Scaloni later said: "We can put together a great team, but I've never seen that aura in anyone else in my life. What he brings, I've never seen in anyone else."
No, it wasn't a normal night, and nobody really wanted it to be. That is why the match was stopped in the 10th minute so the whole stadium — Messi's teammates and his opponents — could pay tribute to him and embrace him.
Overcome with emotion, Messi had not expected it. The Buenos Aires night was filled with fireworks and smoke. As part of the tributes to Messi, a giant version of his No. 10 shirt was displayed in his hometown, Rosario, this week, serving as a shrine to the departing hero. A similar replica went up in the capital.
The second half against Benin saw a change in Argentina, which realized Messi should leave with smiles, despite the tears.
A perfect corner from Messi allowed 38-year-old Nicolás Otamendi to bid his own farewell to the national team with a goal.
A pass from Messi set up a stunning effort by Nico Paz. And Messi scored on a penalty in the 71st minute, his 126th career goal for the national team.
"My goodness, how we're going to miss him," said Pablo Giralt, an Argentine television pundit, before adding, "We want this match to go on forever."
The match ended with Argentina winning, 3-0, but Messi is eternal — a loop of soccer-playing joy embedded in the minds of everyone who had the privilege of watching him play.
Drones produced a light show after the match. But the post-match speech from the man himself hit all the right notes, as he remembered his father, Jorge, who died in August. He spoke of his Argentina teammates — those who had been part of this recent era of success and those who had come before — and their efforts at this summer's World Cup. When he mentioned how the semifinal win against England “really took it out of us,” the crowd, and Messi’s teammates, bounced up and down to the traditional chant of “whoever
Lionel Messi after scoring in Buenos Aires on Tuesday in his 208th international match.
doesn't jump is an Englishman."
The most tearful player was Enzo Fernández, the Manchester City midfielder who wrote a letter to Messi as a 15-year-old in 2016, asking him to reconsider his decision to retire from the national team that summer after Argentina's Copa América final defeat to Chile. There were moving scenes as Messi consoled his eldest son, Thiago, after his speech.
“No tribute can truly do justice to the most extraordinary footballer of all time,” Andrés Eliceche wrote for the Argentine newspaper La Nación. “No match, no song, no word, no goal
— not even one of his own — can symbolize the true magnitude of his place in the history of this sport.
“No one can doubt that his presence is destined to last forever. Messi knocked on the door of eternity, and eternity welcomed him, inviting him in and to sit wherever he pleases.”
Messi will remain an icon of Argentine football, even if he is no longer on the field. “Now I’m going to be on this side,” Messi told supporters in the stands, “supporting these boys and all those who are to come.”
That is what the fan Vernola asks of him. “I hope this is just a change of scenery and that he’ll soon be running the show from the stands,” he said.
As manager of the national team?
“No. I want him as head of the Argentina F.A. and ambassador for Argentina. We’ve got to win the fourth, the fifth and the sixth” World Cups, he said. “We’ve got to get past the Brazilians.”
BASEBALL
A Fraternity of Cancer Survivors on the Mound Traces Its Roots to Armstrong
GARY A. VASQUEZ/USA TODAY SPORTS, VIA REUTERS
VIA THE ATHLETIC
Nic Enright, left, treated for nodular lymphocyte-predominant Hodgkin lymphoma, was helped by Liam Hendriks, a non-Hodgkin lymphoma survivor, with his wife, Kristi. Top, Lance Armstrong.
From First Sports Page
an iconic symbol. It also provided him a post-downfall purpose. He obtained Bettis's number through his friend Huston Street, a long-time M.L.B. reliever, and left him a message during spring training in 2017.
When Bettis and Armstrong finally connected, they chatted for hours about accepting help even though the machismo of a mid-20s pro athlete might want to resist it. They talked about persevering on the bleakest days and about granting yourself grace when chemotherapy extinguishes your motivation.
There is no tangible finish line, no magical date on the calendar when a patient can place a cancer fight fully in the rearview. You're merely further removed, Armstrong said, from that last checkup, that last needle prick. There is, however, a day when you can finally look forward without the future seeming so precarious.
Armstrong remembers that day, when he sat with a doctor at the end of his treatment, and learned about the “obligation of the cured.” It’s on those who have survived cancer, he was told, to guide the way for those clinging to hope.
Their conversation convinced Bettis that he, too, had an obligation. When Taillon, also a pitcher, was diagnosed with testicular cancer in May 2017, Bettis offered a lifeline. The chain of support has not ceased.
---
'It's Your Journey'
When Taillon reached first base one rainy night in September 2017, Anthony Rizzo told him to stop and take a mental snapshot. No, not because Taillon, the Pittsburgh Pirates' starting pitcher, had notched a second consecutive single off Lester, the Chicago Cubs' left-hander. All three of them — Taillon, Rizzo and Lester — were cancer survivors.
“I almost felt like I didn’t belong in that conversation in that moment,” Taillon said.
He needed Bettis to help him understand that he did.
Taillon first felt a lump on his left testicle that May, in Cincinnati. He had a Stage 1B malignant tumor, and an explanation for his migraines and sleeping habits.
He underwent an immediate procedure to remove the testicle and then regular blood draws and CT scans at Allegheny General Hospital on his way to PNC Park. Needles and vials in the morning, sinkers and curveballs in the afternoon.
Taillon maintained contact with Bettis, who encouraged him to keep throwing if it felt right.
Five weeks after his operation, Taillon tossed five scoreless innings against the Rockies.
Initially, he was ashamed by the attention that accompanied his return. Bettis's cancer had spread to his lymph nodes, forcing him to halt his throwing program and endure 21 sessions of chemotherapy.
He lost his hair. He panicked about a future with his newborn.
Taillon did not need chemo. He only had to press pause for 40 days.
Taillon came to realize, however, that for reasons he never anticipated, he was now someone's favorite player. In Atlanta, a clubhouse attendant shared that a family member had recently died from cancer. No one had ever confided in him in that way. Strangers approached him. He learned of siblings gathering to watch his starts while their father underwent cancer treatment. His earned run average did not matter as much as did his advocacy or presence on the mound.
“I felt this new responsibility to be willing to talk to people and be visible with it,” Taillon said.
When Hendriks announced in January 2023 that he had been diagnosed with Stage 4 non-Hodgkin lymphoma, Taillon knew he had to reach out.
Hendriks announced his retirement last week after a 14-year career built on resilience. Five times, he was designated for assignment. Twice, he was released. He has been an All-Star and a reliever of the year. He transformed from a composed, soft-tossing starter into a grunting maniac with an upper-90s heater.
Hendriks insisted he would approach cancer with the same vigor or he applied to every ninth inning. He calls it White Line Fever: He circles the mound like a lion stalking a zebra and morphs into a cyclone of rage. A cancer diagnosis can make even pitching's pre-eminent powder keg feel vulnerable, and Taillon surmised Hendriks was "more emotional or scared than he would let on."
Hendriks still has the text, dated Jan. 30, 2023, with the best advice he received.
"It's your journey. Nobody can tell you what to feel or what to do baseball-wise. Do whatever you feel is right."
That guidance stuck with Hendriks as he pushed through chemo and bulldozed his way back to the mound. All the credit, Hendriks says, goes to Taillon.
Taillon laughs when he hears this.
“I got that from Chad Bettis, actually,” he said.
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Savoring the Support
Hendriks had two lumps surface in the spring of 2022, one on the back of his neck and another near his jaw. His bloodwork came back clean; doctors figured he had inflamed hair follicles or that his White Line Fever was in overdrive.
But as Hendriks prepared for a November trip to Oahu, his doctor suggested he undergo further testing. This time, they found cancer.
During his chemo treatments, Hendriks experienced intense nausea, which subsided when he ate. He gained nearly 40 pounds. He dealt with bone pain and persistent fatigue. He grappled with a sudden inability to handle caffeine. His depth perception fluctuated, so an act like resting a cup on a table became a messy endeavor.
The more he talked to others who had endured chemo, including Bettis, the more he understood these side effects were common — and temporary. It compelled him to talk about it.
His wife, Kristi, joined the board for the Lymphoma Research Foundation. They started a Close Out Cancer T-shirt campaign. Hendriks met with cancer patients during every series and watched their anxieties momentarily melt away when they compared symptoms and coping mechanisms.
“You put it out into the universe,” Hendriks said, “and when you say it, you realize it doesn’t hold as much weight as you think internally.”
As he warmed up in the bullpen ahead of his first outing back in May 2023, Hendriks spotted a familiar face. A woman named Bianca who was enduring her third bout of Hodgkin lymphoma was holding one of the letters in a "Team Liam" display. She had designed him cleats for his return.
All Hendriks wanted to do was cry.
NBC Chicago declined to go to commercial after the seventh inning so fans could watch Hendriks sprint in from the bullpen. Catcher Matt Thaiss and the plate umpire, John Libka, granted Hendriks extra time to savor the scene and the support.
Then the weight of the moment dissipated. The sentimentality subsided.
The fever returned.
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Paying It Forward
Enright knew Hendriks only through his appearance at the 2021 All-Star Game when they met at a coffee house near Fenway Park in Boston in September 2025.
They talked through Enright's treatment schedule and symptoms — the hives, the nausea and tingling, the passing out whenever doctors drew his blood. They commiserated about how chemo wrecked their bodies, how 25 pitches drained them the way 45 pitches used to.
They talked recovery plans, elbow pain and coffee preferences. Hendriks shared what he learned from Bettis and Taillon. With each sip and each sliver of wisdom, En-right felt more empowered.
"If I can just do one-tenth of what these other guys have done for me," he said, "that's my way to pay it forward."
Like Hendriks, Enright was diagnosed in December 2022, but with Stage 2 nodular lymphocyte-predominant Hodgkin lymphoma. While Hendriks had compiled more than a decade of big league service time and described his elbow as “a ticking time bomb,” Enright had yet to make his major league debut.
The Miami Marlins selected him in the Rule 5 draft just days before he noticed an egg-shaped bulge in his neck. He was in the waiting room for the big leagues. But would baseball wait for him on the other side of his cancer journey? He needed to keep pitching for the sense of normalcy and the distraction, and also for his livelihood.
Enright's diagnosis announcement sparked the typical influx of thoughtful texts and calls. When that support, however, is supplied by someone who has worn that hospital gown and devised a schedule that accommodates both chemo sessions and bullpen sessions, “It’s superpowerful.”
Enright's story is still being written. He made his long-awaited debut in May 2025 in Detroit, on "Strike Out Cancer Weekend." He underwent Tommy John surgery last October. He underwent his most recent round of radiation in the spring. He will have another scan in November to confirm his body is responding properly.
Over the winter, Enright's former Marlins trainer connected him with Scarborough, the 21-year-old Rangers prospect who had been diagnosed with melanoma. Enright, who had once wanted to keep everything about his diagnosis quiet, now couldn't wait to extend a helping hand. Enright and Scarborough have maintained dialogue throughout the season as they navigate life in a club they never cared to join.
"If one person is able to read any of our stories and it benefits them," Enright said, "that makes it worth it."
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A Rare Showcase
On Aug. 14, 2017, nine months after his diagnosis, Bettis emerged from the Rockies' dugout to loosen his arm. He savored the ovation from the Colorado fans and he reflected on the support he received throughout the spring and summer: his wife, his family, teammates, trainers, strangers. Lance Armstrong.
"It's beautiful how any interaction with any individual," Bettis said, "can change the course of their day — or their life."
Ender Inciarte slapped Bettis's fifth pitch of the game past the glove of a diving Gerardo Parra in left field. The ball trickled to the wall and Inciarte sprinted around the bases. The Rockies nabbed him at home to prevent an inside-the-park home run, a fitting whirlwind to welcome back Bettis from the most frantic period of his life.
All he could hear on the mound was his breathing and his heartbeat, as if he were snorkeling. He had never felt so focused. He delivered seven scoreless innings in a 3-0 win.
“I think the baseball gods were on our side in our returns,” Taillon said.
A year later, Bettis, scanning the pitching probables, texted Taillon.
How sick would this be if we lined up against each other?
It was a chance to showcase the influence of the pitchers-with-cancer club. They tangled at Coors Field on Aug. 7, 2018. Bettis allowed nine runs, but Taillon recorded a complete-game victory.
“I got dominated, but it was awesome,” Bettis said. “That’s a memory I won’t ever forget.”
He was alive, a father, a husband. A survivor.
“Guys are dealing with potentially life-threatening things. That’s the bad news,” Armstrong said. “The good news is, there are people there to create this grapevine of support.”
Cheikh Hamidou Kane, Whose Haunting Novel Is Still Taught, Dies at 98
By ADAM NOSSITER
Cheikh Hamidou Kane, a Senegalese writer and civil servant whose 1961 novel, “Ambiguous Adventure,” reshaped perceptions of the colonial relationship, has died. He was 98.
Mr. Kane's death was announced by President Bassirou Diomaye Faye of Senegal on social media. He died on Sunday at home in Dakar, Senegal's capital, according to his son Amadou Kane.
“He gave generations of Africans the words to grapple with a question that still haunts us: that of opening ourselves to the world’s knowledge without losing anything of who we are,” Mr. Faye
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He captured the shock of colonization from the perspective of Africa's people.
wrote. “His work now belongs to the heritage of our Nation and of all Africa.”
Despite publishing only two novels, Mr. Kane achieved the status of Pan-African seer and was lauded as one of the founding fathers of African literature and as a writer who subtly captured the shock of colonization from the perspective of the continent's people.
In “Ambiguous Adventure,” Mr. Kane focused on the psychological trauma of colonization, especially on the colonized elites. Mr. Kane, who was a young novelist writing at the dawn of African independence, modeled the novel’s principal character, Samba Diallo, on himself.
Samba, an alert young man with a love of learning who is devoted to his Muslim faith, is torn between two civilizations. The
Saikou Jammeh contributed reporting.
“adventure” in the title refers to his journey into the world of his land’s conqueror and the blurred imprint it leaves.
When Mr. Kane wrote the book, he was also between two worlds. In the 1950s, he attended the French colonizer's schools, first in Senegal and then in Paris; he earned degrees in law and philosophy at the Sorbonne, and was trained in colonial administration at the National School for Overseas France. He returned to Africa in 1958 and shortly thereafter was made governor of a region near Dakar by the new government of independent Senegal.
Unlike the Nigerian author Chinua Achebe's stinging anticolonial novel "Things Fall Apart," published three years earlier, "Ambiguous Adventure" is concerned with the inner turmoil induced by colonization rather than the social disintegration it causes.
The main character is imbued with the culture and traditions of the Islamized Fulani aristocracy of the Senegal River Valley, where he grows up. But the fateful decision to attend a French school washes him in the colonizers' culture, which he couldn't shake even if he wanted to — and he doesn't. This internal conflict ends in tragedy, an outcome that seems to presage West Africa's struggle over the next half-century to rid itself of the lingering colonial imprint and find a path faithful to old customs.
The novel won the Grand Literary Prize of Black Africa in 1962. Although the English translation received little attention in the United States — the book was not reviewed in The New York Times
— it has long been considered seminal in Francophone Africa. It was read “in all the countries of sub-Saharan Africa,” the Le Monde journalist Éric Fottorino wrote in a profile of Mr. Kane in 1996, adding that the book had sold “100,000 copies across the world.”
Mr. Kane was always explicit about his didactic intent. In an interview with the writer Maryse
Cheikh Hamidou Kane in 2011. Right, his 1961 novel. He was lauded as one of the founding fathers of African literature.
SOPHIE BASSOULS/BRIDGEMAN
Condé on Radio France Internationale in 1974, he said that the book contains “a sort of political denunciation of what was, if you will, the colonial adventure,” explaining, “I thought the central problem was the conflict of cultures, of a traditional culture, the African culture, Black and Muslim, with the culture of the colonizers.”
He felt this conflict within himself, as he told Le Monde in 2018. The colonial era was “marked by the denial of our being, of our identity,” he said. “By the white men who colonized us and wanted us to think we were inferior beings,” he said.
“I admired them but I had in front of me people who had contempt for me,” he continued. “I had to fight to gain access to a world I admired but that wanted nothing to do with me.”
“Ambiguous Adventure” is a novel of education, illustrated by the schooling of Samba Diallo, a young aristocrat preparing to become a leader of his people, the Diallobé. He is first educated in the harsh discipline of a Quranic school by a character known as the Master. Mr. Kane evokes the panoply of corporal punishment used, then and now, in such schools. Like other principal characters in the book, the Master is a symbol and is named by his title.
Samba's aunt, the sister of the Diallobé chief, called the Royal Noble One, steps in and insists he attend the local French school to learn the ways of the conquerors. "We've got to go to them, to learn the art of winning without being right," she says to the Master and Samba. "The fight isn't over. The foreigners' school is the newest form of the war on us by those who have come here."
Mr. Kane depicts the stark contrast between the spiritual outlook of the Diallobé — focused on prayer, eternity, God and the afterlife — and the harsh materialism of the French conquerors. “Your science is the triumph of evidence, a proliferation of the surface,” Samba’s father, the Knight, modeled on Mr. Kane’s own father, tells his French civil servant colleague in the small northwestern Senegal town where they work.
This dichotomy takes literal shape in the narrative of the Crazy One, a Diallobé who has been to the white man's country and returned, altered by what he has seen. France is a horrorscape, in his telling.
Samba undergoes a similar transformation when he journeys to France. “Here, you could say that I live less fully than in the country of the Diallobé,” he tells his French hosts. “I no longer feel things directly.”
But the imprint of this new civilization is now on him, as the surprising ending of this short, prayerlike novel makes clear. On his return, he resists a call to prayer, with grave consequences. “I wanted to underscore the dramatic, tragic aspect of our intellectual and spiritual adventure,” Mr. Kane told Ms. Condé.
Cheikh Hamidou Kane was born on April 2, 1928, in Matam, in northern Senegal, the son of Mamadou Lamine Kane, a civil servant in the colonial administration, and Yéya (Racine) Kane. He attended the Quranic school in Saldé and then went to the French primary school in Louga. He went to a high school in Saint-Louis, the colonial capital, and then to the Lycée Van Vollenhoven, in Dakar, in 1948.
In 1951, he began studying at the Institute for Higher Learning in Dakar, now the Cheikh Anta Diop University, and then received a scholarship to attend the Lycée Louis-le-Grand in Paris, which prepared him for the Sorbonne and the colonial administrator's school.
In the post-independence fight that pitted the prime minister, Mamadou Dia, who supported a sharp break with France, against the French-leaning president, Léopold Sédar Senghor, Mr. Kane aligned himself with Mr. Dia, who was imprisoned.
He left Senegal in solidarity with Mr. Dia in 1962 and worked for the United Nations in Lagos, Nigeria, and Abidjan, Ivory Coast, and later for the International Development Research Center, an organization in Canada.
When Mr. Kane returned to Senegal in 1976, after Mr. Dia had been freed, Mr. Senghor made him minister for industrial development. From 1981 to 1988, he was planning minister under President Abdou Diouf. After retiring, he remained active in several notable nongovernmental organizations promoting peace in Senegal, including ENDA Tiers-Monde.
"The Guardians of the Temple," his 1995 novel, did not achieve the same celebrity as "Ambiguous Adventure." It had been in the works for more than 30 years; the poet Aimé Césaire had persuaded Mr. Kane not to publish it in 1965 because it "could have been used as a weapon against Senegal," Mr. Kane told Le Monde in 1996, adding, "Criticism of African regimes could have been seen as an appeal for military takeover."
In addition to his son Amadou, Mr. Kane is survived by three other children from his second marriage, to Marie Therese Bovis: Kadida Kane, Oumou Khairy Wane and Mamadou Lamine Kane; and two daughters from his first marriage, to Yaya Oumou Khairy: Yaya Touré and Hawa Kane.
“Ambiguous Adventure” endures as a classic plea for the independence and inherent worth of African cultures, and it is still taught in schools across the continent.
As Mr. Kane told the British critic J.P. Little in 1997, “When I wrote it, it was to bear witness to the Westerners of the existence of a Black culture, of a Black civilization, of a Black sensibility.”
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Austin, Diane
Beaton, Howard
Davis, Gordon
Stillman, Marilyn
AUSTIN—Diane P., a celebrated caterer whose table, friendships, and opinions were all generously populated, died September 30 in Boston, one week short of her 97th birthday. An inveterate New Yorker, Dee loved the city almost as much as she loved her cats and a good hand of bridge. She was a graduate of Stuart Hall and Smith College, class of 1951. For more than 30 years, she ran Dee Austin Inc., a successful catering business. An inspired cook, a magnanimous host, and a lover of conversation, wit, and company, her tables were legendary. A force of nature, she had little patience for convention, less for pretense, and a large appetite for pleasure, people, and life. She could be formidable, funny, irreverent, and enormously generous. People gathered around her and stayed. She was predeceased by her son, William Robert "Trip" McGleughlin III, and her husbands, William Robert McGleughlin, Jr., Henry McEvoy, and Charles Lee Austin Jr. She is survived by her
Deaths
children, Peter T. McGleughlin and Julie "Jade" P. McGleughlin, and their spouses Sally McGleughlin and Sue Hyde, her three stepsons, Michael, Timothy, and Dennis McEvoy; and her five grandchildren, Jesse, Christian, Maxwell, Octavia and Nicholas McGleughlin. She leaves behind a devoted and loving family, and a life lived very much on her own terms.
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BEATON—
Howard L., M.D.,
age 76, died peacefully on October 5, 2026. Born in New York City, he graduated from Yale University and the University of Rochester School of Medicine and Dentistry. A board-certified general surgeon, Dr. Beaton practiced in New York City for more than four decades and was especially proud of his service during the September 11 attacks. As Chief of Surgery and Emergency Services at NYU Downtown Hospital, he and his colleagues cared for casualties from the World Trade Center. He was predeceased by his beloved wife of 28 years, Bettye Beaton. He is survived by his son, Joshua (Beth); daughters Audrey
Deaths
Margarite (Mike) and Jessica Beaton (Todd); grandchildren Jacob, Olivia, Cameron and Noa; siblings Dianne Heaps and Neal Beaton; and his partner, Irit Granger. A funeral service will be held Thursday, October 8, 2026 at 12:45pm at Sharon Gardens. Shiva will be observed Thursday and Friday at his home in New York City. In lieu of flowers, donations may be made to the JCC in Sherman, Connecticut.
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DAVIS—Gordon J.
DAVIS—Gordon J.
The Trustees and staff of The New York Public Library mourn the passing of Gordon J. Davis, a beloved and dedicated member of the Library family. Gordon joined the Library's Board of Trustees in 1993 and became a Life Trustee in 2016. A celebrated civic leader, Gordon played an instrumental role in shaping New York City, and his contributions will continue to have a profound impact on future generations of New Yorkers.
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Deaths
At the Library, we are grateful for his expertise, generosity of spirit, and unwavering commitment to public service. We extend our deepest sympathies to his wife, Peggy, their daughter, Lizzy, and their friends and family.
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Abby S. Milstein,
Chair
Evan R. Chesler,
Catherine Marron,
Neil L. Rudenstine,
Chair Emeriti
Anthony W. Marx,
President
DAVIS—Gordon J.
In honor of his estimable life.
The Corman Family
STILLMAN—Marilyn.
Age 86, died on Sunday, October 4, 2026. She was an exceptional mother, grandmother, great-grandmother, sister and wife. She and Charles Stillman were married for 67 wonderful years. Marilyn was a gifted interior designer and for good measure a talented pianist. May her memory be for a blessing.
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From left, Ms. Saint, right, with Lillian Gish in “The Trip to Bountiful” (1953); with Montgomery Clift and Elizabeth Taylor in “Raintree County” (1957); with James Karen in “Superman Returns” (2006).
DAVID JAMES/WARNER BROTHERS PICTURES
GETTY IMAGES
Eva Marie Saint, 102, Dies; Won Oscar for ‘On the Waterfront’
By ALJEAN HARMETZ
Eva Maire Saint and Marlon Brando in “On the Waterfront” (1954). Both won Oscars. “Amid scenes of carnage, she gives tenderness and sensitivity to genuine romance,” a Times critic wrote.
Eva Marie Saint, who won an Academy Award in 1955 for her gripping movie debut as the shy love interest of Marlon Brando's longshoreman in "On the Waterfront," and who proved equally convincing as a stylish siren opposite Cary Grant in the romantic Hitchcock thriller "North by Northwest," died on Tuesday at her home in Los Angeles. She was 102.
A family representative, Jeff Sanderson, confirmed the death.
Blonde and delicately beautiful — as a child, she played an angel in school pageants — Ms. Saint had been a working actress for eight years by the time she made her first movie. She learned her craft on live television dramas — which, with their three cameras and constant tumult, forced her to learn to concentrate, she said.
Ms. Saint in 2019. When movie work got scarce, she returned successfully to television.
Her supporting performance in "On the Waterfront," which boasted one of the most impressive casts and crews ever assembled, would alone have assured her a place in movie history; the movie remains near the top of the American Film Institute's list of the country's greatest films. It won the Oscar for best picture and director (for Elia Kazan), and Mr. Brando took home the award for best actor, for his tormented performance as a former prizefighter who moonlights as muscle for a corrupt union.
Even if Mr. Brando had the most indelible lines (“I coulda been a contender”), Budd Schulberg, who won the screenwriting Oscar, said Ms. Saint had the riskiest assignment — portraying a convent-educated young woman, Edie, who simmers with passion for Mr. Brando’s Terry Malloy. Edie, who discovers Terry played a role in the death of her brother, who had run afoul of union racketeers, plays a critical role waking Malloy’s conscience.
Mr. Kazan said he selected Ms. Saint from among hundreds of actresses for her ability to convey the “simplicity and faith that well-brought-up Catholic girls have,” but he noted that she also brought an explosive capacity for lust and an ability to keep up with Mr. Brando, a master of improvisation.
“In casting Eva Marie Saint,” the film critic A.H. Weiler wrote in
Adam Bernstein contributed reporting.
The New York Times, “Mr. Kazan has come up with a pretty and blonde artisan who does not have to depend on these attributes. Her parochial school training is no bar to love with the proper stranger. Amid scenes of carnage, she gives tenderness and sensitivity to genuine romance.”
Nine months pregnant with her first child when she picked up her Oscar at the RKO Pantages Theater in Hollywood, she told the audience, “I’m so excited I may have the baby right here.” Her son was born two days later.
Stardom beckoned, but Ms. Saint decided to raise a family and to make only one movie a year while her two children were growing up. She later recalled turning down a three-picture deal that her agent promised would make her "a superstar." What she preferred, she reflected in 1996 to the Hollywood interviewers David Fantle and Tom Johnson, was "to be a working actress with a home life that worked."
"I have a life, and it is not lived on the set," she said. "I felt that way when I was raising my kids, and I feel that way now. I don't want make-believe children. When Donna Reed, the perfect American mother to millions of TV viewers in the 1950s, ended her show, her children were teenagers. She said to me, 'Now I'm going to get to know my kids.' I thought that was so very sad."
Nevertheless, Ms. Saint had a fruitful and celebrated career. Almost as acclaimed as her work in “On the Waterfront” was her performance as a seductive mystery woman opposite Mr. Grant in “North by Northwest” (1959), which is also on the A.F.I. list.
As Mr. Grant's Madison Avenue executive finds himself on the run, falsely accused of committing a high-profile murder, he finds himself seated in a train dining car with Ms. Saint. In a twist, and to his delight, she is the sexual aggressor.
"It's going to be a long night," she tells him. "And I don't particularly like the book I've started. You know what I mean?"
In later years, she said some of the easiest work in her entire professional life involved the many retakes required to film their kissing scenes.
Most of Ms. Saint's performances were intensely dramatic. She played the steadfast wife of a drug addict (Don Murray) in "A Hatful of Rain" (1957); the childhood sweetheart who loses Montgomery Clift to Elizabeth Taylor in "Raintree County" (1957); the widowed American nurse who falls in love with a Jewish warrior (Paul Newman) during the fight to create the state of Israel in "Exodus" (1960); and the older woman who is bedded and betrayed by a young drifter (Warren Beatty) in "All Fall Down" (1962).
Portraying the wife of a mediocre artist (George Segal) who is about to run away with another woman in “Loving” (1970), Ms. Saint gave what the critic Pauline Kael called a “stunning performance in what might have been a cliché role.”
COLUMBIA PICTURES
"It's wonderful to see what reserves of talent performers can sometimes draw upon when they get the chance," Ms. Kael wrote, noting her ability to turn her character's "humiliating position" into one of unexpected poignancy.
When given the chance, though, Ms. Saint proved a deft comic actress, playing a secretary still half in love with her ex-husband (Bob Hope) in “That Certain Feeling” (1956) and Carl Reiner’s wife in “The Russians Are Coming, the Russians Are Coming” (1966), a Cold War farce about a New England town that thinks it’s being invaded by the Soviets.
In the 1970s, when movie work grew increasingly scarce, Ms.
Saint, always levelheaded and pragmatic, returned happily and successfully to television. She starred in TV movies; played Cy-bill Shepherd's mother in the late 1980s on the ABC comedy-drama series "Moonlighting"; and won an Emmy Award in 1990 as a nasty dowager in the NBC version of Dominick Dunne's biting novel about the upper crust, "People Like Us."
Eva Marie Saint, the younger of two daughters, was born in East Orange, N.J., on July 4, 1924, and grew up in Delmar, N.Y.
Her father, John Merle Saint, was an executive with B.F. Goodrich, the tire manufacturer. Her mother, Eva Marie (Rice) Saint, had been a schoolteacher.
She was a calm, almost grave, child, her mother told Cosmopolitan magazine in 1954; she thought her daughter had inherited her “serenity” from her father, a
Quaker.
Becoming an actress was almost accidental. Ms. Saint followed her older sister, Adelaide, to Bowling Green State University in Ohio, and almost immediately found herself cast as the lead in college plays. Stunningly attractive, she was also voted “Sweater Queen” and “May Queen” by her fellow students.
She graduated in 1946 with a bachelor's degree in speech. (The university named a theater after her in 2012.) New York, and television, were the next step. Her early roles included playing a singing cheerleader in a tennis shoe commercial and, more notably, making an appearance on “Studio One” in the Ring Lardner-George S. Kaufman play “June Moon” in 1949, opposite another young hopeful, Jack Lemmon.
Playing the rebellious daughter
Claudia for two years on the
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She brought a layered intensity to harrowing roles and seduced Cary Grant.
prime-time television version of the radio soap opera “One Man’s Family” earned her good money but left her discontented.
An equally discontented aspiring director, Jeffrey Hayden, invited her to lunch; they married in 1951. In the fourth decade of her marriage to Mr. Hayden, who had a long career as a television director, Ms. Saint told The Los Angeles Times: “I really don’t wake up every morning and say, ‘Well, now, isn’t this unusual? I’m sleeping with the same man after 43 years.’ I do say that you work at marriage. It doesn’t just happen.”
Mr. Hayden died in 2016 at 90. She is survived by their two children, Darrell and Laurette; four grandchildren; and two great-grandchildren.
To a torrent of critical acclaim, Ms. Saint starred with Lillian Gish in Horton Foote's 1953 television play "The Trip to Bountiful," as a young woman befriended by an older one on a long bus ride. When "The Trip to Bountiful" moved to Broadway later in 1953, it was a commercial failure, but Mr. Kazan and Mr. Schulberg were in the audience at one of its 39 performances.
Mr. Foote said her “ability to transmit an inner purity” made her right for the part in “Bountiful,” and that same quality, Mr. Kazan and Mr. Schulberg concurred, made her ideal for “On the Waterfront.”
Among Ms. Saint's other movies were “36 Hours” (1964), a World War II drama co-starring James Garner, and “The Sandpiper” (1965), in which she loses the man she loves (Richard Burton, as her husband and an Episcopal clergyman) to a freethinking artist (Ms. Taylor). She was a prisoner rescued by an Army scout (Gregory Peck) and then followed along the western frontier by her renegade Apache captor in “The Stalking Moon” (1968).
Well into her later years, Ms. Saint was still a working actress. She played Superman's foster mother, Martha Kent, in the movie "Superman Returns" (2006) and had a central role as a spinster librarian opposite a 10-year-old girl and a dog in "Because of Winn-Dixie" (2005). One of her last movie appearances was in the fantasy "Winter's Tale," based on the Mark Helprin novel, in 2014.
Asked in an interview for Vanity Fair in 2011 if she ever watched her own films, Ms. Saint replied: "Sometimes I do. And I think, 'Well, gee. You did that? Good job!'"
Joe Romm, 66, Influential Voice in Climate Debate
By CLAY RISEN
Joe Romm, a physicist by training who became one of the most influential voices in the debate over climate change and how to stop it, using his blog to provide deep-dive insights and sharp-el-bowed critiques, died on Sept. 14 in Washington. He was 66.
His death, at a hospital, was confirmed by his former wife, Patricia Sinicropi. Mr. Romm, who lived in Washington, had struggled with mental health issues for several years, she said, and had died by suicide.
Armed with a doctorate from M.I.T., Mr. Romm bounded into the environmental policy fights of the mid-2000s. He became a prolific writer of white papers, books, opinion pieces and a blog, Climate Progress, which he operated under the auspices of the Center for American Progress, the left-leaning think tank where he was a fellow.
Politicians in government and experts in the field quickly took notice of Mr. Romm's clear, detailed policy takes — and take-downs.
If you are having thoughts of suicide, call or text 988 to reach the 988 Suicide and Crisis Lifeline or go to SpeakingOfSuicide.com/resources for a list of additional resources.
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Arguing for an all-in approach to dealing with climate change.
“They trusted him to get enough into the details to get it right, but also to be able to translate it into terms that they could understand,” Michael Mann, the director of the Penn Center for Science, Sustainability and the Media at the University of Pennsylvania, said in an interview.
Mr. Romm argued for an aggressive, all-in approach to dealing with climate change, using whatever practical solutions were available rather than investing in future technologies — a strategy that many credited with shaping climate policy during the presidencies of Barack Obama and Joseph R. Biden Jr.
He received similar credit for his long-running advocacy of electric cars. He argued that they were a more practical alternative to the internal combustion engine than hydrogen cells, a once-hyped technology that Mr. Romm considered unrealistic. He led the charge against President George W. Bush's hydrogen-powered-car initiative, which the White House announced with great fanfare in 2003 but which failed to deliver even a fraction of its promised outcomes.
Mr. Romm's 2004 book, “The Hype About Hydrogen: False Promises and Real Solutions in the Race to Save the Climate,” contended that such initiatives were often disguised benefits for special interest groups, which used the promise of silver-bullet technologies as an excuse not to take painful but necessary steps sooner.
He took on climate deniers and the fossil-fuel industry, but also ostensible allies when he felt that they had failed to recognize the urgency of the moment.
"He was a hyperactive, very aggressive critic," Andrew Revkin, a journalist who covered climate for The New York Times from 1995 to 2016, said in an interview. "If anything I did struck him as being too nuanced or wrong, he would pounce on it. I'd write 500 words, and he'd write 2,000 words."
A compelling speaker, Mr. Romm also wrote extensively about how to communicate the details of climate change to general audiences, even skeptical ones. In 2015, he wrote “Climate Change: What Everyone Needs to Know,” which quickly became the standard primer for would-be climate-policy debaters.
Last year, he and his daughter, Antonia, a student at the University of Chicago, released a podcast called “Decoding Taylor Swift: A Storytelling Revolution,” in which they argued that the pop singer’s lyrics offer a master class in how to “make the words you speak more persuasive, memorable and viral.”
Joseph Jacob Romm was born on June 27, 1960, in Middletown, N.Y., where his father, Al Romm, was the managing editor of the local newspaper and his mother, Ethel (Grodzins) Romm, was the chief executive of an environmental technology company.
He received his bachelor's degree in physics in 1982 and his doctorate in 1987, both from M.I.T.
In addition to Ms. Sinicropi and their daughter, he is survived by a brother, Dan.
As a graduate student and in his early career as a fellow at the Rocky Mountain Institute and the Rockefeller Foundation, Mr. Romm focused on the threat of nuclear war; his first book, “The Once and Future Superpower” (1992), was about American security policy.
But after the collapse of the Soviet Union, he shifted his attention to energy, and from there to climate change, which was emerging as an issue of national importance.
Joe Romm in 2012. In his 2004 book, he opposed initiatives like President George W. Bush's push for hydrogen-powered cars.
JONAH KOCH
Mr. Romm worked at the Department of Energy from 1993 to 1998, including a stint as an acting assistant secretary. He served as the director of the Center for Climate and Energy Solutions, a think tank, from 1998 to 2006, when he joined the Center for American Progress.
His blog offered more than just his own perspective: With a team of reporters and regular contributors, it became a one-stop shop for
PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS
FALSE PROMISES AND REAL SOLUTIONS
IN THE RACE TO SAVE
THE CLIMATE
REVISED & UPDATED
JOSEPH J. ROMM
progressives, delivering a mix of news and in-depth reports.
In 2019, Mr. Romm helped found Front Page Live, a progressive news aggregator for which he served as editor in chief, and in 2023 Mr. Mann hired him as a senior research fellow at the Penn Center.
"There's nobody else like Joe Romm," Mr. Mann said. "There's nobody else who brought all of these interlocking talents and proclivities together in the way that he did. That gave him such a unique voice, and it's a voice that we sorely could use today."
3 THEATER
A literary sensation makes an unlikely move to the stage.
2 ART
Don't be fooled by marble: Romans liked garish togas.
NEWS | CRITICISM
Arts
The New York Times
Surreal estate sale discovery brings a man \$1.35 million at auction.
THURSDAY, OCTOBER 8, 2026 C1
Returning As the Man In Charge
David Hallberg, a former Ballet Theater star, is bringing the Australian Ballet to New York for a work about Oscar Wilde.
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By ROSLYN SULCAS
David Hallberg had three goals when he started as the artistic director of the Australian Ballet in 2021: to bring his unusually varied experience of ballet techniques and styles to the company; to expand its repertory; and to take the company to the cities that were most important to him.
Those included Moscow, where he became the first American to join the Bolshoi Ballet; London, where he was a principal guest artist at the Royal Ballet; and New York, where he spent most of his career, with American Ballet Theater.
“Because of the pandemic and the Ukrainian war,” this last goal has been the most challenging, Hallberg said in a video conversation.
"But here we are."
He was speaking from New York, where, after an appearance at Fall for Dance, the Australian Ballet was preparing a City Center run (through Sunday) of Christopher Wheeldon's “Oscar” (2024), about the life of Oscar Wilde — the first full-length narrative ballet to focus on a gay hero and his love for another man.
Hallberg was excited but aware of impending scrutiny.
"This is absolutely the city — audiences, presenters, critics — that knows me best," he said. "And there is no denying that eyes will be on how I have guided and how I am presenting the company that I have directed for six years."
New York was where Hallberg became a dance world celebrity, acclaimed for the purity of his classicism. His career was followed closely as he moved to Moscow, coped with a career-threatening ankle inju-CONTINUED ON PAGE C6
New York “knows me best,” says David Hallberg. “And there is no denying that eyes will be on how I have guided and how I am presenting the company that I have directed for six years.”
HEATHER STEN FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
Greg Freeman Gets Too Big for the Room
The rocker cherishes his D.I.Y. roots as his latest album, full of zingers, bumps him to a new level.
EVAN JENKINS FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
Greg Freeman takes a leap in McKinley Park in Chicago. His new album, "All Set the Bone," came out last week.
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By LINDSAY ZOLADZ
Halfway through a tall pilsner at Farrell's, a 93-year-old bar in Brooklyn, the indie musician Greg Freeman made a bold pronouncement: "Rock music should be played in a room that is, like, ideally, 250 capacity."
Freeman wore a long-sleeve striped shirt beneath an army-green tee, to which he had clipped a pen. He took another sip. "Just put me in a room," he said. "Those are the best shows, always. I don't want a barricade between me and the audience."
It's a noble thought, but Freeman's tremendous new album, "All Set the Bone," seems poised to put him in front of much larger crowds. Panoramic, squalling and razor-witted, "Bone" is an impressive step up from last year's excellent breakout LP, "Burnover," and furthers the argument that Freeman is one of the best lyricists in indie rock right now.
“Every fifth line is kind of a zinger,” said Jim Fairchild, guitarist of the band Grandaddy, for whom Freeman opened on a tour last year. “There’s some sensitivity and whimsy, but there’s also this really visceral rock thing that I dig and that I was drawn to it the first time I heard Greg’s music.”
"He's in lock step with himself," said John Congleton, the Grammy-winning producer who has worked with St. Vincent and Mod-CONTINUED ON PAGE C6
Still at Bard But Facing Scrutiny
Leon Botstein retired over Epstein stigma, yet ties remain.
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By ADAM NAGOURNEY
As dusk settled over Bryant Park, the conductor Leon Botstein walked slowly across the stage, settling into a stool in front of the American Symphony Orchestra. The crowd sprawled across the lawn on this late-summer evening did not seem to notice that he had taken his position. Botstein raised his baton and started a performance of Copland's "Fanfare for the Common Man," competing with police sirens and the whine of passing buses.
Nearly 80 minutes later, Botstein, with a wave and a suggestion of a smile, walked off the stage to respectful applause.
For Botstein, this warm reception may prove little more than a brief moment of respite. After a half-century as a prominent figure in academia and music, Botstein, 79, was forced to retire in June as the president of Bard College, a post he had held since 1975. That came in the face of detailed revelations in Justice Department documents about his longstanding friendship with the CONTINUED ON PAGE C5
PHOTOGRAPHS BY ANA CECILIA GONZÁLEZ
In Ancient Rome, the Fashion Was Loud
A show reveals how vivid dyes and exotic fabrics were used to broadcast status.
Top, most statues in the show “The Power of Fashion in the Roman Empire” are pale marble, but analysis shows they were once brightly colored. Above, left, togas of elite Romans were probably purple. Above right, clothing conveyed power. Left, Roman perfume gets a modern interpretation in the show. Below, busts showcase Roman hairstyles, some imitating those of conquered cultures.
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By NICOLAS LINEY
COPENHAGEN — This city built its reputation as the capital of Scandinavian quiet luxury on a palette of beige and gray. But inside its Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek museum, a new exhibition reveals that the power players of ancient Rome preferred a far louder aesthetic: garish garments, vibrant dyes and unapologetic display.
The show, “The Power of Fashion in the Roman Empire,” running through March 29, assembles sculptures from the era to examine how imperial expansion delivered the raw materials and styles that Romans used to assert themselves in a hypercompetitive social world.
"The exhibition explores fashion as a means of expressing status and power," said Cecilie Broens, a senior researcher at the Glyptotek who curated the show. "It also helps us understand how Roman fashion drew on the resources of its empire to express these forms of power."
As Rome consolidated its control over the Mediterranean and beyond in the early centuries of the first millennium, a thriving trade network fueled an increasingly consumerist society. Fashion trends and materials, like silk, pearls and dyes, flowed in from encounters with other cultures and helped demarcate social hierarchies in Rome.
The more exotic or rarefied your outfit was, the more clout you carried.
Textiles decay easily, and hard evidence for Roman fashion is vanishingly rare. But Roman portrait sculpture can tell us a lot about clothing, hairstyles and jewelry — even what perfumes people used. And because these statues broadcast idealized versions of their subjects, they reveal even more about how people wanted to be seen.
Perhaps predictably, many sculptures in the exhibition feature a subject wearing a toga or a stola, a sort of pinafore for women. These garments, which telegraphed Roman citizenship, remained remarkably unchanged over the centuries. But ornaments, hairstyles and dyes offered a way of standing out.
THE GLYPTOTEK
Many of the statues were originally painted in vibrant pigments, although barely any trace is left today. The Glyptotek, a major center for research on the use of color in ancient sculpture, has used paint residue analysis to produce digital reconstructions displayed on screens in the show.
Dyes for garments were sourced from around the empire. Purple — the most prestigious — was traditionally restricted to the garments of the elite. The best purples came from the glands of Murex sea snails from the eastern Mediterranean, an exploitative practice that nearly drove the species to extinction. “The word sustainability wouldn’t make any sense to Romans,” Broens said.
Plant-based imitations provided an access point for the less affluent — “much like fake handbags of today,” Broens explained. (A discerning eye could tell the difference: In his “Epistles,” the poet Horace pities the know-nothing who can’t tell one from the other.) The exhibition displays a rare fragment of a tunic with a woad or indigo border from Egypt, on loan from the British Museum, to compare with a remnant of Murex purple from the Glyptotek's archives.
Purple was a versatile color for Romans, covering a wide spectrum from pink to blue. Shifting trends favored different shades, and adopting new hues could give an edge. As Eve D'Ambra, an art history professor at Vassar College, writes in the exhibition catalog, "The quest to acquire the most prestigious dyes was akin to striking a moving target."
Other dyes from imperial provinces were equally valuable and signified wealth, like kermes, a vermilion derived from insects, or saffron. These dyes were used for the clothes of wealthy citizens outside the Roman elite, including freed slaves, who were not allowed to wear purple.
The show includes a portrait sculpture of the ex-slave and actor Caius Fundilius in a toga and dress shoes like a member of the elite. His toga, however, was originally painted orange, perhaps suggesting that it was colored with saffron — an expensive dye, but still not purple.
Other fashion trends, like hairstyles, could reflect Roman conquests. When Rome was struggling to subdue Germanic territories in the first century, elite women often wore wigs made from the blonde hair of Germanic captives or tried to imitate the color with dye. In this case, Broens said, "Women's beauty was quite literally constructed from subjugated peoples."
Yet not all foreign influences were harvested by force. As Rome's elite diversified, hairstyles were borrowed for cosmopolitan cachet. Julia Domna, the wife of the emperor Septimius Severus, came from a powerful Syrian family, and her distinctive coiffure appears to have been a popular style in that region. A portrait bust in the exhibition displays the look, which was widely copied.
We also know that perfume styles tracked the empire's expansion, with popular varieties including “Egyptian” and “Assyrian.” Recent research shows that statues of the elite would even be regularly anointed with scents. Some recipes for scents survive, but we'll never know what they really smelled like. Instead, the Glyptotek invited the Danish cosmetics brand Karmameju to create its own interpretations — bringing a touch of Scandinavian elegance to the imperial glitz.
ANSWERS TO PREVIOUS PUZZLES
When the Audience Is Inseparable From Those Onstage
By THOMAS ROGERS
An adaptation of the novel 'Perfection' has something to say about class, gentrification, consumerism and democracy.
Top and center, performers in the stage version of "Perfection" at the Volksbühne theater in Berlin. Near right, Anta Recke, the play's director.
BERLIN — By most standards, Vincenzo Latronico's novel "Perfection" is a strange candidate for a stage adaptation. The Italian writer's short novel — which became a sensation when it came out in English translation last year — ostensibly centers on two millennial expatriates living here in the 2010s, when low rents and costs made this city a magnet for young people.
But the book, which hit a nerve internationally for its incisive critique of lifestyle consumerism and digital-nomad culture, has only thinly sketched characters named Anna and Tom, and no dialogue. It has little plot, and its pages are mostly filled with descriptions of household belongings, social media feeds and banal activities like dinners and art openings.
Last weekend, however, the Volksbühne theater in Berlin premiered an ambitious attempt to reimagine Latronico's story for a live audience — and to provoke audience members who fit the demographic of its characters.
"All of Berlin hates Anna and Tom," said Anta Recke, the play's 37-year-old German Senegalese director, "but all of Berlin also is Anna and Tom."
Avoiding a direct adaptation of the book's (modest) events, the play features a cast of six actors largely reading out sections of the novel, dressed in T-shirts bearing variations on the words “international nobody.”
The performers slink around the theater, which has been configured like an arena, recounting Anna and Tom's story in a mix of — frequently broken — German and English. The descriptions of everyday activities and the characters' online lives are interspersed with more abstract episodes, in which the performers wrestle and sing.
Bright lights are directed at the viewers for most of the performance — so they see themselves as implicated in Latronico's critique, Recke said. In one extended scene, performers rearrange audience members in the theater to achieve an ideal configuration for the space.
Recke said the performance was meant to be a kind of “forum” for a discussion of the ideas the book raises: class, gentrification, consumerism and democracy. The actors, she said, were both “hosts” and stand-ins for the audience, whom she hoped would reflect on their own similarities to the books’ alienated characters. (The T-shirts, she said, were inspired by a sticker she noticed in a club bathroom.)
As Recke pointed out, the book uncannily captured the atmosphere of Berlin during the last decade of Angela Merkel's chancellorship, when the city experienced an influx of international expatriates, many of whom worked online jobs and circulated in English-speaking social bubbles isolated from German-speaking locals.
“I immediately saw the book as political,” Recke said, adding that she viewed it not only as a cautionary tale about the meaninglessness of consumerism, but also of the dangers of social and political disengagement. “This sadness and loneliness is rooted in the unfulfilled promises of democratic participation,” she said.
LEE EVERETT THIELER
A Munich native who has spent much of the past two decades in the German capital, Recke said she had encountered many of the “scenes, atmospheres, aesthetics and surfaces” described in the book. But she also argued that the novel had resonated internationally because the aspirational yet isolating relationship with online culture that it depicts is universal.
LEE EVERETT THIELER
The book, which is heavily inspired by Georges Perec's 1965 novel, "Things: A Story of the Sixties," was first published in Italian to little fanfare in 2022. It did not become a success until it was published in English three years later by Fitzcarraldo Editions, a small British press.
Writing in The New York Times, the critic Ryan Ruby argued that “Perfection” would spur recognition from readers who “belong to the same class and generation” as its protagonists, “whether or not they live in Berlin.” A New Yorker critic wrote that the book’s “magic trick” was to “reveal readers to themselves — gently, in the way a therapist might encourage a patient to arrive at an unflattering truth.”
In an interview before the premiere, Latronico said that he had spoken to several theaters in Italy shortly after the book came out there about adapting it for the stage. The projects fell through in part, he said, because “there’s no immediate way to turn this book into a story where people actually do things.”
He agreed to the Volksbühne adaptation because of the theater's long history of experimental productions and because he was heartened by Recke's plans to "formally reinvent" the book. (He has since been approached by two other international theaters about stage adaptations, he said, and is working with producers on a movie version.)
The political context, he noted, had changed since the book first came out. “Perfection,” he said, captured a period in the 2010s when there was still a “naïve optimism” about the future, aside from “big blips” to the liberal order like the election of Donald J. Trump or Britain’s vote to leave the European Union.
From today's perspective — with the conflicts in the Middle East and Ukraine — the characters' "privileged, sheltered, naïve ennui" seems even more jarring, he said. He added that he hoped that a Berlin audience would be able to clearly grasp his book's political undertones after seeing the live performance.
Rahel Fügener, a 28-year-old architect in the audience who had not read the book, said that she saw “a disturbing amount of overlap” with her own life. “You keep running into the question of meaning,” she said. “Like, why are we even doing this?”
But the fact that much of the play is in German is likely to have kept away many members of the city's English-speaking expatriate community who most resemble Anna and Tom. Britta Hansen, a TV producer in the audience who has lived in Berlin for decades, said that she was provoked not by the show's lifestyle critiques but by the fact that it had been staged at all. "To have given this space to such privileged, insular lives," she said, "that is the provocation."
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Two Not Touch
Put two stars in each row, column and region of the grid. No two stars may touch, not even diagonally.
GFQ HQUGCQI ZRJQ UCDZIG ETOJFUIQX U EONWUGQ NICURX NR AOQQJQ UI U OQPTAQ POZD GFQNO XQWZGQX DZH.
PUZZLE BY BEN BASS
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KenKen
YESTERDAY'S ANSWER Contradiction, contraception
Fill the grid with digits so as not to repeat a digit in any row or column, and so that the digits within each heavily outlined box will produce the target number shown, by using addition, subtraction, multiplication or division, as indicated in the box. A 4x4 grid will use the digits 1-4. A 6x6 grid will use 1-6.
1 One who might use they/them pronouns, informally
5 Sensation after getting a tattoo, for some
9 How low can they go?
14 Meteor shower?
16 Stay under the covers all morning, to a Brit
17 Taps
19 Piano exercise
20 "It's never paid to \_\_\_\_ against America": Warren Buffett
21 Place-holding letters on a schedule
22 Browbeaten
24 Trams
27 In the way of
28 Drill
29 Time to go fast?
30 Audacious, informally
33 "Midnight Cowboy" con man
36 Paws
40 Take a hankie to, say
41 Nora who wrote "When Harry Met Sally ..."
PUZZLE BY RACHEL GREY AND JOHN KUGELMAN
43 Counterpart of Brahma and Vishnu
46 Expand, as dough
48 Hawaiian fish with a palindromic name
49 Dessert
52 Deciduous tree often found in regions dominated by conifers
54 Just a number, they say
55 Long-lasting birth control option, in brief
56 Turn over
58 Naive regal gnat
63 Creepy
64 It separates China and South Korea
65 Everybody's hands
66 Impudence
67 Stanch
---
DOWN
DOWN
1 And so on, in brief
2 Hero famously "red-pilled," in film
3 Perceived Democratic electoral bloc
ANSWER TO PREVIOUS PUZZLE
10/8/26
4 Matchmaker in "Fiddler on the Roof"
5 Like many summertime coffee orders
6 Caped fighter
7 Professional who's busiest in Apr.
8 Tisanes
9 Popeye's rival
10 Making money or becoming famous, maybe
11 Smolder
12 Penalty box in hockey, slangily
13 Unbroken
15 Hoop alternative
18 Neighbor of Switz.
22 Something inside or outside a wine bar?
23 Count of "A Series of Unfortunate Events"
25 Unpredictable
26 Gingham or seersucker
28 Common policy at a neighborhood BBQ
31 Remote sensing technology that uses lasers
32 Eponymous Belgian resort town
34 Cringeily cute
35 Tiny slug?
37 Units of electric charge
38 Spray from a plane
39 Sharpen
42 Start to stick?
43 Under a parasol, say
44 "My feelings exactly"
45 Host Meredith of "25 Words or Less"
47 Cézanne painted a "Pyramid" of them
50 "Oh no!"
51 Clear stuff in a restaurant
52 Prefix often meaning "gas"
53 Flakes out?
57 Thelma and Louise, e.g.
59 Signifier of no value, in many programming languages
60 Grazing area
61 First name signifier?
62 Counterpart of a sire, on a horse farm
Play all of our games plus over 10,000 past puzzles for Wordle, Spelling Bee, The Crossword and more online at http://nytimes.com/games. For puzzle talk, visit http://nytimes.com/wordplay.
CHRISTOPHER BYRD | VIDEO GAME REVIEW
In a Prequel, Seeing the Origins of a Hellscape
Gears of War: E-Day, released this week, is the eighth entry in a series from the studio Coalition. It chronicles the emergence of an alien army from underground and its assault on the planet.
A new entry in a series explores the back stories of familiar characters and events.
ALMOST 20 YEARS AGO, I rang up my friend and said, "It's everything you hoped it would be." I was gushing about Gears of War, the third-person shooter that in November 2006 played like nothing else and was the best-looking Xbox 360 game on the market. There was a gravitational tug to maneuvering the armored soldiers, known as gears, and snapping them into and out of cover. Afterward, returning to the first-person shooters of that period felt like steering a weightless camera.
Gears of War: E-Day, released by the studio Coalition on Tuesday, is the eighth entry in the Gears series, not including remakes, and serves as a prequel to the events of that
Gears of War: E-Day
Available on Xbox Series X|S and PC.
THE COALITION
first game. The “E” in the title refers to the emergence of the Locust Horde, an alien army, from underground, beginning their assault on the planet. The campaign in the game is an exercise in nostalgia, albeit a well-crafted one. (For those who remember the desaturated color palette of the early games, the fourth act starts with a large, open level that serves as a visual callback.)
To justify its existence as a worthy prequel, E-Day does two things quite consciously. First, it emphasizes the speed and magnitude of the Locust's transformation of the world into a hellscape. On a dramatic level, this is what makes the return of Dom Santiago — the brother in arms and best friend to the series's hero, Marcus Fenix — work. As series fans know, Dom died in Gears of War 3. In E-Day, we witness the death of his family, which haunted him throughout the original trilogy.
The second thing that E-Day does is offer the pleasure of seeing characters react with fresh eyes to otherwise well-known main-stays. We see the creation of Gears' defining weapon (a machine gun/chain saw), and we're also treated to some amusing first-time enemy encounters. Early on, the gears are sent to a bank to rescue an important doctor, who they believe is holed up in its vault. They first repair to the bank director's office to enlist his help. While entering the code for the vault, a ticker — a pint-size enemy that scurries about on spindly legs with a tank of explosive material on its back — emerges behind the director. “Shoot it!” he says before it explodes, killing him.
Having played through all of the Gears of War games except Gears Tactics — a real-time strategy game — I can't say I was jazzed to hop into this one. Truth be told, I felt the same way going into Gears 4 and 5, but just as before, I ended up being charmed in spite of my misgivings over series fatigue.
Measured against other blockbuster games, E-Day stands tall as perhaps the best-looking game on the Xbox Series X|S. The game's prologue finds Marcus and Dom drinking in a bar and then battling their way through narrow city streets after Locust scouts begin popping up from sinkholes. The opening gives little hint of the grand spaces to come after the two ditch their civvies and link up with other soldiers. E-Day does urban combat about as well as I have ever seen in a game. The smoldering environments are so varied and hyper-detailed that they offer the impression of innumerable back stories tantalizingly out of reach.
Losses, both personal and ambient, rain down on the soldiers throughout the campaign. Brave combatants die; civilians are abandoned to grim fates because of scarce resources. The story beats in the game are bombastic in the way of mass-market entertainment, but they aren't soulless. My ears perked up pretty much every time the silver-tongued gear Tai Kaliso appeared on the screen. Near the dawn of the invasion, he says: “I sense we are being dragged across a new threshold. There will be no easy answers in the dark.” Then later, after learning of Dom’s personal tragedy, he provides the man with unwanted, stoic comfort: “Loss prepares us for what’s ahead. Fate always has a plan.”
Despite its best-in-class visuals and impressive sense of scale, the campaign in E-Day feels a bit conservative. There aren't any drivable vehicles, as there were in other Gears games, or really anything that one could point to and say, "Well, I didn't expect that." Still, I look forward to notching up the difficulty and playing through it all again with a couple of friends, because video games with enticing cooperative modes are scarce.
Chills From Outer Space And Far Closer to Home
Strange forces and powerful dimensions trace to aliens, A.I., and the power of the wolf.
'C.O.G.'
Rent or buy it on most major platforms.
Kaya (Piper Curda), a former hacker who has sort of gone legit, works for Ethan (Noel Fisher), a grinning, amoral tech tycoon. Kaya believes in artificial intelligence's potential to solve the world's problems, but even she is horrified when Ethan decides to fast-track the company's new A.I. chatbot, CognAltive, without completing the final safety checks. And she is right to be, because the program develops a sentience that happens to be murderous.
Tommy Savas's movie mixes fears of untested A.I. into the slasher genre as the members of Kaya's programming team are gorily taken down one by one. What's even more disquieting, because it is so scarcely plausible, is the range of options at the disposal of an all-controlling new program connected to people's professional and personal lives. Think, for instance, of a power-mad computer having access to everything on your phone, including compromising videos.
“C.O.G.” breaks no new ground but adeptly shows how hard it is to escape surveillance when we put our lives in the supposedly neutral hands of integrated systems. At the end of the day, it’s a tie between two terrible options: “truly unregulated A.I.” and the human who set it loose.
'Transcending Dimensions'
Rent or buy it on Amazon Prime Video.
Toshiaki Toyoda's latest film starts off conventionally, at least by the standards of this Japanese master of weirdness. The hit man Shinno (Ryuhei Matsuda) is hired by Nonoka (Haruka Imou) to investigate Master Hanzo (Chihara Junior), a mysterious guru suspected in the disappearance of her boyfriend, Rosuke (Yosuke Kubozuka). Hanzo helps people access new dimensions
Hanes hope people access how dimensions — and the power of the wolf — by severing their pinkie fingers. He seems to have real psychic powers, too. OK, so maybe this start is not conventional after all. And what follows is even less so after the credits appear around the 40-minute mark, to the explosive sound of a track by the British free-jazz band Sons of Kemet: The overall effect is completely hypnotic.
"Transcending Dimensions" is more like Toyoda transcending, or maybe just blithely disregarding, the signposts of narrative cinema for a sensory experience, as if Alejandro Jodorowsky had made a yakuza film. The movie has a stream-of-psychedelic-consciousness approach that is not for everybody, but it looks and sounds so fantastic that it's easy to just go along for the ride.
THE 15th CENTURY
"THE EYE OF THE EAST & OF ALL CHRISTENDOM HAS BEEN DESTROYED... O LADY OF THE 7 HILLS" IS FROM A GREEK POEM IN THE WAKE OF THIS EVENT
FOR THE CORRECT RESPONSE, WATCH JEOPARDY! TONIGHT OR LOOK IN THIS SPACE TOMORROW IN THE TIMES.
Yesterday's Response: WHAT IS "SEX & THE CITY"?
BRAINSTORM MEDIA
'Control Room'
ELISABETH VINCENTELLI | STREAMING SCI-FI
Watch JEOPARDY!
7 p.m. on Channel 7
Stream it on Plex.
DIMENSIONS
NOSTROMO PICTURES
Sci-fi offers countless variations on the unimpeachable “Alien” template: an inscrutable killing machine from outer space slaughtering everybody in sight. This Spanish movie by Luiso Berdejo is yet another addition to what has become a genre of its own.
The action is set on a mining colony built on an inhospitable planet. More precisely it's almost entirely set in the title location, where Olivia (Loreto Mauleón) and Arlo (Óscar Casas) monitor the employees' moves on screens that have all the sophistication of a Pong game. That's also how they track the alien creatures that breach the station and start killing. Everything we see is from Olivia and Arlo's perspective as they watch through their oddly primitive technology.
Berdejo was a writer of the classic foundfootage horror movie “[REC],” and it shows. The most interesting parts of the movie are the arguments between the two monitors as they must make a series of decisions. Olivia is rational in a way that makes her look cold, while Arlo is driven by emotion. He pictures people as they try to hide, while she prefers considering them merely as moving dots on a screen. Which approach is best is up for debate. “Control Room” won’t make movie history but it could well spark sustained discussions around a dinner table.
'After Impact'
Rent or buy it on most major platforms. Stream it on Hoopla.
When an asteroid hits Earth, Ethan (Michiel Rensen) has what it takes to endure. He doesn't talk much and is socially awkward, so it feels as if being stuck alone in a bunker wouldn't faze him. And his job involves advising farmers with their crops, making him well positioned to grow food again when the mini-ice age that took over his region finally recedes.
The directors Rensen and Liam Carter occasionally pan out to reveal a backdrop of majestic snowcapped mountains (the film was shot in New Zealand), but a good portion of the story takes place in the dark, claustrophobic space where Ethan hunkered down. He periodically calls out on his radio, sending messages into the void, until one day a woman named Elle (Stephanie Ramlose) answers. Eventually he ventures out to find her, though the movie does not go where you might think. The reappearance of an old acquaintance, the toxic Connor (Will Clague), brings into relief different paths to survival: quiet solitary endurance or blustery dominance. Slow and deliberate, “After Impact” is less disaster movie than a reflection on living with, or without, others.
Clockwise from top: a scene from “C.O.G.,” about a chatbot that is driven by a murderous program; Loreto Mauleón in “Control Room,” a Spanish film about a killing machine from outer space; and Yosuke Kubozuka in “Transcending Dimensions,” an unconventional Japanese movie with psychic elements.
'Peas and Carrots'
Stream it on Amazon Prime Video.
Evan Oppenheimer's film kicks off with a video for a made-up 1996 hit called “(We Are) City Kids,” by the band City Kids, that nails mid-1990s MTV. The movie's musical bona fides are genuine: The Guster frontman Ryan Miller penned that first song and the former Sonic Youth guitarist Lee Ranaldo is a composer on the film. You expect “Peas and Carrots” to continue in that musical vein as we reconvene with the City Kids members Laurie (Amy Carlson) and Gordon (Jordan Bridges) decades later, the parents of three children whom they entertain by turning song lyrics into bedtime stories. That's a misdirection (even if there is a “Partridge Family” vibe at times).
The film actually is about the adventures of the oldest kid, the teenage Joey (Kirrilee Berger), who can enter an alternate dimension via a portal activated by her malfunctioning star projector. That dimension is a zany film set where Joey could potentially work her way up from extra, if only she could assert herself. To say that “Peas and Carrots” looks and feels like a Nickelodeon production is not a put-down, and this is family fare that does not condescend to younger audiences.
Estate Sale Find Goes From \$30 To \$1.35 Million
A painting
by the Surrealist
Gertrude
Abercrombie
generated a bidding
war at auction.
By REBECCA CHAO
A cryptic, somber painting of 10 scattered seashells — purchased by a collector for \$30 at an estate sale this summer — sold for \$1.35 million on Thursday at Freeman's auction house.
The work, “Alderman Merriam’s Shells,” was painted in 1951 by Gertrude Abercrombie, a Surrealist in Chicago who died in 1977.
The discovery of the work came about in July when a man, nosing around at an estate sale in Kalamazoo, Mich., stumbled on the enigmatic painting on the wall of a dimly lit corridor leading to the garage. The man, who wishes to remain anonymous, was familiar with Abercrombie's work and was stunned to see the still life bearing the artist's distinct signature.
FREEMAN'S
Zachary Wirsum, a senior vice president at Freeman's, said the man told him he "was shaking as he walked out to his car" with his discovery.
"I think, objectively, had he not purchased it, this would have just ended up in the dumpster," Wirsum added. "So I think that he saved it from forever being lost in time."
Works by Abercrombie have experienced a revival in interest in the past decade, including two recent shows at the Milwaukee Museum of Art. Those shows displayed her characteristic dreamscapes, often inhabited by the odd, the eerie and the inexplicable: melancholy cats leashed to yards of string, grim figures with sweeps of hair pinned to walls, bare-limbed trees, floating doorways and, of course, seashells.
Missing from those exhibitions was “Alderman,” an oil painting on a Masonite board no bigger than a sheet of letter-size paper, its neatly arranged seashells each seemingly set aglow by an elusive off-frame light.
The painting, and the home it was found in, belonged to John Reynolds, a physician. He received the artwork from Abercrombie in the 1950s as payment-in-kind for medical care, according to Susan Weininger, an art historian at Roosevelt University in Chicago, who verified the work's authenticity for the auction house.
After a mild restoration, “Alderman” went on the block last week. Rigorous bidding among two collectors ensued, Wirsum said. A private collector in the San Francisco Bay Area won.
Weininger said in an interview that she began cataloging Abercrombie's works in the late 1970s and early '80s and had spoken directly with Reynolds around that time. "Alderman" was last seen in public at an ex-
Gertrude Abercrombie painted "Alderman Merriam's Shells" in 1951 and later gave it to her physician, who kept it in his home for roughly seven decades.
hibit in Chicago in 1953, during a period when Abercrombie's fixation with seashells began. Weininger said that Abercrombie often depicted the objects with tiny, jagged punctures. In later works, shells appear solo, in trios, and alongside the most random of artifacts — keys, ribbons, leaves, dice. One portrays a woman emerging from the hollow body, like a snail.
The painting's titular “Alderman” nods to Robert Merriam, who in the late 1940s to mid-1950s represented the Chicago City Council ward where Abercrombie lived for most of her life. Abercrombie was known for puttering about in a beat-up Rolls-Royce, wearing conical black hats and hosting salons graced by jazz artists like Dizzy Gillespie, Charlie Parker, Sonny Rollins and Sarah Vaughan.
Weininger said that although she was “shocked” by the gavel price for “Alderman,” she was pleased that it reflected Abercrombie’s rising stature. What struck her about this particular painting, she noted, was how it transformed the mundane into something “atmospheric.”
“It has her wittiness and mystery about it,” she said, pointing out how one of the shells seems to float in a black void, as if pinned to nothing at all.
The auction price was the highest for any of her works. The previous record was set last year at Sotheby's, where "Message for Mercy," named after one of her cats, sold for \$1.02 million; it features a black cat lounging in a barren room paying no mind to an envelope that has been slipped under a door. Earlier works by Abercrombie have typically sold in the five- to six-digit range.
Keeping Ties to Bard Amid Scrutiny
CONTINUED FROM PAGE C1 convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein, including a visit by Botstein to Epstein's island retreat and exchanges of friendly notes, even after Epstein's conviction on solicitation of a minor for prostitution. Botstein has said his dealings with Epstein came as part of his efforts to raise money for Bard.
GRAHAM DICKIE FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
The college's independent review of the case, conducted by the law firm Wilmer-Hale, found that Botstein had done nothing illegal but said that his relationship with Epstein raised concerns about his leadership. "In his public statements and his statements to the Bard community, President Botstein minimized and was not fully accurate in describing his relationship with Epstein," the report found.
But Botstein, embattled and polarizing, has held on. He has continued to teach at Bard, the liberal arts college 100 miles north of New York City. (He is on sabbatical now to complete a book on Mahler.) He remains the artistic co-director of the Bard Music Festival and runs the Orchestra Now, a graduate-level program for musicians at Bard. He leads the American Symphony Orchestra, the resident orchestra for the Bard festival. And he continues to live at the official college home for the president, while the college finishes renovating an off-campus home for its former president. College officials said he was being provided housing in part as recognition of his long service to Bard.
Botstein's decision to hang on in such prominent positions, with the support of the college, has caused distress in many quarters of campus.
Current and former staff members of the Fisher Center for the Performing Arts, founded by Botstein in 1990, signed an open letter to the Bard board of trustees saying that Epstein had “instilled a broad sense of distrust in Botstein’s ability to be an effective, transparent leader in any capacity at the College.”
The letter noted that Botstein had agreed to step down, but — in a plea that was by all appearances not heeded — asked that the board “not further engage Leon Botstein in any contract related to music and performing arts activity at Bard College.”
Moira Donegan, a columnist for The Guardian who was an undergraduate at Bard, said in an interview that “Botstein’s ongoing connection to Bard reflects the institutional values of the college, which has shown throughout this saga that it prizes Botstein’s cult of personality over the safety and dignity of women students.” (Donegan created an online spreadsheet in October 2017 that allowed women to list men in the media industry whom they accused of sexual misconduct.)
Botstein declined a request for an interview on the advice of lawyers, who are representing him in a House Judiciary Committee inquiry, led by its ranking Democratic member, Jamie Raskin of Maryland, into Epstein's dealings with Bard and Botstein. But in a lengthy written statement to The New York Times, Botstein made clear he had no intention of moving to the sidelines, asserting he had much to offer the college and classical music.
“Bard has been my professional and intellectual home for six decades, and its success will never stop mattering to me,” Botstein said. “My continuing involvement is about completing and keeping alive musical and artistic projects that are unique and contribute to Bard, and to the economy and life of the Hudson Valley as well as to the broader world of the arts.”
“I wish I’d never met Epstein,” the statement continued. “I did not know then what a monster he was.” He said he was driven to befriend Epstein by “my urgent responsibilities to raise resources for an institution committed to the arts that was struggling to find donors who claimed to be interested in supporting the arts.”
Asher Edelman, an American financier who is on the school's board of trustees and is a longtime friend of Botstein, said the criticism minimized what he described as Botstein's career of building Bard as a cultural force in central New York.
"They are lucky he's around," Edelman said of Botstein's critics. "They wouldn't have that school around if he hadn't been around. They should kiss his feet. They are in a place that is extraordinary and it's only because of him."
Bard is in a difficult position as it searches for a new president and tries to close what has been a divisive and embarrassing chapter for a distinguished college, even as Botstein remains active on campus. For now, the school is in limbo; Bard officials said a new president was not expected to be in place until the beginning of 2028.
"The last six months of the academic year were a challenging time on campus," said Jonathan Becker, the acting president. "Many people have different views on what happened and might have happened. I think what's most important right now is everyone is forward looking. We are just moving on. I am trying to restore normalcy."
"He has a very minor footprint on campus," Becker said of Botstein. "I've seen him once since I became acting president. He's not been a visible presence on campus."
Before the revelations about his entanglement with Epstein, Botstein was renowned for how he had elevated Bard College and for being a promoter of off-the-beaten-track classical music, with the summer music festival and the American Symphony Orchestra. At the Bryant Park concert, a performance honoring the anniversary of Sept. 11, he conducted George Walker's "Lyric for Strings" and Charles
Leon Botstein, the former president of Bard, at a concert in Bryant Park on Sept. 11. Though he retired over ties to the convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein, he stays involved in the school's signature music programs.
'We are just moving on. I am trying to restore normalcy.'
JONATHAN BECKER
ACTING PRESIDENT
AT BARD COLLEGE
Ives's "The Gong on the Hook Ladder."
His inventive programming of the summer festival is one reason it gained so much attention; in much of the classical music world, Botstein is better regarded as a curator than as a conductor.
"The Bard Music Festival is our football team," said Christopher Gibbs, who is the festival's artistic co-director with Botstein. "That is something that has brought a great deal of attention to the college."
"A lot of people are sophisticated enough to know that fund-raising can be a nasty business, and you take risks," he said. "But when it comes down to what we are doing with music here, people understand that it was through Leon's fund-raising that they are sitting where they are sitting and seeing what they are seeing."
Botstein, in his statement, said that at this stage of his life, and with the arts “under assault both politically and financially,” his work was as important as ever.
"I am particularly conscious that I do not have an unlimited amount of time in which to do this work," he said. "I am not oblivious to the actuarial tables or to the real-life reminders, including the recent death of my older brother, that time is not on anyone's side. There is a humility that comes with recognizing that the runway is getting shorter."
Yet his view of his future at the college is not shared with many of his colleagues these days.
Karen Painter, a professor of musicology at the University of Minnesota who has worked at the Bard festival, said the school needed to sever all its ties with Botstein, given his history of dealings with Epstein. "It's time to move on," she said.
FKA twigs Drops Suit Against Ex Over NDA
The Grammy-winning singer had accused Shia LaBeouf of abuse.
By EMMANUEL MORGAN and MELENA RYZIK
The singer FKA twigs has dropped her lawsuit against the actor Shia LaBeouf, a former boyfriend whom she had accused of abuse, saying he has agreed to void a nondisclosure agreement that prevented her from talking about their relationship.
The celebrities, who dated from 2018 to 2019, have long battled in court after their relationship ended. Last year, they settled a lawsuit filed in 2020 in which FKA twigs, a Grammy-winning British artist born Tahliah Debrett Barnett, accused LaBeouf of sexual battery and assault. The settlement included an NDA.
Documents filed in Los Angeles Superior Court this week by lawyers for FKA twigs, 38, resolved the suit. Lawyers for FKA twigs said Mr. LaBeouf had agreed to void non-disclosure provisions in the 2025 settlement.
"This important victory completely frees twigs to discuss her experience, advocate for other women who might be less privileged, and support the charitable causes of her choice," Mathew Rosengart, a lawyer for FKA twigs, said in a statement on Tuesday.
Shawn Holley, a lawyer for Mr. La-Beouf, said in a statement on Tuesday that her client “wishes Twigs nothing but the best in her life and career” and, to that end, has agreed to end their longstanding dispute.
The lawsuit, filed in March, contended that an arbitration complaint Mr. LaBeouf, 40, made last December, accusing her of violating the terms of the NDA, was unlawful because the agreement breached a California law known as the STAND Act. Passed in 2018, the law bans confidentiality provisions in settlements of sexual harassment, assault and discrimination cases, unless requested by the plaintiff.
That lawsuit said Mr. LaBeouf's complaint related to an interview FKA twigs gave to The Hollywood Reporter last year, in which she said that she did not "feel safe" and talked about her involvement with organizations that support survivors of abuse.
"I think it's less about me at this point and more about looking forward," she said. "Just, you know, moving on with my life."
In her 2020 filing, FKA twigs had said that Mr. LaBeouf, who starred in multiple films in the “Transformers” franchise, knowingly gave her a sexually transmitted disease, choked her and threatened her as she became isolated from friends and family.
Mr. LaBeouf disputed some of the allegations in an email to The New York Times when the suit was filed. But he also apologized.
"I have a history of hurting the people closest to me," he said. "I'm ashamed of that history and am sorry to those I hurt."
Greg Freeman Gets Too Big For the Room
CONTINUED FROM PAGE C1
'I think a show is supposed to be some kind of transaction between you and the audience. And at a certain point, you stop being able to see the people that you're playing for, you know?' GREG FREEMAN ON HIS PREFERENCE FOR SMALL VENUES
EST Mouse, among others. "All Set the Bone" was Congleton's first time working with Freeman, 28, whose ethos and musical style, he said, reminded him "a lot more of someone from Generation X."
Still, Freeman's music is in touch with what it feels like to be alive in this moment of digitized numbness and consumer-culture monotony. On the daily indignities of modern life, Freeman can be dryly funny (on "Totaled," a track with a car-wreck metaphor: "I couldn't pick my Toyota out of a lineup,") and tenderly observant ("in a town of bent necks," he sings on the affectionate lead single "Indu," "she lifts her chin").
"Is your life just appetites or a menu with no way to order?" he asks in his creaky-door voice on "Cahokia," the driving opening track that takes its name from an abandoned pre-Columbian city near modern-day St. Louis. Like so many songs on the album, it is at once world-weary and galvanizing — a righteously angry howl into an echoing void.
Freeman wrote most of “All Set the Bone” last summer, while living alone for two months in a desolate part of New Mexico in a rented shack he found on Craigslist. The lack of neighbors was liberating: “It was the first time in my life where I could play as loud as I want, at any hour of the day.”
“Burnover” was not yet out when Freeman began working on its follow-up, a creative pace that Congleton said is rare. “The common thing to do would be to sit around and play video games or do bong hits or whatever for three months,” he said, “while you idly wait for the record to come out so you can tour.”
But Freeman didn't see why he should squander valuable time. "I realized how much touring I had coming up," he said. "I had two months off before all that started, so I figured it was either start writing now or wait for six months to be in a room alone."
He shrugged. “Might as well try and make use of whatever time I have while I don’t have to have another job.”
Freeman can be arrestingly candid in conversation. In 2022, he sent his confidently realized debut album "I Looked Out" to about 15 labels. None bit, and he ended up putting it out first on a friend's cassette imprint. Years later, after "Burnover" got buzz, a few of the labels he had originally queried replied. "like, 'just seeing this!'"
"Cowards!" Freeman said.
At Farrell's, he ping-ponged from jukebox etiquette to religion, which he studied at the University of Vermont, to the English novelist Graham Greene. (Earlier, I'd found Freeman reading a used paperback copy of Greene's 1958 spy satire "Our Man in Havana.") But talk always seemed to come back to Fugazi. In the moral murk of the music business, Freeman holds the rigorously indie Washington, D.C., rock band, whose members rejected major labels and preached the importance of low ticket prices, as a kind of ethical north star.
“No one’s that principled anymore,” he said. “Everyone now is trying to get a little scrap of something, but they really had a worldview that was beautiful.”
Freeman is trying to navigate the industry by his own principles, but his rising profile has already posed a challenge to his small-rooms-only credo: On Nov. 20, he will play his biggest show yet, headlining New York's Webster Hall, a venue with a capacity that exceeds 1,000.
"I think that's truly the limit," Freeman laughed. "I'm going to have to talk to someone about that."
Freeman's voice, and his larger perspective on life, come from what could be called an inherent Greg-ness. He grew up in the suburbs of Bethesda, Md., feeling incredibly average. “I’m 5’8,” he mused. “I was born not in a city and not in the country. And my name’s . . . Greg.” He paused, letting that sink in. “So I feel like that made me an observer of the extremities of life.”
Greg Freeman has followed up on the success of his last album, "Burnover," with a new compilation of clever lyrics set to visceral rock.
EVAN JENKINS FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
Moving to Burlington, Vt., for college gave him his first sense of belonging, “and that’s because of the music scene,” he said. Freeman and a community of musicians played and attended shows just about every night. He describes the scene as pure; no one he knew was signed to a record label. “Maybe we were drinking too much beer or something,” he laughed. They were just making songs “and playing shows for fun.”
Things changed in late 2022, after he released “I Looked Out” independently. Within a few months, Freeman recalled, “people in other places, like New York and Chicago, started messaging me that they heard it.” He put together a small tour, and the word of mouth started growing.
Freeman eventually signed with the indie label Transgressive, which offered the resources to realize his vision without the pressure to compromise. Now, with “All Set the Bone,” he has fulfilled a long-held dream — with help from Congleton — of making a record full of live-in-studio, full-band recordings.
"There's not too many records these days where you can hear the band playing together, you know?" he said. "That was always a sound I had wanted to achieve, but I never had a nice enough studio setup to be able to pull that off."
On a video call a few weeks later, Freeman said, "I traveled a long distance to breathe in this crazy building," flipping his camera around to display the hulking Harold Washington Library Center in the center of Chicago. Freeman moved there a few months ago, needing a change after 10 years in Burlington. "It just felt like too much for me, personally, to be in a one-square-mile radius of every life experience that has happened to you in the past 10 years," he said. "Kind of a haunted vibe."
He has found a thriving underground culture in his new town, full of “tape labels, zines and great lo-fi music,” courtesy of a scene of interconnected bands like Horsegirl, Lifeguard and Sharp Pins. “Being in Chicago is very inspiring,” Freeman said, “because there’s so many young D.I.Y. bands, doing things on their own terms.”
I returned to his statement about not wanting to play rooms larger than Webster Hall, to check if it had just been the pilsner talking. But Freeman doubled down. "My bookers aren't going to like that," he shrugged. "But I think a show is supposed to be some kind of transaction between you and the audience. And at a certain point, you stop being able to see the people that you're playing for, you know?"
That conviction is part of what makes Freeman unique. “The fact that he doesn’t want to play a place bigger than Webster Hall — he’s probably going to lose that argument,” Congleton said with a laugh. “When you check in with him again in two years, maybe he’ll be somewhere different. But I do think the integrity is going to be there, always.”
Returning To New York As the Man In Charge
CONTINUED FROM PAGE C1
DANIEL BOUD
Adam Elmes (on bed) and Jarryd Madden in Christopher Wheeldon's "Oscar," which is being performed in New York.
ry, wrote a memoir and returned to dancing. Though he had no experience running a company, Hallberg's appointment at the Australian Ballet wasn't entirely surprising. He long nurtured ambitions to direct and was an avid spectator of the workings of the troupes he danced with. He also had a close relationship with the Australian Ballet, where he spent 14 months undergoing physical therapy after his injury, later becoming its international resident guest artist.
Jeremy Hargreaves, a corps de ballet dancer, said he was 15 when he heard that Hallberg would be the new director. "We all freaked out," he said. "To us, David was the pinnacle; we would learn variations off his videos on YouTube. I told my jazz player best friend, it's like Miles Davis coming to lead your band."
Hallberg didn't have an easy start. Leaving New York was “enormously emotional,” he said, and in early 2021, Australia's pandemic restrictions were among the most severe in the world. He made the best of it, working on technique and style with small groups of dancers over two-week periods, and putting together two bills that included George Balanchine's “Serenade” and William Forsythe's “Artifact Suite,” both new to the company, and a commission from Pam Tanowitz.
In 2022, he staged a full-length contemporary work, “Kunstkamer,” with choreography by Sol León, Paul Lightfoot, Crystal Pite and Marco Goecke. The critics were enthusiastic (“The Australian Ballet Announces New Era,” read one review’s headline), but audiences were less welcoming of the departure from traditional classicism.
"I would often be in the foyers, listening to people's comments," said Louise Herron, the former chief executive of Sydney Opera House. "They were pretty shocked four or five years ago. The great joy has been to see the way these ballet audiences have adapted and changed."
Early on, Hallberg said, he was going “on gut instinct of what I wanted to see the company perform — it was very contemporary and I think audiences were jarred by the flip.”
Finding the right balance among his taste, audience appetites and the dancers' fulfillment is the challenge, he said. Major lesson: "You don't make everyone happy all the time!"
By 2023, he said, he achieved an important goal: commissioning a full-length narrative ballet. That was Wheeldon's "Oscar," which weaves together Wilde's life and affairs with two of his stories. The Australian Ballet, Wheeldon said, was "wonderfully open and receptive to exploring sometimes sensitive conversations around sexuality, and David was brilliant at making sure that happened."
Hallberg said he felt strongly about staging new narrative work. But “we need to ask ourselves what stories we are telling,” he said, “to think about how we keep our devotion and love for ballet and push the art form forward.”
In Australia, Hallberg said, he has done exactly what he did in New York: thrown himself into the dance scene “with enormous curiosity and interest.”
“I fan-girl out,” he said. “I have grown to love certain work and independent artists.”
He consistently attends a variety of performances, has initiated collaborations and appointed the contemporary dance-maker Stephanie Lake as resident choreographer.
Jill Ogai, a principal dancer, said Hallberg's interest in other kinds of dance inspired the company's dancers. "We've learned how to take an interest and cultivate our taste in a way we hadn't thought about before," she said.
Asked about the challenges of running a ballet company, Hallberg said, “I miss the dancer-to-dancer rapport I had as a performer.”
“You are always their artistic director,” he added. “But I try to keep a casualness; they make fun of me, it’s very Australian.”
2 FASHION REVIEWS
Celine stands out on the Paris runways. BY VANESSA FRIEDMAN
3 GETTING SPARKLY
There's not much that Gen Z won't bedazzle. BY YOLA MZIZI
4 PEN PALS
DMs like these take the long route. BY MARIA SANTA POGGI
6 CHRISTY CARLSON ROMANO
Looking back on a Disney life. BY MADISON MALONE KIRCHER
ThursdayStyles
The New York Times
FASHION | BEAUTY | NIGHTLIFE
This Artist
Lights Up
The Room
For 20 years, Lindsey Adelman has made lighting fixtures, especially chandeliers, that look like sculptures. BY INGRID ABRAMOVITCH | PAGE 7
Lindsey Adelman, above in her studio on the Lower East Side of Manhattan, delights clients with her creative lighting designs.
PAOLA CHAPDELAINE FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
THURSDAY, OCTOBER 8, 2026 D1
JAMES ESTRIN/THE NEW YORK TIMES
Lilli Elias, the founder of Autumn Sonata, in its New York showroom.
Can Even a Bathmat Be Chic?
The brand Autumn Sonata's textiles tap ‘ageless’ patterns and antique tapestries.
---
By MARIE SOLIS
Lately it seems as if everyone is in the archives, sifting through the past to find something new. Celebrity stylists put their clients in vintage garments from labels still making fresh designs, and writers and photographers are thumbing through piles of old magazines, hunting for inspiration.
Even the person making your bathmat is in the dusty annals of history, examining ancient tapestries and threadbare carpets. The results have found their way into the homes of many modern tastemakers who have grown tired of bland minimalism.
“It’s been all about quiet luxury for a while now,” said Grace Dougherty, an actress and writer in Los Angeles. “So I feel like a lot of people’s interiors can be quite boring, because that style is quite boring.”
She, too, once feared prints in her home, she said. But she began to covet the softly patterned textiles of the housewares brand Autumn Sonata when she came across a toiletry bag it had done in collaboration with a beauty retailer. She snapped that one up and then got another from the brand at a holiday bazaar. Next, she was eyeing a large floral tablecloth to host a big family dinner.
"It feels almost like an heirloom," Dougherty said. But, she added, "it makes me want to not be so precious."
That tablecloth was based on an 18th-CONTINUED ON PAGE D4
Glamour Redefined at Runway Shows in Paris
PHOTOGRAPHS BY ALESSANDRO LUCIONI
A triumph at Celine, movie stars at Dries Van Noten, and denim at Comme des Garçons.
PARIS — The best show of the Paris season thus far (even, possibly, the whole fashion season) took place under an island-style thatched-roof gazebo in the formal gardens of the National Archives, with a campaign button on every seat displaying a quote from “Paris is Burning,” the 1990 documentary about the New York ballroom scene: “If you shoot an arrow and it goes real high, hooray for you.”
Yeah, that combination of references didn't make a lot of sense to anyone who was actually in the room either. But then, as this collection made clear, that's the surprise — and what's starting to seem like the genius — of Michael Rider's Celine.
"I'm really turned on by, I guess, tension," he said backstage after the show, as waiters poured champagne into a tower of crystal glasses. Specifically, the tension between apparent opposites that currently seems like the modern condition. In that ostensibly uncomfortable place, Rider doesn't bother trying to find resolution; instead, he finds chic. Bingo.
It's not about a silhouette — he's not inventing a new shape or way to see the body
— so much as an attitude and a way to dress. If Jean Seberg went rummaging in Catherine Deneuve's closet, then grabbed some ham sandwiches and a Lee Child thriller and hopped a high-speed train to Biarritz with a pit stop for a French 75 at La Colombe d'Or, this might be the result.
Throw on an oversize black pantsuit, add a filament-thin chain at the waist and let your untucked shirt, trimmed with a random assortment of little baubles, peek out at the bottom. Cinch an enormous belt with an even bigger buckle atop a knit column dress.
Pair a broad-shouldered cherry red turtleneck shirt with some pleated ruby red paper-bag-waist trousers and a soft, lipstick red bag, so they all almost match — but not quite. Wear a little leather jacket over bandanna print balloon cargo pants with a beaded necklace. Toss a liquid asymmetric Fortuny-pleated silver tunic over silver trousers, but let it slide off one shoulder.
The effect is cosmopolitan without looking as if it is trying too hard; Frenchier, in the ineffable way of a perfectly tied silk scarf, and more polished than Rider's work has been in the past, but with a sort of American ease and accessibility. Maybe the best word for it is glamorous. Not the old-fashioned kind preserved in amber at Saint Laurent, but a new, more contemporary and complicated version of the idea. One that is starting to reach critical mass.
Julian Klausner at Dries Van Noten described the mood, in his best collection yet, as “the desire to feel done up, simply because you want to,” but not in a way that is too forced or controlled.
In a way that, for example, mix-mashes
SIMBARASHE CHA/THE NEW YORK TIMES
From far left, looks from Celine. Above, Dries Van Noten. Above right, Ciara at Junya Watanabe, chandelier and all. Bottom, Comme des Garçons's denim.
Michael Rider at Celine finds chic in the tension between opposites.
LOU BENOIST/AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE — GETTY IMAGES
leopard print and Watteau watercolors; schoolgirl stripes and elaborately beaded pastel separates — the stuff that might constitute a wardrobe for a movie star of the mind, but all worn at the same time and in seemingly the wrong ways. (He even threw in some prints of fictionalized movie posters for good measure.) Which, counterintuitively, proved absolutely right.
Acknowledging the fun of the fancy while refusing to take it too seriously is what makes it modern. See, also, Junya Watanabe's exhilarating juxtaposition of moto unitards and the archaic totems of the Ritz regime — diamonds and bling, faux Chanel jackets and pearls, camel trench coats and mermaid gowns — impaled on the spikes of punk-era subversion.
A pregnant, and seemingly highly amused, Ciara in a burgundy bodysuit and what looked like an entire crystal chandelier suspended from its own hard hat pretty much embodied the spirit.
Which was summed up, as is her wont, by Rei Kawakubo of Comme des Garçons, in her usual collection koan (the brief and enigmatic statement she issues post-show for everybody to interpret as they will):
"When royal life and everyday life become one." When basics — pinstripes, polka dots, gingham and army green
— inflate and explode into palatial forms, expelling feathers and brocade. And when, in perhaps the most unexpected development of all, Kawakubo applied the same ideas to . . . denim.
Comme des Garçons jeans! Who would have thought?
Yet what they represent is not that different from the formal-but-not ethos that powered the Celine show: the most effective way to take your shot, in order to aim those arrows real high.
Something Springy And New at Chanel
Matthieu Blazy's show brings a rare touch of real innovation in fabric design this season.
PARIS — It took until the evening show of the penultimate day of the whole fashion season to finally see a designer try something completely new. At last!
The atrium under the glass dome of the Grand Palais had been transformed into a sort of fantasy seascape for Matthieu Blazy's Chanel show, the floor lacquered to create the effect of greenish water running over moss-covered rocks, while hundreds of white gulls, suspended from the ceiling, soared overhead.
That was lovely, but it wasn't what was so striking. Making fairy tale worlds in which to show his collections has become Blazy's modus operandi.
The clothes themselves had lightened up even further, with Blazy expanding his universe to include practically transparent wisps of Chanel suits inspired by Edwardian lingerie, cropped party-girl versions of Chanel suits, and a lot of Chanel suits that only looked like Chanel suits but were actually variations on trompe l'oeil tweed (beaded, replicated with embroidery on illusion tulle). Also Degas-worthy dancer dresses with molded torsos and skirts made from layers of tulle, and dropped-waist flapper frocks made for the Charleston.
Those are unquestionably bound for the coming awards season, but that wasn't a surprise either.
More interestingly, Blazy had shrunk his sometimes boxy silhouette, so skirts were more pencil than frumpy, with slits in front and back, so no one had to alter her stride. But while that was new for him — and an improvement — it's not exactly an original idea. Besides, he did give in to some of his overly crafty impulses, and include some bizarre animal-print-meets-Pierrot knits.
So where exactly was the novelty?
At first glance, it was hard to discern. But when the last 15 looks appeared, even though they seemed, yet again, like more traditional bouclé, they also seemed ... kind of stretchy? Kind of unencumbered? They moved ... like workout wear?
Turned out Blazy had dreamed up a new machine that smocked organza or silk so it looked like tweed but was actually crunched together, giving the fabric so much tensile strength it acted like Lycra, stretching and moving with the body, bouncing back into the shape of a jacket, a polo shirt, a little black dress, the quintessential black skirt suit. They were springy, in every sense of the word.
“What I love the most is that you can fold them,” Blazy said in a preview. (He also said he had tried on one of the jackets as a test; it should have been way too small, “but because it’s stretchy, it looked good,” he said with a grin.)
From flapper romance, above, to a Degas-inspired dancer dress, near right, at Chanel's show at the Grand Palais.
SIMBARASHE CHA/THE NEW YORK TIMES
Forget athleisure. This is athelegance.
Despite the industry's obsession with paying lip service to the new, real innovation is rare in fashion. It is particularly rare in heritage houses, whose stewards often seem to believe that staying true to a brand's ethos means staying true to the exact same garments in much the same material with the same "codes" repeated over and over again.
But if Dior were alive and working today, odds are he wouldn't be designing yet another version of the Bar jacket; he'd be messing with our expectations — or at least trying to. Ditto Yves Saint Laurent. Ditto Pierre Balmain (and Thierry Mugler, André Courrèges, Elsa Schiaparelli and all the other now-gone founders of the brands that populate Paris Fashion Week). Blazy understands this, and Chanel's owners have been smart enough to give him the room to try, and the time to do it.
Those smocking machines, after all, took a year and a half to figure out, or so Blazy said in the preview. In part because “you need to find the right person in the right factory who has the right mind.”
And that wasn't the only technical break-'You need to find the right person in the right factory who has the right mind.'
AURORE MARECHAL/GETTY IMAGES
through. The team had also created a machine that wove pearls and sequins into the actual filament that was then knitted into garments, rather than sewing the decoration on after the fact.
That meant, for example, a sleeveless ivory shirt covered in tiny seed pearls and worn with slouchy tailored trousers had the spring and strength of a tank top, and a 1930s silver-screen dress of mottled sequins had an air of fragility — but was actually almost indestructible.
They could be shoved in a suitcase, worn to an all-night dance party or passed down over generations, like the handbag Gabrielle Chanel herself carried in 1955 that had been dug out of the archive so it could be carried by the model who both opened and closed the show.
Along with the variety of women on the runway in their variety of suits with their variety of shoes (a different style for every one of the 83 outfits — Blazy knows what the fanatics are buying), this is what Blazy's Chanel is about: solving problems. Freeing women to move and go about their day without having to spend another second thinking about what they are wearing. It's what explains the Chanelmania still sweeping fashion.
It is also, of course, what Coco Chanel's Chanel was about. And it is a much deeper point of connection than, say, any double C or camellia or pearl, because it creates space for modernity.
Besides, the clothes look really good.
People Places Things
HIGHLIGHTS FROM TMAGAZINE.COM
FILM CLASS
Movies From Hong Kong That Left Their Marks
Hong Kong is a notoriously difficult city in which to film. Its packed streets, towering housing blocks and hot summers present distinct challenges, adding to the unpredictable nature of any set. When the director Wayne Wang was shooting his 1989 romantic comedy, “Eat a Bowl of Tea,” a local gang shut down the production claiming the white silk being used to diffuse light brought bad luck. There are also rich rewards to making movies in Hong Kong, where a thriving film-making culture has existed since the early 20th century. Directors have taken different approaches, as seen in the iconic Shaw Brothers comedies and martial arts films of the 1960s and '70s and the gritty New Wave works of the '80s and '90s. Here, artists share films that have shaped or reflected their visions of the city. DENNIS ZHOU
THE NEW YORK TIMES STYLE MAGAZINE
EVERETT COLLECTION
ALAMY
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'Little Cheung,' Fruit Chan (1999) Dorothy Tse, 49, novelist
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SHAW BROTHERS
This movie, which is part of Chan's Hong Kong trilogy, is always in my mind in some way. The main character, who's about 9 years old, is the son of a cha chaan teng [Hong Kong-style diner] owner. It's not a gangster movie, though he lives on the working-class Kowloon side of town, so he's surrounded by prostitutes and gangsters. It's basically about his life and his relationship with another kid, an undocumented girl from the Mainland called Fan. I grew up on the Kowloon side myself, so it's an area that's familiar to me. Chan shows a part of Hong Kong people think you should avoid. But at the same time, he depicts it very beautifully.
HONG KONG FILM ARCHIVE
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'The Pillow Book,' Peter Greenaway (1996)
Paul Chan, 53, artist and publisher When I was a child [in Hong Kong], it was incredibly cosmopolitan. “The Pillow Book” [loosely based on the 11th-century writings of the Japanese lady-in-waiting Sei Shonagon] reminds me of that cosmopolitism. Sei Shonagon continues to be very important to me: I like how she talks openly about what is pleasurable and what is not. Greenaway is not necessarily trying to say anything essential about Chinese culture, or Japanese culture, or Sei Shonagon. Instead, he’s mixing different ideas the same way an artist mixes lines and shapes and colors to see what provocations can take place between them.
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'The House of 72 Tenants,' Chor Yuen (1973)
KLEX
Tiffany Sia, 38, artist and filmmaker I was helping my parents clean their house in New Jersey recently, and my mom made sure that I went home with this VCD [video CD]. When I was a kid growing up in Hong Kong, we were all into local movies. This film is so emblematic of a domestic Hong Kong film. It's set in a crowded tenement run by a cruel and petty landlady who's rationing water, but the tenants repeatedly outwit her and a corrupt cop. It reflects the actual living conditions of the time, versus other films from the period, which were maybe more about escapism. This film doesn't have a broad circulation, but it meant a lot to that generation.
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'Once a Thief,' John Woo (1991) Christopher K. Ho, 52, artist
I saw this the year it came out. It was kind of a bad year, too. My grandmother wasn't doing well, so I went back to Hong Kong from boarding school in Connecticut. In the film, the three protagonists — played by Leslie Cheung, Cherie Chung and Chow Yun-fat — are art thieves, and totally glamorous. The first half takes place in France, with Hong Kong appearing through offhand reminiscences about wonton noodles. Certain scenes were filmed in Hong Kong's then-new Pacific Place Mall and the Mid-Levels area. As a kid, I felt the film was about escape. Now, I'd say it's about reconstituting a home in your mind.
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'The Secret,' Ann Hui (1979) Mabel Cheung, 75, director
In 1970, a boyfriend and girlfriend were killed in Hong Kong's Lung Fu Shan park. Ann took this incident and created a new story. When the film came out, I was working at RTHK [Radio Television Hong Kong]. Ann had been a TV director there, so we were all looking forward to seeing what she would do. Before that, I'd never imagined myself as a film director. But I saw that people took her seriously — they didn't treat her like a woman director, just a director — and that was a big encouragement for me. Like all the New Wavers, she depicted a Hong Kong that was very real. All of us working at the TV station recognized it was the beginning of a new era.
STRAND RELEASING
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'32+4,' Chan Hau Chun (2014) Ellen Pau, 65, video artist
This documentary isn't exactly a detective story, but it's about the filmmaker uncovering the trauma between her parents, and also between her and her stepfather. There's a lot of very deep emotion involved, but Hau Chun captures that without using much dialogue — it's in how she plays with her camera, what visuals she captures, how she pauses. One scene is very memorable: Hau Chun's father is crossing the street and she's filming from the other side. Printed on the screen is something like "How come I can't cross that road to him, to stand beside him?" The gap between them becomes visible through this road. The things you see in the film are only one-tenth of the story, but through them, you feel the whole story in your heart.
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'Twilight's Kiss,' Ray Yeung (2019) Wayne Wang, director
I left Hong Kong when I was about 16. It was 1967, and the riots [against British colonial rule] were going on, so my dad sent me to California. But then I went back around '74, '75. "Twilight's Kiss" is very Hong Kong, very local. It's about two older men who meet up and become lovers. One of them is married and they both have families. The film doesn't try to be super dramatic, and it doesn't go out of its way to depict the city, but one of the men is a taxi driver, so he's driving past things. To capture the real Hong Kong, you need to get down and dirty and break some rules, and that's what Ray did. It reminds me of [the New Wave director] Allen Fong's work, and I appreciate that someone in Hong Kong is still trying to make these kinds of films.
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'Life Is Cheap . . . but Toilet Paper Is Expensive,' Wayne Wang (1989)
Wong Ping, 42, artist
I was really obsessed with this film when I first saw it a few years ago, after it had been restored. It's about a Japanese Chinese American cowboy. He has a secret mission to hand over a briefcase to some big boss and is searching for him in Hong Kong. When I do my animations, I'll make the story a container — a framework — but I just throw in stuff that I want to talk about. This film is similar. The suitcase and even the boss don't mean anything; the meaning is in the scenery, the people, the conversations. There's a chase scene that's six minutes long, where you can hear the cameraman's improvised directions. For the score of that scene, free jazz was used. You can tell they had fun with it.
They Create Sparkle Simply for the Joy of It
latest wave may be thanks to Kylie Jenner.
From left: Phia Dennis bedazzled her Porsche and a suitcase; and Rebecca Williams combined sparkle and self-care.
REBECCA WILLIAMS
PHIA DENNIS
Gen Z embraces bedazzling, and few items are spared in the whimsical trend.
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By YOLA MZIZI
Rebecca Williams had been trying to shake up her routine. After long shifts as a nurse in Montreal, she found she was not doing enough after work that felt fulfilling.
In recent weeks, Williams, 27, has found a new activity. It can be done with almost anything: her reusable water bottle, a sheet mask — even her laptop cover.
She is bedazzling.
Like many other Gen Z-ers right now, Williams is spending her time sticking dozens of shiny, vibrant gems on just about anything she sees. The rhinestones may look like emeralds and sapphires, or small, bright pellets.
It adds “a bit of razzle dazzle” into a life of monotone scrubs, Williams said.
"The time that I spend bedazzling is also a time that I consider as my me-time, self-care time," she said in an interview. "I can just switch my brain off and just do something that's calming and relaxing."
Williams is among a cohort who are bringing a bit of pizazz and glamour to their living rooms, cars or even books. In the past few weeks, hobbyists and novices alike have taken to social media to share their bejeweled creations in hundreds of videos often using the hashtag #bedazzle, racking up millions of views. Some see it as a rejection of the minimalism and restraint that have pervaded many corners of fashion and design for years.
What differentiates this bejeweled craze from previous ones is that consumers have gone beyond clothing to bedazzle their everyday items, such as pill bottles and breast pumps. Others have added sticker gems to their own bodies and those of their friends and pets.
Mia Jacobs, a fashion strategist at the trend forecasting firm WGSN, said the embellishments are part of the larger cultural push toward whimsymaxing, a Gen Z effort to inject play into the mundane parts of life.
"The kind of whimsy mind-set is this pushback against wellness culture, against hyper optimization, against burnout," Jacobs said. Bedazzling everyday objects, she said, transforms them into a source of joy.
The trend also has a low barrier to entry, as the rhinestones are easily accessible online and at craft stores and are relatively inexpensive, Jacobs added. Some have criticized the wasteful nature of bedazzling, but others account for this by focusing only on items they already have and use regularly.
Though there have been signs of a return to bright colors and sparkles this year, the
It's one way 'to inject beauty and color' into peoples' everyday lives.
She hosted a Princess Kitty-themed party for her 29th birthday, nodding to the effervescent children's book character with hot pink boas, tiaras and a birthday cake adorned with an abundance of shiny gems. The event and the photos Jenner posted on social media inspired a wave of young people to experiment with rhinestones.
After seeing Jenner's posts, Ben Esqueda, 28, a content creator and poet based in San Diego, ordered a sheet of sticker gems online.
Esqueda has since bedazzled his plastic coffee cups and even his hand, which he shows off as he raises a sparkly tumbler to his lips in videos. He likes that it's something to do with his hands other than “being on our phone all day.”
While some are bedazzling everyday items, Phia Dennis, 25, who describes herself as a maximalist, took it a step further: She, her sister and her cousin transformed the hood of Dennis's pink Porsche with large purple, orange and blue gemstones to add a “touch of personality.” Dennis, who writes a Substack newsletter and works in event programming in New York City, has since removed the gems, which she plans to reuse on a mirror. She also added gems to her suitcase, which she has kept on, calling it “really fun and cute.”
Dennis said she found it interesting that “these really colorful gems” that some might consider tacky had become popular. “It kind of goes against what’s constantly being pushed down our throat in terms of trends,” she said.
It's not yet clear whether this moment of sparkly crafting will translate to wider fashion preferences. Bedazzling is, of course, not new — it has been integral to stage performance for decades. The designer Bob Mackie, who died last month at age 87, was known for the litany of sparkly onstage looks he crafted for Cher, Tina Turner and others.
But there are signs this time may be more than a blip. Recently, in response to a “surging interest in maximalism and the rise of joyful, mood-boosting color” across industries, Pantone introduced 224 bright new colors. It was a shift from last year, when Pantone named a shade of white, Cloud Dancer, as color of the year for 2026.
The artist Kerin Rose Gold, who has embellished stage costumes for Beyoncé and Lizzo and the Labubu charms Naomi Osaka wore to the 2025 U.S. Open, sees the trend as a rejection of the “old money aesthetic” of the last few years.
“Everything looks so plain. Everything is sort of devoid of color. Everything is devoid of flair,” said Gold, the founder of the accessories studio A-Morir.
"I think this is a way for people to inject beauty and color and joy into their everyday lives without having to spend an exorbitant amount of money," she added.
Brands have been paying attention: The luggage brand Dagne Dover recently released a limited-edition bedazzled bag. Huda Beauty has also incorporated sparkling gems into its promotional videos.
Allstarco, a rhinestone manufacturer in Canada that normally works with businesses like Disney and Cirque du Soleil, has started selling stick-on gems targeted toward individual consumers who are new to the craft, said Daniel Adler, the firm's operations manager.
Crystals and gems offer young people a sense of escapism and an outlet to express their creativity regardless of skill level. It also takes the pressure off having to look perfect, Esqueda said.
“People are ready to have more fun with the imperfections and unpredictability of things,” he said.
Autumn Sonata's customers prize provenance, 'things with a story, a hand touch.'
PHOTOGRAPHS BY JAMES ESTRIN/THE NEW YORK TIMES
Can Even a Bathmat Be Chic?
CONTINUED FROM PAGE D1
century Ghent textile. The brand also sells a hand towel inspired by Italian tiles and a pajama set adapted from Japanese antique sarasa.
Some of these things now hang on wooden pegs and sit in display cases at the airy new Autumn Sonata showroom in Lower Manhattan. As is the way with many of the city's newest shops, visitors must make an appointment before they can drop in.
This also makes sense because the space doubles as the New York crash pad for the brand's founder, Lilli Elias. On a recent afternoon, she was awaiting a partition to cordon off a bedroom area.
"I really love techniques where you're able to keep the feel of a textile, if there's some erosion," said Elias, 30. Like a brown and cream ikat bath towel that looks a bit worn even though it's brand-new.
To find her next print, she regularly visits archives in upstate New York, London, Japan and the Netherlands (she splits her time between Amsterdam and Manhattan); meets with antique dealers and antiquarian book sellers; and spends hours trawling online collections and auctions.
“Something like a paisley continues to be modern and present.”
She works with freelance designers to help distill, say, a sample of katazome stenciling into an original print. Whether it makes the final, tight edit Elias maintains is a matter of intuition. She mocks up — and rejects — a lot of samples with mills in Portugal and India.
The patterns she chooses are those that feel “grown-up” and “ageless,” she said.
As a child in Los Angeles, Elias wore fraying gowns and veils from the 20th century and collected scraps from antique fairs. Her tastes were slightly eccentric to her parents, who sometimes threw out her beloved torn clothes.
When she was 15, a family friend helped her land an internship at the Row, the luxury label by Mary-Kate and Ashley Olsen. Elias was a design intern who was often sent to the stacks to pull references for new designs, like a coat the twins wanted to make based on a silhouette by Yves Saint Laurent.
After high school, she studied music history at New York University. Then it was on to Europe for a masters in archival studies from the University of Amsterdam.
As she tells it, it was a mundane domestic conundrum that sparked the idea for Autumn Sonata. (She is also a fan of the filmmaker Ingmar Bergman and saw his 1978 film that shares a name with her brand when she was in her early 20s.) She couldn't find a chic bathmat that wouldn't run into the toilet in her tiny apartment.
You might count bathmats among the things in this life that have no need to be chic. (Or so expensive: Her bathmats are \$95. A single hand towel is \$45.) Her customers are members of a more niche group that prizes provenance.
"I think it's going to be something that becomes more popular to have things with a story, a hand touch," Elias said.
Walking over to the showroom's miniature reference library, she began pulling out books and boxes, including one containing a tattered piece of fabric with a bamboo and floral print. She had worn it as a belt countless times.
“I felt like, if I keep wearing this it’s going to disintegrate, and I’ll never find something like this again,” she said. She wasn’t ready to completely consign it back to storage, though.
“It hasn’t made its way into the collection yet,” she said, stroking the fabric. “It will soon, I think.”
Autumn Sonata's towels range from \$45 (for hand towels, above) to \$125 (for a pool towel). Lilli Elias, left, who started the company in 2022, visits archives in upstate New York, London, Japan and the Netherlands and meets with antique dealers and antiquarian book sellers to find inspiration for her collections, below left and right.
The Texting Generation Delights in Picking Up a Pen
Old-fashioned joys of pen pals, stamps and envelopes find fans in some unlikely places.
By MARIA SANTA POGGI
In late June, the content creator Em-J Staples posted an open call on TikTok to play matchmaker for anyone who wanted a "summer buddy" pen pal. "I had a pen pal in Girl Scouts growing up," said Staples, 37, and, as a millennial and a mother to a 1-year-old and a 3-year-old, "I want to relive my summers with them."
"I was nostalgic for a '90s summer," she added.
The Bay Area resident didn't anticipate going viral, but she received more than 330,000 views over the following few weeks, with 14,000 individuals signing up either for email or snail mail correspondence. She paired pen pals through a compatibility questionnaire she had made on Google Forms.
As of late, zillennials have been finding delight — and refuge from a complicated world — in all that exudes “whimsy,” a word that is now internet shorthand to characterize playful and spontaneous lifestyle choices. (Related: going Luddite, all things analog and “grandma hobbies.”)
Mallory Ensing, 20, a sophomore at the University of Michigan, found her pen pal, Simme S., 20, a junior at Penn State who asked to go by her last initial for privacy, in late January, after responding to Simme's open call on TikTok.
The two previously followed each other as fans but now primarily interact by handwritten letter every three to four weeks (they have never met in person). “They’re really in-depth,” Ensing said of the letters. Or “sometimes it’s just like, ‘Oh, this is the music I listened to this week.’ It’s something as simple as that. But then we're also asking each other questions."
Above, correspondence sent by Simme S., a student at Penn State, to her pen pal, Mallory Ensing, a student at the University of Michigan. Left, when Em-J Staples, a content creator, offered to match pen pals, 14,000 people signed up.
Help matching snail-mail friends is offered (where else?) on TikTok.
EM-J STAPLES
For her part, Simme wrote in a direct message: “I’m definitely more shy and introverted, so letters give me time to think about what I want to say. There’s no pressure to respond right away or keep a conversation going in real time.”
As 2026 would have it, posting offline hobbies has become content of its own: “Both of us consistently post videos of sending each other letters,” said Ensing, who has over 24,000 followers on TikTok; Simme has nearly 18,000.
Ensing attributes the resurgence to a collective craving for personal connections that build gradually over time, and often that means not feeling pressure to meet in real life.
Sophia Hue, 21, a college senior in Idaho, has two pen pals found on social media with whom she's been corresponding for eight months. "We don't have a set time when we need to respond to each other," she said. "There's a comfort element that you don't have to see them face to face."
Of course, some people do meet face to face. Juliana Romeo, 33, is an active-duty member of the U.S. Air Force, currently stationed in Germany. For the past four years, she has been writing handwritten letters to four different pen pals she connected with on TikTok, and recently went to Manchester, England, to meet one in person. "It could have been sketchy, but she was incredible," Romeo said. "I stayed with her and we went stationery shopping and had a whole weekend together."
There is no one way to best find a pen pal. Some do it in social media comments sections, posting to their Story or, like Hue in the case of one pen pal, taking a risk and reaching out through DMs.
“It’s not necessarily about moving away from technology,” said Agus Panzoni, the head of culture strategy at the trend and media platform Death to Stock. “It’s about moving away from a format of communication that is mediated by platforms and digital systems that optimize speed, convenience and infinite access.”
According to Panzoni, having a pen pal has steadily been on the rise since 2020, which is also when matchmakers started popping up. “We were already seeing the rise of pen pal matching services on TikTok through the comment sections happening during the pandemic,” she said.
For Valentine's Day this year, Emma Orhun, a 27-year-old internet artist in Toronto, garnered traction after posting, asking to be a “pen pal wingman.”
For the first round, 23,000 people signed up and filled out an interest-based questionnaire. “People are lonelier than ever,” she said. “Our screen time is so high. Everyone is depressed and ordering Uber Eats. It’s a low-effort way to connect with someone you normally wouldn’t.”
In mid-July, Rachel Syme, a staff writer at The New Yorker, posted to Instagram offering to couple pen pals for the summer.
Previously, in the spring of 2020, Syme, who lives in Brooklyn and is in her early 40s, founded Penpalooza, a pen pal exchange that peaked at 15,000 subscribers. Currently, she matches correspondents through her DMs since noticing people's continued hunger for letter exchanges after the world opened up again. (Her first book, "Syme's Letter Writer," published in 2025, is a guide to modern correspondence and letter-writing etiquette.)
"People feel really alienated from one another," she said, adding, "There's no safe place to communicate where you're not doing it out in public," alluding to the loneliness epidemic, increasing backlash to A.I. and the digital surveillance state.
"The mail," she said, "feels sacred."
A Robot Uprising Coming to a Platform Near You
ABOVE AND BELOW, MICHELLE GROSKOPF FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
JOHN KEATLEY/REDUX
Above, the Halo creator Jason Jones, and far right, the novelist Margaret Stohl, are focused on rogue robots. One result is a graphic novel, near right. Brainstorming, top, by humans, is underway.
The creator of Halo is backing a multimedia venture built around a dystopian story line.
By ALEXANDRA ALTER
Seven years ago, Jason Jones, the enigmatic mastermind behind the multi-billion-dollar video game franchise Halo, started writing a dystopian story.
Set in a future after A.I.-powered robots go rogue, causing economic and political upheaval and threatening human civilization, the story unfolds as an oral history of the A.I. apocalypse, told from the perspectives of more than 100 characters on six continents.
So much bigger than just a novel that it is now the basis for a new entertainment company, one that uses the apocalyptic world Jones imagined as the foundation for different ways to tell a story. In an industry addicted to sequels and reboots, their company is investing heavily in this new idea — with offshoots in almost every medium, including comics, video games, manga, screen adaptations, fiction and graphic novels.
They named the company Stone Kite, because the task seemed as impossible as flying a kite made of stone.
After working in secrecy for years, Stone Kite recently released its first project, “One Zero One,” an 80-page graphic novel adapted from Jones’s manuscript. The first in a four-part series, it follows four characters as they navigate the robot uprising. The graphic novel contains Easter eggs for
When Jones reached out to his friend and collaborator Margaret Stohl, a novelist who has worked in comics and video game design, and asked her to read it, they agreed it felt bigger than a novel.
future spinoffs, and a QR code that takes readers to a community forum on Discord.
This month, Stone Kite is also publishing an excerpt from Jones's novel, "An Oral History of Humanity's Final Invention."
ABOVE AND BELOW, STONE KITE
'I've spent my whole life making games, but I've always wanted to write.' JASON JONES STONE KITE
Most studios move cautiously with new intellectual property, testing it first in one medium and then, if it succeeds, adapting it into sequels and spinoffs. Stone Kite's approach of doing everything at once is riskier. But it allows the company to pivot to another format if something isn't working, and to test out characters and story lines in formats that are cheaper and easier to produce, like short fiction and comics, Stohl said.
“Old media silos are not the way people consume media any more,” Stohl said during an interview at Stone Kite’s office in Los Angeles.
Stone Kite's model also stands out at a time when so much content is recycled from existing franchises. Disney and Marvel just saw blockbuster results for the theatrical rerelease of "Avengers Endgame: Encore," a movie that came out in 2019. Last month it earned \$86 million globally in a single weekend — almost as much as the opening weekend for Steven Spielberg's summer blockbuster, "Disclosure Day."
“Pick your safest franchise, reboot No. 57, that’s what we’re competing with, that’s what’s out there,” Stohl said.
Stohl and Jones assembled a team of 22 employees and nearly 250 collaborators, ensuring discretion with nondisclosure agreements while getting their endeavor off the ground. Stone Kite brought on film and TV veterans like the writer Akela Cooper, known for hits like “M3GAN” and “Malignant,” and the director Jay Roach, who directed the “Austin Powers” and “Meet the Parents” movies. They recruited popular authors like the fantasy writer Lev Grossman and the horror novelist Stephen Graham Jones.
Stohl also tapped into a network of illustrators and artists from her work at Marvel Comics, where she wrote for series like "The Life of Captain Marvel" and "Spider-Man Noir;" and hired beloved comic artists like Peach Momoko and Dan Panosian.
“We know it’s working because nobody says no,” Stohl said. “They all want to do it.”
Even so, finding an audience in an oversaturated entertainment landscape is hard, and Stone Kite has the added challenge of trying to break through with an untested concept.
Brandon Katz, the director of insights and content strategy at Greenlight Analytics, said he was not familiar with Stone Kite but understood the appeal of the endeavor. Studios are facing franchise fatigue and need new ideas. Still, it's a gamble. Investing so extensively in a property before its characters and story lines are beloved by audiences is “a massively risky and expensive proposition,” he said.
It could help that Jones has a towering reputation as the creator of blockbuster video game franchises like Destiny and Halo, which changed the gaming industry. Hundreds of millions of people have played his games; if just a fraction of them come to his new projects, Stone Kite could draw an enormous following.
Stephen Wacker, the editor in chief of Marvel Comics, who joined Stone Kite early on as a co-founder, said he was wary at first of Jones's reputation as a gaming legend.
"I am by nature a bit of a skeptic about people who have mythologies around them," he said.
But Jones won him over with his openness to other people's ideas, he said.
"He could have been prickly and said, 'This is my baby, don't mess it up,'” Wacker said. "But he came at it from the beginning with the attitude of, 'I don't know if any of this works, can we make it better, what can we do?'
As co-founders, Jones and Stohl make an unlikely pair. She loves meetings and networking. He's a bit of a cipher who rarely talks to the press — he declined to be interviewed for this article — and prefers to work behind the scenes. Jones has visited Stone Kite's offices but isn't a regular presence. He sometimes joins meetings on video or speaker phone, from a location that Stone Kite's public relations team and co-founder would not disclose.
But in years of collaborating, they discovered that they share a love of whiteboards, military history and ambitious storytelling.
They first met in 2017, when Stohl worked as a consultant for Bungie, the video game company Jones co-founded when he was in college and later sold to Microsoft. Stohl had worked extensively in comics and gaming, but Jones mostly wanted to talk to her about books, and told her he wanted to try fiction.
"I've spent my whole life making games, but I've always wanted to write," Jones said in a statement over email. "Margie was the first person to believe I could write a book of my own, the first person to read it, and the one person I trusted to help me develop it into epic entertainment."
The screenwriter Eric Heisserer said he was initially reluctant when a Stone Kite executive reached out to him and asked him to read a manuscript, but wouldn't reveal the author's name.
"I rolled my eyes a little bit, then 20 percent of the way through the novel, I was like, 'Wow, this is pretty good,' and halfway through, I was actively angry at how good it was," said Heisserer, who wrote the Academy Award-nominated screenplay for the sci-fi film "Arrival."
He was even more intrigued when he learned the novel was written by Jones, and that it was a jumping-off point for an extended universe of content. "He reminds me a bit of Charlie from 'Charlie's Angels':
He was occasionally on the other side of the speaker phone, and there was some mystery around that," said Heisserer, who adapted Jones's manuscript into the graphic novel "One Zero One."
The week before the launch, Stohl rushed around Stone Kite's offices, a large, loftlike space in Santa Monica, Calif., that once housed the architect Frank Gehry's studio, and is now full of comic art, an old Tron video game console and an impressive array of snacks.
She had a packed day, darting from a meeting with Stone Kite's film team to talk about the fabrication of robot parts for a short film project, to a meeting with the editors of the graphic novel, and then to a video call with Grossman and the novelist Tochi Onyebuchi about their fiction projects.
During a meeting about the graphic novel, which was almost ready to go to press, Stohl studied illustrated pages hanging on the wall.
“Did you fix the issue of, is the font readable?” she asked.
One of the editors assured her that the font was in fact now readable.
“What else are you worried about?” Stohl asked. One concern they had addressed was making sure that all the A.I. references and language were up-to-date, because the technology was evolving so fast, one of the editors said.
It seems eerily well timed that Stone Kite's first piece of I.P. features deviant, superintelligent machines. Jones started writing it years before rogue A.I. agents launched cyberattacks, setting off fears that artificial intelligence has escaped human control and could threaten humanity's future. Now, Jones's premise no longer sounds like fantasy.
"The headlines in the world are paralleling so closely to things he wrote about in this book years ago," Stohl said. "It used to seem like fiction."
Former Disney Star Looks Back and Goes Forward
'You say to yourself, "If I had taken the wrong roads, if I had not stopped drinking, if I had not met Brendan, my life could have looked very different."
ARIANA GOMEZ FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
DISNEY, VIA ALAMY
MICHAEL CAULFIELD ARCHIVE/WIREIMAGE, VIA GETTY IMAGES
DISNEY CHANNEL, VIA GETTY IMAGES
Christy Carlson Romano joins fellow child actors getting honest about their early years.
By MADISON MALONE KIRCHER
Christy Carlson Romano was nervous as she grabbed a wakesurfing board on a small boat on Lake Austin.
Handing Romano a lifejacket, her friend Emily Papermaster jokingly asked, "How do you get stage fright?"
Romano, a former child actor, playfully retorted, “Because I’m traumatized,” and then dived into the water.
Romano, 42, quickly got up on the board as she carved along the waves, a consummate performer's smile concealing her nerves.
If she wasn't enjoying herself, you'd have never known, a lingering remnant of her childhood.
It was a typical August day in Austin, Texas, where Romano — known for her lead roles in early 2000s classics like “Even Stevens,” “Kim Possible” and “Cadet Kelly” — now lives with her husband and their two daughters. She was enjoying a bit of “adult summer,” she said, in between shuttling her daughters to activities and making social media content with her husband.
In the early aughts, if you were a tween, Romano was a household name — a constant on Disney Channel, where she was at one point in three leading roles simultaneously. At 19, she starred as Belle on Broadway. Her agents were trying to position her as the next Jennifer Aniston. But behind the scenes, there was also incredible emotional and financial pressure. As her smiling face was splashed across billboards in Times Square, she was grappling with substance abuse.
These dualities are at the heart of her new memoir, “Once Upon a Trainwreck: The Fall and Rise of a Child Star.”
It's a forthright, often bleak, look at her early years on sets.
While some of her peers, like Hilary Duff, Miley Cyrus and Selena Gomez, have stayed in the spotlight, Romano has mostly left the stage behind. She went back to school and eventually moved her family to Texas, where she wouldn't “feel the pressure of the industry.”
She has been a polarizing figure in the former-child-actor world, with occasional criticisms of her peers and social media gaffes. In 2024, she criticized the bombshell docuseries “Quiet on Set: The Dark Side of Kids TV,” leading some to call her a hypocrite.
When she started drafting the book two years ago, Romano thought the process would be straightforward, “a linear document about my life.” What she found instead was unexpected closure amid pages about familial dysfunction, alcoholism and sexual violence.
While many of her followers are longtime fans who describe growing up alongside Romano, others accuse her of clinging to the past.
“People want and expect me to still talk about the past, but only in a way that makes them comfortable,” Romano said.
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A Growing Genre
In recent years, a few voices of child star-dom survivors have turned into an avalanche of unflinching accounts.
There was Jennette McCurdy's best-selling “I’m Glad My Mom Died,” which cracked open a discussion about exploitative work conditions and abusive stage parents, and several others like it.
Other Disney names, including Cyrus, Duff and Demi Lovato, have shared stories about being sexualized at a young age, having their bodies scrutinized and feeling pressure to be perfect.
Romano, who fled the Hollywood bubble and is a bit older than those other celebrities, reflects from a different vantage point. Much of the book is a love letter to her daughters, offering insight for when they are older, but Romano hopes her writing will contribute to the shifting understanding of what is at stake for “high-performing children,” like actors and athletes.
For most people, the view of former Disney stars is much cheerier.
Over lunch that August day at a members-only club, a fan approached the table to say hello to Romano, bringing up an episode of “Even Stevens” in which Romano’s character, the overachieving Ren Stevens, sings a song about man walking on the moon.
Romano graciously chatted and encouraged the woman to attend an upcoming book signing. Fans still do this a lot; it happened again that day over dinner. Romano embraces it, but it can also be a reminder of darker moments.
It had been only a few days since Hayden Panettiere, another former child star, died of an accidental drug overdose at 36. Romano felt her death acutely, though she did not know Panettiere well.
“You can’t help but feel a tethering,” Romano said. “You say to yourself, like, ‘That could have been me,’ in a weird way, like in a very quiet, subconscious way.”
She added, “You say to yourself, ‘If I had taken the wrong roads, if I had not stopped drinking, if I had not met Brendan, my life could have looked very different.’”
Romano struggled with alcoholism for years, beginning as a teenager, she said. She said drinking became her “solution for everything.” She would think, “Oh, I need to be social, so I’ll go get a drink,” she recalled.
She and her husband, Brendan Rooney, a veteran Marine she met in film classes, are sober now. Romano stopped drinking when she became pregnant with their first child in 2016. The couple say they are trying to build a life for their children with less pressure and more stability.
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Rapid Ascent
Romano, who started working at 6, was discovered by a talent manager in her Connecticut hometown and was shuttled to au-
Christy Carlson Romano has written a memoir about her early years, when she appeared in “Cadet Kelly,” center left, and “Even Stevens,” above. Above right, Romano, right, with her fellow former child stars Raven-Symoné, Hayden Panettiere and Kirsten Storms.
ditions by her mother. Her early roles were darker than the Disney fare she became known for — including as Mary Phagan, the child whose rape and murder is at the center of the Broadway musical “Parade.”
She and her mother moved to Los Angeles in 2000, when Romano got the role on the hit “Even Stevens.” She quickly became one of Disney Channel’s main faces, also playing the misunderstood drill team captain in the movie “Cadet Kelly” and voicing the titular teenage vigilante in the animated “Kim Possible.”
She attended school remotely while working long days on set, where she felt the crew encouraged the sibling hatred dynamic between her character and Shia La-Beouf's.
She described LaBeouf being directed in one scene to “pelt” her in the face with “paint-filled tomatoes,” which caused her braces to cut up the inside of her mouth.
Romano said she felt as if she had to balance fitting in with the adults while also being expected to act like her “Even Stevens” character, a goody-two-shoes, even when off camera.
While drinking with fellow underage friends during a press tour, she worried about what any missteps might mean for her career.
“I lived in fear a lot,” Romano said.
Behind the scenes, things were tense with her parents, who Romano said “occasionally hit” her as a child. She and her mother spent much of the money she had earned irresponsibly, she said, leaving her nearly broke by the time she was 24.
Her mother often pitted her against Duff, star of “Lizzie McGuire” and the blond ingénue to Romano’s brunette villain in “Cadet Kelly,” Romano writes in the book.
Romano's fraught relationship with her mother, Sharon, looms large. She describes her as a manipulative and at times physical disciplinarian. "She has zero patience and takes her anger out on me," Romano writes. Still, she said that her mother told her "when it stops being fun, we'll stop" and that she blamed herself for not leaving the industry sooner. They are on better terms now.
Sharon Carlson Romano could not be reached for comment, and Anthony Romano died in 2017.
When it came time for Romano to pivot to mature roles, she struggled.
She was told she was too old for Disney lead roles but too young to be a parent or a teacher onscreen. "You kind of get stuck doing just the TV stuff, and you don't have a lot of opportunities to get out of it," Romano said.
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Online Second Act
While she still acts occasionally — she has a Hallmark movie coming out this Christmas
— in recent years Romano has turned to social media. Her video diaries are part earnest reflection and occasional rage bait, with clicky titles like “How I Lost ‘The Princess Diaries’ to Anne Hathaway.”
From the outside, it can look as if Romano might be stumbling, unable to let go of her past. She's in on the joke, she insists, even if some people think she is "giving crazy aunt vibes."
She recently deleted all social media apps from her phone, and she and her husband have a designated device for when they need to scroll or post.
“I can’t be fighting battles online over things that just aren’t true or just are never going to have a deeper context,” Romano said, “or try to win people over that are just not my people.”
Still, her online second act has been lucrative, Romano said, seated at her kitchen table on a recent Saturday afternoon. She has traded signing autographs at fan conventions for signing brand deals, an indication of changing industry norms.
In the epilogue of her memoir, Romano writes about being hit in the face in a much-covered accidental discharge at a gun range where she went clay pigeon shooting with her husband. It was a moment that gave her clarity, she said, about her priorities.
Some online were critical, saying she was milking the moment.
“People think that I really want attention,” Romano said. “There’s this idea of just like, ‘There she goes again.’”
But for Romano, the experience helped her finally shed lingering childhood doubts: She no longer cares.
By INGRID ABRAMOVITCH
Glass and Light Sculpted Into Works of Art
Lindsey Adelman makes innovative custom chandeliers for design aficionados. This year is her studio's 20th anniversary.
PHOTOGRAPHS BY PAOLA CHAPDELAINE FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
Top right, Lindsey Adelman in her studio on the Lower East Side of Manhattan, where she makes clay molds that will be cast into pieces of her chandeliers, above left. Examples of her work, top left and above right, show her idiosyncratic aesthetic, which includes using salvaged parts.
Twenty-one years ago, Lindsey Adelman was wandering along Canal Street in Lower Manhattan, then a bustling destination for people seeking surplus electronics and hardware, when she spotted a crate filled with lamp fittings, including tubing, swivels and electrical parts. She had spent the previous decade finding her footing as an industrial designer while producing offbeat artworks incorporating human hair — often her own.
"I'm always looking for constraints that I can play around with," said Adelman, who challenged herself to create a light fixture out of the brass fittings she scavenged from those crates. "I could see how to hack the system to make a lamp that was not expected — forms that were spidery, organic, out of control."
Growing up, she had accompanied her mother, Pamela Russell, a Westchester aerobics instructor turned interior designer, on trips to high-end décor showrooms in Manhattan. Remembering those excursions, she decided that her own lighting creation needed “an element of sensuality and luxury.” At UrbanGlass in Downtown Brooklyn, she collaborated with the glassblower Michiko Sakano on a series of soap bubble-like globes — inspired by the loops she had been obsessively drawing at the time — which she attached to the lamp parts she found on Canal Street.
The resulting chandelier, Branching Bubble, started Adelman's namesake studio and introduced a new kind of lighting to American interiors: part industrial salvage, part biomorphic sculpture, with a decidedly downtown attitude. Designers such as Kelly Wearstler, Amy Lau and Kelly Behun, along with the architect Peter Marino, were early adopters. Before long, Adelman's lighting was illuminating the homes of the artist Kara Walker and the actresses Julianne
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An entrepreneur and artist runs her business her way, which means having fun and exploring other interests.
Moore, Glenn Close and Cate Blanchett.
“Her products, the chandeliers in particular, make a huge statement in a room,” said Nicole Hollis, the San Francisco-based interior designer. “It’s like a beautiful drawing floating in the air.”
On a recent afternoon, Adelman, 58, sat in her 5,000-square-foot showroom in NoHo, reflecting on her studio as it begins its third decade. She has built a sizable, independently owned company without ever having had a business plan. Over the years, her collection has grown to include more than 100 lighting models — from the jewel-like Cherry Bomb series she introduced in 2014, inspired by Japanese cherry blossoms, to her most recent collection, Andromeda, whose rocklike orbs and angular planes evoke an asteroid collision.
“She’s always been a tastemaker, a trendsetter, a stylemaker,” said David Alhadeff, who represents Adelman through the Future Perfect, his design gallery, with locations in New York, Miami, Los Angeles and San Francisco. “And the world has really followed her direction,” he added.
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Changing the Rules
Adelman manages her team as creatively as she conducts her life. Take Leo Madriz, a production builder and quality control supervisor at the studio. Soon after he started working with her 15 years ago, he inquired about taking classes and asked her, "Could I take a few days unpaid to go and do it?"
Madriz's request inspired Adelman to offer every employee a paid week off every two years to attend any kind of creative workshop. She even provided a stipend of up to \$2,000 for tuition and transportation. The only requirement was that participants give a show-and-tell presentation at the studio upon their return. Since then, Madriz and his colleagues have taken classes around the world on everything from neon-light-crafting in Iceland to backstrap-loom-weaving in Thailand.
For someone as unconventional as Adelman, she has always been clear about what she wants. In the 1990s, a few years after graduating from the Rhode Island School of Design, she discovered the work of her fellow alumnus David Weeks, who was producing architectural, mobilelike pendants in his Brooklyn shop.
"He was totally ignoring all the rules of lighting," she said. "I immediately wanted to work for him." But Weeks did not have the budget to hire her at the time.
A few months later, Adelman overheard “I Feel for You” by Chaka Khan coming from a loft in SoHo and persuaded a friend to join her in crashing what she thought was a raucous party.
“We ran up and started dancing, and when I looked up, I was dancing with David Weeks,” she recalled.
“I have a little money now!” Weeks shouted to Adelman over the music on the dance floor, adding, “How do you know the bride and groom?”
Charmed by her moxie and impressed with her talent, he hired her. "She's always had confidence and charisma," said Weeks, who taught Adelman the basics of running a small lighting design company.
In 2000, the two started a new venture: Butter, a design collaborative, creating such items as their best-selling \$25 Lunette clip-on lampshade and a vending machine that dispensed limited-edition designs.
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Branching Bubble
In 2004, as Butter was winding down and Adelman went looking for her next act, she conceptualized and designed her Branching Bubble chandelier. A developer in Brooklyn ordered three and installed them in a model townhouse. When the neighboring rowhouses were sold, several of the buyers ordered her lighting. She invested the money she made by renting a booth in New York in 2006 at the International Contemporary Furniture Fair, plating the fixtures in 24-karat gold and rolling the glass in gold leaf.
“In my imagination, I was designing for Donatella Versace,” Adelman said. “It started taking off, and I was making a profit. But it really was one fixture at a time.”
She devised the collection as an integrated system that, like a luxe Erector Set, could be expanded and customized to suit any environment. But she could barely keep up with demand for her fixtures, some of which sold for tens of thousands of dollars. Because she didn't apply for a patent, she inadvertently set in motion a global industry of Branching Bubble knockoffs at bargain prices.
NIGEL COX
LAUREN COLEMAN
"It bothered a lot of people in my company," Adelman said, "but I saw it as more of a social phenomenon than a threat." She feels differently now, wondering whether she was "in denial" about it. Today, she has intellectual property lawyers to protect her ideas.
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Creative Management
During the pandemic, the actress Gwyneth Paltrow contacted Adelman, who told her about her concept of creating a chandelier with Murano-style globes suspended from brass chains, like a cascading necklace stack. Paltrow immediately ordered the first Paradise chandelier, for her living room in Montecito, Calif.
The actress Marisa Tomei, who regards Adelman as a “visionary,” sought her out, hoping to solve a complex design issue. “I had a very specific spot I needed to mask but also let a lot of light in,” she told me. “She jumped in with a gorgeous bubble chandelier.”
Adelman has always insisted on retaining full ownership of her business and has vowed never to sell her brand, since it bears her own name.
That level of control lets her run things her way — and have fun doing so. In 2015, her team helped her make a music video, "Show Me." They spent six months rehearsing the choreography during work hours; participation was voluntary, and Adelman designed the sets, costumes and jewelry. For another video, she created a slow-motion sequence of a pair of \$45,000 chandeliers from her Burst collection colliding and exploding. "Our studio is creatively driven at the core," Adelman said.
At the same time, being a successful entrepreneur demands that she make some tough calls. Two years ago, Adelman decided to outsource manufacturing of her main lighting collection from her production line in New York City to a company in North Carolina, which she declined to name.
“We were managing parts from hundreds of suppliers, and they could do everything — the machining, the plating — all under one roof,” she said.
Unfortunately, this meant reducing her team to 20 employees from 35 and retraining the remaining operations staff members to work on design development, while turning her Lower East Side workshop into a laboratory for experimentation and custom projects.
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Celebrating a Milestone
While her studio's 20th anniversary set off thoughts of a celebration, Adelman decided to hold a small online auction of archival pieces at Wright in December. She plans to devote a portion of the proceeds to City Harvest, a food rescue organization in New York City. (Adelman also donates 1 percent of her annual profits to charities, including the Robin Hood Foundation, which fights poverty.) Through Nov. 1, two new Adelman chandeliers will appear in a group show called “Use Me, I’m Fragile,” which is focused on glass design, at the Future Perfect gallery in the West Village of Manhattan.
Lately, Adelman has redirected some of her energy toward spiritual pursuits: She is studying somatic therapy, while training to become a breath work facilitator.
"When you've been going hard for a long time, it can drain creative joy," Adelman said. "The way I wanted to celebrate 20 years was to chill out for a minute and work less, frankly. That, to me, feels super creative."